Idi Amin Dada Oumee[a] (30 May 1928 – 16 August 2003) was a Ugandan military officer and politician who served as the thirdpresident of Uganda from 1971 untilhis overthrow in 1979. An admirer ofAdolf Hitler, he ruled as amilitary dictator and is considered one of the most brutaldespots in modern world history. He is often called "Hitler of Africa" and his ideology draws similarity toNational Socialism.[4][5][6][7]
Amin was born to aKakwa father andLugbara mother. In 1946, he joined theKing's African Rifles (KAR) of theBritish Colonial Army as a cook. He rose to the rank oflieutenant, taking part inBritish actions against Somali rebels and then theMau Mau Uprising inKenya.Uganda gained independence from theUnited Kingdom in 1962, and Amin remained in thearmy, rising to the position of deputy army commander in 1964 and being appointed commander two years later. He became aware that Ugandan presidentMilton Obote was planning to arrest him for misappropriating army funds, so he launched the1971 Ugandan coup d'état and declared himself president.
As Amin's rule progressed into the late 1970s, there was increased unrest against his persecution of certain ethnic groups and political dissidents, along with Uganda's very poor international standing due to Amin's support forPFLP-EO andRZ hijackers in 1976, leading to Israel'sOperation Entebbe. He then attempted to annexTanzania'sKagera Region in 1978. Tanzanian PresidentJulius Nyerere ordered his troops toinvade Uganda in response. Tanzanian Army and rebel forces successfullycaptured Kampala in 1979 and ousted Amin from power. Amin went into exile, first in Libya, thenIraq, and finally inSaudi Arabia, where he lived until his death in 2003.[15]
Amin's rule was characterized by rampanthuman rights abuses includingpolitical repression andextrajudicial killings as well asnepotism, corruption, and gross economic mismanagement. International observers andhuman rights groups estimate that between 100,000[16] and 500,000 people were killed under his regime. His brutality and atrocities towards Ugandans has given him the nickname, "The Butcher of Uganda".[14]
Virtually all retellings of Amin's early life are contradictory, as he did not write anautobiography and never authorized a written account of his life.[2][17] British governmental records put Amin's birth year in 1925; however, no records were kept for native Ugandans at the time.[2][14] In a 1972 interview withJudith Hare, Amin gives his birthplace as the village ofKoboko and his age as 46, which would put his birth year as 1926. In a book published in 1977 byLittle, Brown and Company and written by a British advisor inUganda using thepseudonym David Gwyn, Amin was born inBuganda with his age given as 48, placing his birth year in 1928. The most comprehensive biography of Amin comes from his family based on oral tradition, which has some authority but its details ultimately cannot be confirmed. Family tradition and Saudi authorities in Jeddah puts his birth date as 10Dhu al-Hijja 1346 in theIslamic calendar (30 May 1928 in the Gregorian Calendar).[18][2]
Nakasero Hill inKampala, the district where Amin was reportedly born according to his family
According to Amin's family, Ugandan oral tradition, and his Saudi death certificate, Idi Amin Dada Oumee was born on 30 May 1928 around 4 a.m. in his father's workplace, the Shimoni Police Barracks inNakasero Hill,Kampala.[2][19][20][21] He was given the name Idi after his birth on the Muslim holiday ofEid al-Adha.[19][2] According to Fred Guweddeko, a researcher atMakerere University, Amin's birth name was Idi Awo-Ango Angoo.[21] There is disagreement on the meaning of the name "Dada", with some arguing that it meant "sister" or "effeminate" inKiswahili, but most sources agree that "Dada" was a clan within the Kakwa tribe which was observed over thirteen generations.[17][2][19]
He was the third son of Amin Dada Nyabira Tomuresu (1889–1976), an ethnicKakwa, and his second wife, Aisha Chumaru Aate (1904–1970), aLugbara.[21][2] His father waschristened as aRoman Catholic and born with the name Andreas Nyabira Tomuresu. According to British journalistDavid Martin, Nyabira spent most of his life inSouth Sudan.[2] He converted toIslam in 1910 after being conscripted as abugler by the colonial British army under his uncle, theKakwa tribal leader Sultan Ali Kenyi Dada as a six-year-oldchild soldier and was given the name Amin Dada.[21][19][2] He joined theProtectorate Police Force in Kampala's Nsambia Police Barracks in 1913.[2]
Nyabira was forcibly conscripted into theBritishKing's African Rifles (KAR) in 1914 where he fought in theFirst World War during theEast African campaign inTanganyika before being honorably discharged in 1921 and given a plot of land inArua District. The same year, he joined the Protectorate Police Force in the Nsambia Police Barracks prior to being transferred to the Shimoni Police Barracks in 1928, where Amin was born according to his family. He was transferred to the Kololo Police Barracks and retired from the police force in 1931 and worked at the Office of the Resident District Commissioner in Arua District.[2]
His mother, Aisha Aate, was born to a Kakwa mother and Lugbara father. By all accounts, Aate was a traditional healer, herbalist, and a midwife.[21] Ten years before Amin's birth, Aate joined theAllah Water (also known as Yakani) movement, which was an anti-colonialalternative medicine congregation centered on a "water of Yakan" that was infused with a psychedelicdaffodil plant locally known as Kamiojo, described as the "LSD of Central Africa". The movement was repressed by British colonial authorities, who had judged it as rebellion.[22][23] Despite being largely described as a cult, Amin's family claims that Aate was a priestess in the "Yakanye Order" which they explained as a "secret African society", of which Idi Amin was also a member, that used "sacred water and other mystical powers" for warfare.[2]
According to Amin's family, Aate had cured Irene Drusilla Namaganda, then Queen of Buganda and wife ofDaudi Cwa II of Buganda, of her infertility. Aate's high-ranking role in the Allah Water movement allegedly gained the interest of theBugandan royal family and her alleged connection to the family led to rumours of Amin's biological father being Daudi Chwa II.[2][20] These rumours were reportedly spread by Nyabira's childless senior wife, who was spiteful of Aate bearing two children.[2]
Amin's parents divorced when he was four, and most accounts suggest that he moved in with his mother's family in 1944 in the rural farming town of Mawale Parish,Luweero District, in north-western Uganda.[24][21] The divorce of his parents was reportedly due to the lasting rumours regarding Idi's paternity, which angered his mother.[20] Despite this, his family insists that he moved with his father per Muslim tradition in Tanganyika Parish, Arua District, while his mother continued to practice healing in Buganda.[2]
While living with his mother's relatives, Amin reportedly worked as agoat farmer from ages eight to ten.[21] In 1938, he moved to the home of Sheikh Ahmed Hussein in the nearby town ofSemuto and beganmemorizing the Quran through recitation until he was 12.[21] In 1940, Amin moved toBombo and lived with his maternal uncle, Yusuf Tanaboo.[21] He attempted to register forprimary school but was rejected, this was reportedly due to Amin's paternalNubian heritage.[21]
The same year, Amin was injured while participating in Nubian riots against discrimination atMakerere University inWandegeya.[21] He was enrolled in the Garayamadrasa in Bombo and continued memorizing the Quran under Mohammed Al Rajab until 1944, and reportedly won honours in recitation in 1943.[21] Amin was conscripted by the colonial army alongside fifteen other students before being discharged for being underage.[21]
In 1945, he moved to the Kiyindi Parish inBwaise Parish and worked different odd jobs, including a stint as a doorman and concierge assistant at theGrand Imperial Hotel in Kampala.[21]
Amin joined the King's African Rifles (KAR) in 1946 as an assistant cook, while at the same time receiving military training until 1947.[14][25] In later life he falsely claimed to have served in theBurma Campaign ofWorld War II.[14][26][27] He was transferred to Kenya for infantry service as a private in 1947, and served in the 21st KAR infantry battalion inGilgil,Kenya Colony until 1949. That year, his unit was deployed to northern Kenya to fight againstSomali rebels. In 1952, his brigade was deployed against theMau Mau rebels in Kenya. He was promoted to corporal the same year, then to sergeant in 1953.[21]
In 1959, Amin was madeEffendi Class 2 (Warrant Officer),[28] the highest possible rank for a black soldier in the KAR. Amin returned to Uganda the same year and received a short-service commission as a lieutenant on 15 July 1961, becoming one of the first two Ugandans to become commissioned officers.[28] He was assigned to quell the cattle rustling between Uganda'sKaramojong and Kenya'sTurkana nomads.[21] According to researcher Holger Bernt Hansen, Amin's outlook, behavior and strategies of communication were strongly influenced by his experiences in the colonial military. This included his direct and hands-on leadership style which would eventually contribute to his popularity among certain parts of Ugandan society.[29]
In 1962, following Uganda's independence from theUnited Kingdom, Amin was promoted to captain and then, in 1963, to major. He was appointed Deputy Commander of the Army in 1964 and, the following year, to Commander of the Army.[21] In 1970, he was promoted to commander of all the armed forces.[30]
Amin was an athlete during his time in both the British and Uganda Army. At 1.93 m (6 ft 4 in) tall and powerfully built, he was theUgandan light heavyweight boxing champion from 1951 to 1960, as well as a swimmer. Amin was also a formidable rugby forward,[31][32] although one officer said of him: "Idi Amin is a splendid type and a good (rugby) player, but virtually bone from the neck up, and needs things explained in words of one letter".[32][33] In the 1950s, he played for Nile RFC.[34]
There is a frequently repeated urban myth that he was selected as a replacement by theEast Africa rugby union team for their1955 tour match against theBritish Lions.[32][34] Amin, however, does not appear in the team photograph or on the official team list.[35]
In 1965,Prime MinisterMilton Obote and Amin were implicated in a deal to smuggle ivory and gold into Uganda from theDemocratic Republic of the Congo. The deal, as later alleged by General Nicholas Olenga, an associate of the former Congolese leaderPatrice Lumumba, was part of an arrangement to help troops opposed to the Congolese government trade ivory and gold for arms supplies secretly smuggled to them by Amin. In 1966, theUgandan Parliament demanded an investigation. Obote imposed a new constitution abolishing the ceremonial presidency held byKabaka (King)Mutesa II of Buganda and declared himself executive president. He promoted Amin to colonel and army commander. Amin ledan attack on the Kabaka's palace and forced Mutesa into exile to the United Kingdom, where he remained until his death in 1969.[36][37]
Amin began recruiting members of Kakwa, Lugbara,South Sudanese, and other ethnic groups from theWest Nile area borderingSouth Sudan. The South Sudanese had been residents inUganda since the early 20th century, having come from South Sudan to serve the colonial army. Many African ethnic groups in northern Uganda inhabit both Uganda and South Sudan; allegations persist that Amin's army consisted mainly of South Sudanese soldiers.[38]
Eventually a rift developed between Amin and Obote, exacerbated by the support Amin had built within the Uganda Army by recruiting from theWest Nile region (his region of origin), his involvement in operations to support therebellion in southern Sudan and an attempt on Obote's life in 1969. In October 1970, Obote took control of the armed forces, reducing Amin from his months-old post of commander of all the armed forces to that of the commander of the Uganda Army.[30][39]
Having learned that Obote was planning to arrest him for misappropriating army funds, Amin seized power in amilitary coup with the assistance ofIsraeli government agents[40][41][42] on 25 January 1971, while Obote was attending that year'sCommonwealth summit meeting in Singapore. Troops loyal to Amin sealed offEntebbe International Airport and took Kampala. Soldiers surrounded Obote's residence and blocked major roads. A broadcast onRadio Uganda accused Obote's government of corruption and preferential treatment of theLango region. Cheering crowds were reported in the streets of Kampala after the radio broadcast.[43] Amin, who presented himself a soldier, not a politician, declared that themilitary government would remain only as acaretaker regime until new elections, which would be held when the situation was normalized. He promised to release allpolitical prisoners.[44]
Amin held a state funeral in April 1971 for Edward Mutesa, former king (kabaka) of Buganda and president, who had died in exile.[45]
On 2 February 1971, one week after the coup, Amin declared himself President of Uganda,Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Uganda ArmyChief of Staff, and Chief of Air Staff. He suspended certain provisions of theUgandan constitution, and soon instituted an Advisory Defense Council composed of military officers with himself as the chairman. Amin placedmilitary tribunals above the system ofcivil law, appointed soldiers to top posts in government andgovernment-owned corporations, and informed the newly inducted civiliancabinet ministers that they would be subject tomilitary courtesy.[30][46] Aminruled by decree; over the course of his rule he issued approximately 30 decrees.[47][48]
Amin renamed the presidential lodge in Kampala from Government House to "The Command Post". He disbanded the General Service Unit (GSU), an intelligence agency created by the previous government, and replaced it with theState Research Bureau (SRB). SRB headquarters at the Kampala suburb ofNakasero became the scene oftorture andcapital punishment over the next few years.[49] Other agencies used to persecute dissenters included themilitary police and the Public Safety Unit (PSU).[49]
Obote took refuge in Tanzania, having been offered sanctuary there by the Tanzanian PresidentJulius Nyerere. Obote was soon joined by 20,000 Ugandan refugees fleeing Amin. The exiles attempted but failed to regain Uganda in 1972, through a poorly organisedcoup attempt.[50]
Many victims of Amin's regime perished in torture chambers during his reign.
Amin retaliated against theattempted invasion by Ugandan exiles in 1972 by purging theUganda Army of Obote supporters, predominantly those from theAcholi andLango ethnic groups.[51] In July 1971, Lango and Acholi soldiers had been massacred in theJinja andMbararabarracks.[52] By early 1972, some 5,000 Acholi and Lango soldiers, and at least twice as many civilians, had disappeared.[53] The victims soon came to include members of otherethnic groups, religious leaders, journalists, artists, senior bureaucrats, judges, lawyers,students and intellectuals, criminal suspects, and foreign nationals. In this atmosphere of violence, many other people were killed for criminal motives or simply at will. Bodies were often dumped into the River Nile.[54]
The killings, motivated by ethnic, political, and financial factors, continued throughout Amin's eight years in control.[53] The exact number of people killed is unknown. TheInternational Commission of Jurists estimated the death toll at no fewer than 80,000 and more likely around 300,000. An estimate compiled by exile organizations with the help ofAmnesty International puts the number killed at 500,000.[14]
In his 1997 bookState of Blood: The Inside Story of Idi Amin,Henry Kyemba (who was a Ugandan minister for three years in Amin's cabinet) states that "Amin's bizarre behavior derives partly from his tribal background. Like many other warrior societies, theKakwa, Amin's tribe, are known to have practiced blood rituals on slain enemies. These involve cutting a piece of flesh from the body to subdue the dead man's spirit or tasting the victim's blood to render the spirit harmless. Such rituals still exist among the Kakwa. Amin's practices do not stop at tasting blood: on several occasions he has boasted to me and others that he has eaten human flesh." (Kyemba 109–10)[55]
Amin recruited his followers from his own ethnic group, the Kakwas, along with South Sudanese, and Nubians. By 1977, these three groups formed 60 per cent of the 22 top generals and 75 per cent of the cabinet. Similarly, Muslims formed 80 per cent and 87.5 per cent of these groups even though they were only 5 percent of the population. This helps explain why Amin survived eight attempted coups.[57] The Uganda Army grew from 10,000 to 25,000 by 1978. Amin's military was largely a mercenary force. Half the soldiers were South Sudanese and 26 per cent Congolese, with only 24 per cent being Ugandan, mostly Muslim andKakwa.[58]
We are determined to make the ordinary Ugandan master of his own destiny and, above all, to see that he enjoys the wealth of his country. Our deliberate policy is to transfer the economic control of Uganda into the hands of Ugandans, for the first time in our country's history.
Refugees of Uganda's Asian Community in theNetherlands, November 1972
In August 1972, Amin declared what he called an "economic war", a set of policies that included the expropriation of properties owned by Asians and Europeans. Uganda's 80,000 Asians were mostly from theIndian subcontinent and born in the country, their ancestors having come to Uganda in search of prosperity when India was still a British colony.[60] Many owned businesses, including large-scale enterprises, which formed the backbone of the Ugandan economy.[61][62][63] In fact, he even referred to Asians as the "Brown Jews" because of their dominance in commerce and their perceived economic control.[64] Furthermore, Amin expressed his sympathy for Hitler where he said Hitler was right for burning over six million Jews because "the Israelis are not a people who work for humanity."[65]
On 4 August 1972, Amin issued a decreeordering the expulsion of the 50,000 Asians who were British passport holders. This was later amended to include all 60,000 Asians who were not Ugandan citizens. Amin claimed that he had a dream in which God told him he must expel all Asians for the welfare of Uganda. Furthermore, he believed that Asians were sabotaging the economy of Uganda.[66] Additionally, the reasons articulated by Amin suggest a racial basis for the expulsion.[67] Around 30,000 Ugandan Asians emigrated to the UK. Others went to Commonwealth countries such asAustralia,South Africa,Canada, andFiji, or toIndia,Kenya,Pakistan,Sweden,Tanzania, and theUnited States.[61][62][63] Amin expropriated businesses and properties belonging to the Asians and the Europeans and handed them over to his supporters. Without the experienced owners and proprietors, businesses were mismanaged and many industries collapsed from lack of operational expertise and maintenance. This proved disastrous for the already declining Ugandan economy.[46] At the time, Asians accounted for 90% of the country's tax revenue; with their removal, Amin's administration lost a large chunk of government revenue. The economy all but collapsed.[68]
In 1975,Emmanuel Bwayo Wakhweya, Amin's finance minister and longest-serving cabinet member at the time, defected toLondon.[71] This prominent defection helpedHenry Kyemba, Amin's health minister and a former official of the first Obote regime,to defect in 1977 and resettle in the UK. Kyemba wrote and publishedA State of Blood, the first insider exposé of Amin's rule.[72]
Initially, Amin was supported by Western powers such asIsrael,West Germany, and, in particular, the United Kingdom. During the late 1960s, Obote'smove to the left, which included hisCommon Man's Charter and thenationalisation of 80 British companies, had made the West worried that he would pose a threat to Western capitalist interests in Africa and make Uganda an ally of theSoviet Union. Amin, who had served with the King's African Rifles and taken part in Britain's suppression of theMau Mau uprising prior to Ugandan independence, was known by the British as "intensely loyal to Britain". This made him an obvious choice as Obote's successor. Although some have claimed that Amin was being groomed for power as early as 1966, the plotting by the British and other Western powers began in earnest in 1969, after Obote had begun his nationalization programme.[74]
Throughout the first year of his presidency, Amin received key military and financial support from the United Kingdom and Israel. In July 1971 he visited both countries and asked for advanced military equipment, but the states refused to provide hardware unless the Ugandan government paid for it. Amin decided to seek foreign support elsewhere and in February 1972 he visitedLibya. Amin denouncedZionism, and in return Libyan leaderMuammar Gaddafi pledged Uganda an immediate $25 million loan to be followed by more lending from the Libyan–Ugandan Development Bank. Over the following months Amin successively removed Israeli military advisers from his government, expelled all other Israeli technicians, and finally broke diplomatic relations.[75] Gaddafi also mediated a resolution to long-standing Ugandan–Sudanese tensions, with Amin agreeing to stop backingAnyanya rebels in southern Sudan and instead recruit the former guerilla fighters into his army.[76]
Following the expulsion of Ugandan Asians in 1972, most of whom were of Indian descent, India severeddiplomatic relations with Uganda. The same year, as part of his "economic war", Amin broke diplomatic ties with the United Kingdom and nationalized all British-owned businesses.[77] The United Kingdom and Israel ceased all trade with Uganda, but this commercial gap was quickly filled by Libya, the United States, and the Soviet Union.[76]
The Soviet Union underLeonid Brezhnev grew increasingly interested in Uganda as a strategic counterbalance to perceivedChinese influence in Tanzania andWestern influence in Kenya. It dispatched a military mission to Uganda in November 1973. While it could not supply the financial level available from the Western powers, the Soviet Union opted to provide Amin with military hardware in exchange for his support.[78] The Soviet Union quickly became Amin's largest arms supplier, sending Uganda tanks, jets, artillery, missiles, and small arms. By 1975, it was estimated that the Soviets had provided Amin's government with $12 million in economic assistance and $48 million in arms. Amin also sent several thousand Ugandans toEastern Bloc countries for military, intelligence, and technical training, especiallyCzechoslovakia.[79]East Germany was involved in the General Service Unit and the State Research Bureau, the two agencies that were most notorious for terror. During the Ugandan invasion of Tanzania in 1979, East Germany attempted to remove evidence of its involvement with these agencies.[10]
In December 1973, Amin launched a sarcastic 'Save Britain Fund' during the1973–1975 recession to "save and assist our former colonial masters from economic catastrophe", while offering emergency food supplies and urging Ugandans to donate.[80][81][82] In 1974, he offered to host and mediate negotiations to end theconflict in Northern Ireland, believing that Uganda's position as a former British colony made it apt to do so.[83]
In June 1976, Amin allowed anAir France airliner fromTel Aviv toParis hijacked by two members of thePopular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – External Operations (PFLP-EO) and two members of the GermanRevolutionäre Zellen to land at Entebbe Airport. The hijackers were joined there by three more. Soon after, 156 non-Jewish hostages who did not hold Israeli passports were released and flown to safety, while 83 Jews and Israeli citizens, as well as 20 others who refused to abandon them (among whom were the captain and crew of the hijacked Air France jet), continued to be held hostage.[84] In the subsequent Israeli rescue operation, codenamed Operation Thunderbolt (popularly known asOperation Entebbe), on the night of 3–4 July 1976, a group of Israeli commandos flew in from Israel and seized control of Entebbe Airport, freeing nearly all the hostages. Three hostages died during the operation and 10 were wounded; seven hijackers, about 45 Ugandan soldiers, and one Israeli soldier,Yoni Netanyahu (the commander of the unit), were killed. A fourth hostage, 75-year-oldDora Bloch, an elderly Jewish Englishwoman who had been taken toMulago Hospital in Kampala before the rescue operation, was subsequently murdered in reprisal. The incident further soured Uganda's international relations, leading the United Kingdom to close itsHigh Commission in Uganda.[84] In retaliation for Kenya's assistance in the raid, Amin also ordered the killing of hundreds of Kenyans living in Uganda.[85]
Uganda under Amin embarked on a large military build-up, which raised concerns in Kenya. Early in June 1975, Kenyan officials impounded a large convoy of Soviet-made armsen route to Uganda at the port ofMombasa. Tension between Uganda and Kenya reached its climax in February 1976, when Amin announced that he would investigate the possibility that parts of southern Sudan and western and central Kenya, up to within 32 kilometres (20 mi) ofNairobi, were historically a part of colonial Uganda. TheKenyan Government responded with a stern statement that Kenya would not part with "a single inch of territory". Amin backed down after the Kenyan army deployed troops andarmoured personnel carriers along the Kenya–Uganda border.[86] Amin's relations withRwanda were tense, and during his tenure he repeatedly jeopardized its economy by denying its commercial vehicles transit to Mombasa and made multiple threats to bombKigali.[87]
In January 1977 Amin appointed GeneralMustafa Adrisi Vice President of Uganda.[88][89] That year, a split in the Uganda Army developed between supporters of Amin and soldiers loyal to Adrisi, who held significant power in the government and wanted to purge foreigners, particularly Sudanese, from the military.[90] The growing dissatisfaction in the Uganda Army was reflected by frequent coup attempts;[91] Amin was even wounded during one of them, namelyOperation Mafuta Mingi in June 1977.[92][93] By 1978, the number of Amin's supporters and close associates had shrunk significantly, and he faced increasing dissent from the populace within Uganda as the economy and infrastructure collapsed as a result of the years of neglect and abuse. After the killings of Bishop Luwum and ministers Oryema and Oboth Ofumbi in 1977, several of Amin's ministers defected or fled into exile.[94] In early 1978, Adrisi was severely injured in a car accident and flown to Cairo for treatment. While he was there, Amin stripped him of his positions as Minister of Defense and Minister of Home Affairs and denounced him for retiring senior prison officials without his knowledge. Amin then proceeded to purge several high-ranking officials from his government[95] and took personal control of several ministerial portfolios. The shakeup caused political unrest and especially angered Adrisi's followers, who believed that the car accident was a failed assassination attempt.[96]
In November 1978, troops loyal to Adrisi mutinied. Amin sent troops against the mutineers, some of whom had fled across the Tanzanian border.[46] Fighting consequently broke out along that border, and the Uganda Armyinvaded Tanzanian territory under unclear circumstances.[97] According to several experts and politicians, Amin directly ordered the invasion in an attempt to distract the Ugandan military and public from the crisis at home.[98][99] Other accounts suggest, however, that Amin had lost control of parts of the Uganda Army, so Amin's sanction for the invasion was apost-facto action to save face regarding troops who had acted without his orders.[100][101] In any case, Amin accused Tanzanian PresidentJulius Nyerere of initiating the war against Uganda after the hostilities had erupted, and proclaimed theannexation of a section ofKagera when the Ugandan invasion initially proved to be successful.[46][50] However, as Tanzania began to prepare a counter-offensive, Amin reportedly realized his precarious situation, and attempted to defuse the conflict without losing face.[102] The Ugandan President publicly suggested that he and Nyerere participate in a boxing match which, in lieu of military action, would determine the outcome of the conflict.[103][b] Nyerere ignored the message.[103]
In January 1979, Nyerere mobilized theTanzania People's Defence Force and counterattacked, joined by several groups of Ugandan exiles who had united as theUganda National Liberation Army (UNLA). Amin's army retreated steadily, despite military help from Libya's Muammar Gaddafi[25] and thePalestine Liberation Organisation (PLO).[106] The President reportedly made several trips abroad to other countries such as Saudi Arabia and Iraq during the war, attempting to enlist moreforeign support.[107][108] He made few public appearances in the final months of his rule, but spoke frequently on radio and television.[109] Following a major defeat in theBattle of Lukaya, parts of the Uganda Army command reportedly urged Amin to step down. He angrily refused and declared: "If you don't want to fight, I'll do it myself." He consequently fired chief of staffYusuf Gowon.[110][111] However, Amin was forced to flee the Ugandan capital by helicopter on 11 April 1979, whenKampala was captured.[25] After a short-lived attempt to rally some remnants of the Uganda Army in eastern Uganda[112][113] which reportedly included Amin proclaiming the city ofJinja his country's new capital,[114] he fled into exile.[25] By the time of his removal from power, Amin had become deeply unpopular in Uganda. The symbols of his rule, his pictures, and buildings associated with him were subject to vandalism during and after the war.[115]
Upon Amin's fleeing into exile, the October 1979 issue ofSoldier of Fortune Magazine offered a bounty of $10,000 in gold to anyone providing information that leads to the capture alive of the former President of Uganda, Idi Amin. Robert K. Brown, the magazine's publisher was quoted as saying “We take exception to the kind of individual Amin is. He should be brought to trial and, after being tried by a jury of his peers, punished.”[116][117][118]
Amin first escaped to Libya, where he stayed until 1980, and ultimately settled inSaudi Arabia, where theSaudi royal family allowed himsanctuary and paid him a generous subsidy in return for staying out of politics.[25] Amin lived for a number of years on the top two floors of theNovotel Hotel on Palestine Road in Jeddah.Brian Barron, who covered the Uganda–Tanzania War for the BBC as chief Africa correspondent, together with cameramanMohamed Amin (no relation) of Visnews inNairobi, located Amin on 4 June 1980, and secured the first interview with him since his deposition.[119][120] While in exile, Amin funded remnants of his army that fought in theUgandan Bush War.[121] Though he continued to be a controversial figure, some of Amin's former followers as well as several rebel groups continued to fight in his name for decades[122] and occasionally advocated for his amnesty[123] and even his restoration to the Ugandan Presidency.[124] During interviews he gave during his exile in Saudi Arabia, Amin held that Uganda needed him and never expressedremorse for the brutal nature of his regime.[125]
In January 1989, Amin left his exile without authorization by the Saudi Arabian government and flew alongside one of his sons toZaire. There, he intended to mobilize a rebel force to reconquer Uganda[126][127] which was engulfed inanother civil war at the time.[128] The rest of his family stayed in Jeddah.[127] Despite using a false Zairean passport, Amin was easily recognized upon arriving withAir Zaïre atN'djili Airport and promptly arrested by Zairean security forces. The Zairean government reacted unfavorably to Amin's arrival and attempted to expel him from the country.[129] At first, Saudi Arabia refused to allow him to return,[126][127] as its government was deeply offended that he had "abused their hospitality" by leaving without permission, and doing so for political reasons.[130] The Zairean government wanted neither to extradite Amin to Uganda where the ex-president faced murder charges nor keep him in Zaire, thereby straining international relations. As a result, Amin was initially expelled toSenegal from where he was supposed to be sent to Saudi Arabia, but the Senegalese government sent him back to Zaire when Saudi Arabia continued to refuse Amin a visa.[127][130] Following appeals by Moroccan KingHassan II, the Saudi Arabian government finally relented and allowed Amin to return.[126][130] In return, Amin had to promise to never again participate in any political or military activities, nor give interviews. He consequently spent the remainder of his life in Saudi Arabia.[126]
In the final years of his life, Amin reportedly ate afruitarian diet.[131] His daily consumption of oranges earned him the nickname "DrJaffa" among Saudi Arabians.[132][133]
On 19 July 2003, Amin's fourth wife, Nalongo Madina, reported that he was in acoma and near death at theKing Faisal Specialist Hospital and Research Centre inJeddah, Saudi Arabia, fromkidney failure. She pleaded with the Ugandan president,Yoweri Museveni, to allow him to return to Uganda for the remainder of his life. Museveni replied that Amin would have to "answer for his sins the moment he was brought back".[134] Amin's family eventually decided to disconnectlife support and Amin consequently died at the hospital in Jeddah on 16 August 2003. He was buried in Ruwais Cemetery in Jeddah in a simple grave, without any fanfare.[135]
After Amin's death,David Owen revealed that during his term as the British Foreign Secretary (1977 to 1979), he had proposed having Aminassassinated. He has defended this, arguing: "I'm not ashamed of considering it, because his regime goes down in the scale ofPol Pot as one of the worst of all African regimes".[136]
Idi Amin married at least six women, three of whom hedivorced. He married his first wife, Malyamu, in March 1962[137] and his second wife, Kay, in May 1966.[138] In 1967, he married Nora, and then married Nalongo Madina in 1972. On 26 March 1974, he announced onRadio Uganda that he had divorced Malyamu, Kay and Nora.[139][140] Malyamu was arrested inTororo on the Kenyan border in April 1974 and accused of attempting to smuggle a bolt of fabric into Kenya.[139][141] In 1974, Kay Amin died under mysterious circumstances, with her body found dismembered.[142] Nora fled toZaire in 1979; her current whereabouts are unknown.[141]
Amin's Mercedes Benz that he owned between 1972 and 1979
By 1993, Amin was living with the last nine of his children and one wife, Mama a Chumaru, the mother of the youngest four of his children. His last known child, daughter Iman, was born in 1992.[145] According to theDaily Monitor, Amin married again a few months before his death in 2003.[141][146]
Amin fathered as many as 60 children.[c] Until 2003, Taban Amin (born 1955),[149] Amin's eldest son, was the leader ofWest Nile Bank Front (WNBF), a rebel group opposed to the government of Yoweri Museveni. In 2005, he was offeredamnesty by Museveni, and in 2006, he was appointed Deputy Director General of theInternal Security Organisation.[150] Another of Amin's sons, Haji Ali Amin, ran for election as Chairman (i.e. mayor) ofNjeru Town Council in 2002 but was not elected.[151]
Sarah Kyolaba's third child, Faisal Wangita (born in 1983 in Uganda; according to himself born in 1981 in Saudi Arabia) was involved in a brutal gang murder inCamden, North London, in 2006. In connection with this, he was sentenced to five years' detention in 2007, for conspiracy to wound, conspiracy to possess offensive weapons and violent disorder. He had been convicted for possession of offensive weapons, theft and fraud in the years before.[152]
In early 2007, the award-winning filmThe Last King of Scotland prompted one of his sons, Jaffar Amin (born in 1967),[153] to speak out in his father's defence. Jaffar Amin said he was writing a book to rehabilitate his father's reputation.[154] Jaffar is the tenth of Amin's 40 official children by seven official wives.[153]
Among Amin's closest associates was the BritonBob Astles.[5]Isaac Maliyamungu was an instrumental affiliate and one of the more feared officers in Amin's army.[94]
"Dada": It is disputed whether this was part of Amin's family name or a nickname. Some observers have claimed that it originated as a nickname for Amin's "cowardly" behavior, as it can be translated as "sister", though this has been strongly disputed by others.[161][162] Amin's family has stated that "Dada" was simply an alternative name for theLugbara people which is occasionally used as a personal name. Researcher Mark Leopold judged this to be more likely than the nickname theory.[163]
"Dr. Jaffa":[132] he earned this nickname in exile in Saudi Arabia due to his daily consumption of oranges, especially after allegedly transitioning tofruitarianism.[131][133]
Erratic behavior, self-bestowed titles and media portrayal
A 1977 caricature of Amin in military and presidential attire byEdmund S. Valtman
As the years progressed, Amin's behavior became more erratic, unpredictable, and strident. After the United Kingdom broke off all diplomatic relations with his regime in 1977, Amin declared that he had defeated the British, and he conferred on himself the decoration of CBE (Conqueror of the British Empire). His full self-bestowed title ultimately became: "His Excellency, President for Life, Field Marshal Al Hadji Doctor Idi Amin Dada, VC,DSO,MC, CBE, Lord of All the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Seas and Conqueror of the British Empire in Africa in General and Uganda in Particular", in addition to his officially stated claim of being theuncrownedking of Scotland.[164] He never received the Distinguished Service Order (DSO) or the Military Cross (MC). He conferred adoctorate of law on himself from Makerere University as well as the Victorious Cross (VC), a medal made to emulate the BritishVictoria Cross.[12][165]
Amin became the subject of rumours, including a widespread belief that he was acannibal.[166] Amin reportedly also boasted that he kept the severed heads of political enemies in his freezer, although he said that human flesh was generally "too salty" for his taste.[167]
During Amin's time in power, popular media outside of Uganda often portrayed him as an essentially comic and eccentric figure.Julius Harris emphasized Amin's allegedly clownish side inVictory at Entebbe, whileYaphet Kotto drew more praise for projecting Amin's sinister nature inRaid on Entebbe. In a 1977 assessment typical of the time, aTime magazine article described him as a "killer and clown, big-hearted buffoon and struttingmartinet".[168] The comedy-variety seriesSaturday Night Live aired four Amin sketches between 1976 and 1979, including one in which he was an ill-behaved houseguest in exile, and another in which he was a spokesman againstvenereal disease.[169] In 1979, radio hostDon Imus made multiple on-air telephone calls in an attempt to talk to Amin, and later hosted a phony interview with him that was deemed "very dirty".[170] In aBenny Hill Show episode transmitted in January 1977, Hill portrayed Amin sitting behind a desk that featured a placard reading "ME TARZAN, U GANDA".[171]
The foreign media were often criticized by Ugandan exiles and defectors for emphasizing Amin's self-aggrandizing eccentricities and taste for excess while downplaying or excusing his murderous behavior.[172] Other commentators even suggested that Amin had deliberately cultivated his eccentric reputation in the foreign media as an easily parodied buffoon in order to defuse international concern over his administration of Uganda.[173] Ugandan soldier and rebelPatrick Kimumwe argued that Amin's "clowning conceal[ed] a ruthless extinction of human rights" in Uganda.[174] JournalistsTony Avirgan and Martha Honey wrote, "facile explanations of Amin's regime, as either a one-man show or a lawless and ruthless band of killers, do not get at the heart of the power structure."[175]
Gender historian Alicia Decker wrote that the "deeply embedded culture ofmilitarism inUganda is undoubtedly Amin's most enduring legacy."[176] In the immediate aftermath of his deposition,war correspondentAl J Venter stated that Ugandans still spoke about Amin "with a certain amount of awe, now laced with venom".[115] His reputation in Uganda has been viewed over the decades following his rule in more complex ways than in the international community. Some Ugandans have praised him as a "patriot" and supported his decision to expel Asians from the country.[177] At the time of his death, he was particularly well-regarded in north-western Uganda.[178] One of Amin's sons, Jaffar Remo, criticized the negative public perception of his father and called for a commission to investigate the veracity of the abuses committed under his rule.[179]
^Amin also proposed thatMuhammad Ali could act as referee.[104] Researcher Alicia C. Decker reasoned that the suggestion of a boxing match was supposed to "bolster [Amin's] masculinity" and thereby showcase that he remained a strong leader in the face of mounting opposition to his regime. Accordingly, the proposal was mostly directed toward a Ugandan audience, and part of Amin's "performative" ruling style.[105]
^A report in theDaily Monitor says he was survived by 45 children,[141] while another in the BBC gives the figure of 54.[147] Some members of his family estimated that he had near 60 children.[148]
^Ullman, Richard H. (April 1978)."Human Rights and Economic Power: The United States Versus Idi Amin".Foreign Affairs.56 (3):529–543.doi:10.2307/20039917.JSTOR20039917.Archived from the original on 18 April 2015. Retrieved24 October 2018.The most conservative estimates by informed observers hold that President Idi Amin Dada and the terror squads operating under his loose direction have killed 100,000 Ugandans in the seven years he has held power.
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^Tall, Mamadou (Spring–Summer 1982). "Notes on the Civil and Political Strife in Uganda".Issue: A Journal of Opinion.12 (1/2):41–44.doi:10.2307/1166537.JSTOR1166537.
^abMoore, Charles (17 September 2003)."Obituary: Idi Amin".Daily Telegraph. London. Archived fromthe original on 12 October 2007. Retrieved31 July 2018.
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^abMubangizi, Michael (16 February 2006). Tumusiime, James; Katunzi, Pius Muteekani; Bulime, Bob (eds.)."Not even an archbishop was spared".The Weekly Observer. Kampala, Uganda: Observer Media Ltd. Archived fromthe original on 12 October 2007.
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^United Press International (12 August 1985). Merida, Kevin; Kraft, Scott; Yoshino, Kimi; Grad, Shelby; Hilton, Shani O.; Turner, Julia; King, Amy; Canalis, John; Jennings, Angel; Matsui, Loree; Chan, Sewell; Tang, Terry; Victorio, Lora; Chu, Henry; Watson, Dan; Perez, Jessica; Barajas, Victor; Angius, James; Soong-Shiong, Patrick (eds.)."Amin's Generals Seek Amnesty for Him".Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, United States. United Press International (UPI).ISSN0458-3035.OCLC3638237.Archived from the original on 17 February 2020. Retrieved7 January 2020.
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^abArad, Roy (15 April 2014). Benn, Aluf; Schauberg, M. DuMont; Schocken, Amos; Solomon, Avi; Bronstein, Aviva; Nitzan, Yaniv; Vissan, Yossi; Guy, Guy; Guez, Rami (eds.)."Beyond vegan: Israel's fruitarians like it raw".Haaretz. Tel Aviv, Israel: Haaretz Group (Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd.).Archived from the original on 18 February 2021. Retrieved17 February 2021.
^abGoline, Adam Leith (2013).The Fruit Hunters: A Story of Nature, Adventure, Commerce and Obsession. New York: ScribnerISBN9781476704999. "Idi Amin, the tyrannical Ugandan dictator, lived his final years in Saudi Arabia as a fruitarian (his affinity for oranges earned him the nickname 'Dr. Jaffa')."
^abSmith, Joan (28 August 1999). Marley, David; Hubbard, Chloe; McInerney, Lucie; Taylor, Linda; Owens, Michael; Best, Richard; Alabaster, Olivia; Fox, Gemma; Holdaway, Jo; Hanbury, Sophie; Broughton, Christian; Leonard, Zach; Morley, Andrew (eds.)."How sex turned into torture".The Independent.London,United Kingdom: Independent Digital News & Media Limited.ISSN0951-9467.OCLC185201487.Archived from the original on 18 February 2021. Retrieved18 February 2021.
^"Idi Amin, ex-dictator of Uganda, dies".USA Today. 16 August 2003.Archived from the original on 20 February 2010. Retrieved8 August 2009.Amin was buried in Jiddah's Ruwais cemetery after sunset prayers Saturday, said a person close to the family in the Red Sea port city. The source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, was told that very few people attended the funeral.
^Wooldridge, Mike; Owen, David (16 August 2003). Unsworth, Fran; Hockaday, Mary; Edwards, Huw; Naja, Nielsen; Jordan, Sula; Darcey, Mary; Lee, Ralph; Munro, Jonathan; Runcie, Ellie; Pembrooke, Robin (eds.)."UK considered killing Idi Amin".BBC News. London, United Kingdom of Great Britain: British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC).Archived from the original on 17 November 2006.
^abcdKibirige, David (17 August 2003)."Idi Amin is dead".The Monitor. Archived fromthe original on 10 June 2007. Retrieved8 August 2009.
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^Kibazo, Joel (13 January 2007)."A Brute, Not a Buffoon".The Guardian. London.Archived from the original on 31 August 2013. Retrieved8 August 2009....Amin was widely portrayed as a comic figure. Yes, he had expelled the Asians and murdered a few people, but isn't that what was expected of Africa, I used to hear.
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