Horace Sébastiani | |
|---|---|
 Portrait as marshal byWinterhalter (1841). Sébastiani is depicted with theBosphorus and theHagia Sophia in the background, referring to his role as ambassador to the Ottoman Empire from 1806 to 1808 | |
| French Minister of Foreign Affairs | |
| In office 17 October 1830 – 11 October 1832 | |
| Preceded by | Nicolas Joseph Maison |
| Succeeded by | Victor, 3rd duc de Broglie |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 11 November 1771 |
| Died | 20 July 1851(1851-07-20) (aged 79) |
| Spouse(s) | Fanny Franquetot de Coigny (d. 1807); Aglaé de Gramont[1] |
| Children | Francoise, Duchess de Praslin |
| Occupation | Soldier, diplomat |
| Awards | See§ Honours |
| Military career | |
| Allegiance | France |
| Branch | French Imperial Army |
| Battles / wars | |
Horace François Bastien Sébastiani de La Porta (Corsican:Oraziu Francescu Bastianu Sebastiani di A Porta; 11 November 1771 – 20 July 1851) was a French general, diplomat, and politician, who served asNaval Minister,Minister of Foreign Affairs, andMinister of State under theJuly Monarchy.
Having joined theFrench Revolutionary Army in his youth, Sébastiani rose through its ranks before becoming a supporter ofNapoleon Bonaparte. Sébastiani was theFrench Consulate's emissary to TheLevant, notably drafting plans to reconquerOttoman Egypt, and later served as theEmpire'sAmbassador to The Porte. In the latter capacity, he attempted to increase French influence and signaled pro-Russian activities in theDanubian Principalities, thus provoking theWar of 1806–1812. In 1807, Sébastiani organized the defense ofConstantinople during theDardanelles Operation. Recalled due toBritish pressure after the deposition ofSelim III, he served in thePeninsular War and resided in theAlhambra, took part in the unsuccessfulinvasion of Russia, and defended theChampagne region in front of theSixth Coalition.
Sébastiani recognized theBourbon Restoration, but rallied with Napoleon during theHundred Days, being elected to theChamber for the first time in 1815. Briefly exiled after the return ofKingLouis XVIII, he was again admitted as a Deputy in 1819, sitting with theLeft faction, supportingliberal politics, and coming into conflict with theJean-Baptiste de Villèle Cabinet. After theJuly Revolution, he endorsedLouis Philippe I. Sébastiani's time asForeign Minister saw France's involvement in theBelgian Revolution, its refusal to sanction theNovember Uprising, the controversial solution to a commercial dispute with theUnited States, and the French occupation ofAncona. In later years, he progressed inFrench Government service as anambassador.
The 1847 murder of his daughter,Françoise, Duchess de Praslin indirectly helped spark the1848 Revolution.
Born inLa Porta,Corsica, Sébastiani was the son of a tailor[2] and well-to-do craftsman,[3] the nephew ofLouis Sébastiani de La Porta, aRoman Catholic priest who was laterBishop of Ajaccio,[2][4] and probably a distant relative of theBonapartes.[5][6] Horace Sébastiani had a brother,Tiburce, who rose to the rank ofMaréchal de Camp.[4][7] Initially destined for a religious career,[2] he left his native island during theFrench Revolution, and entered thearmy in 1792.[2][8] Briefly dispatched as a secretary toConte Raffaele Cadorna inCasablanca,[2] Sébastiani participated in theRevolutionary Wars, including campaigns inCorsica, 1793, theAlps, 1794–1797, and at theBattle of Marengo, 1800.[8] Having served as an officer in the9th Dragoon Regiment,[4] he was promoted tocolonel in 1799.[5][8][9]
Sébastiani joinedLucien Bonaparte's entourage,[2] and endorsedNapoleon's political actions, taking an active part in the18 Brumaire coup (9 November 1799).[2][9][10] In 1802, theConsulate sent him on his first diplomatic assignments in theOttoman Empire,Ottoman Egypt, and other parts of TheLevant.[4][5][9] Among his first actions were the settlement of a conflict between Sweden and theBarbary State ofTripoli,[6][9] as well as obtaining the latter's agreement to recognize theItalian Republic.[9]
Sébastiani negotiated with theBritish military commanders in the aftermath of theFrench invasion of Egypt (1798), asking them to abide by the newly signedTreaty of Amiens and withdraw fromAlexandria;[9][10] following this he met with Ottoman officials inCairo, unsuccessfully offering to mediate between them and rebelliousbeys (seeMuhammad Ali's seizure of power).[9] In late 1802, he traveled toAkka, and negotiated a trade agreement with the localpasha.[9]
During this period, Sébastiani theorized that, despite Egyptian Campaign's failure, the French could yet again establish their control over the region.[6][11][12] He publicized this view in a report, published byLe Moniteur Universel on 30 January 1803,[11] posing a threat for both British andRussian interests; this probably contributed to deescalating relations between the latter two over the prolonged British presence inMalta, withHenry Addington'sCabinet indicating thatBritish troops would remain as long asFrance held designs to invade Egypt.[12]
Returning to France, he was put in charge of thelittoral from the mouth of theVilaine (inMorbihan) toBrest,[4] before, in 1804, being despatched on a short mission to theHoly Roman Emperor in Vienna.[4][9] PromotedBrigadier-General in 1803,[2][4] he commandedGrande Armée troops during theBattle of Ulm. After leading a successful attack onGünzburg, Sébastiani followed theAustrians intoMoravia (1805),[4] having been promotedGénéral de division after theBattle of Austerlitz in 1805, where he was wounded.[2][4][5][9]
AppointedFrench Ambassador toThe Porte on 12 April 1806, and gaining his post on 10 August,[13] he attempted to convinceSultanSelim III to exclude theRoyal Navy from access through theDardanelles.[5] According to a biographical essay published by theRevue des Deux Mondes in 1833, Sébastiani faced almost universal hostility from the anti-Frenchdiplomatic corps—whose opinions were influenced by the RussianCount Andrei Yakovlevich Budberg and the British AmbassadorCharles Arbuthnot. The same article claimed: "France had for its allies only the envoys ofSpain andHolland".[10] Among Horace Sébastiani's moves to enlistOttoman support for Napoleon was the establishment of aprinting press inConstantinople, which published works of French literature translated intoTurkish and Arabic.[4]
Sébastiani persuaded the Ottomans to take a stand against Russia after bringing attention to the anti-Ottoman conspiracy inWallachia, formed around PrinceConstantine Ypsilantis, as well as to the suspicious policies ofMoldavia's PrinceAlexander Mourousis.[10][14][15] According to the aristocratic Wallachian memoirist and politicianIon Ghica, Selim "followed the advice of General Sébastiani, who tried to bring him to Napoleon's side", and saw a connection between Ypsilantis and theSerbian Uprising:
"He felt that [Ypsilantis] sided with the Russians and had an understanding withPazvantoğlu ofVidin and withCzerny-George the Serbian, both of whom had rebelled against The Porte."[15]
The conflict itself started when Russia considered Ypsilantis' deposition to go against the letter of theTreaty of Küçük Kaynarca and theTreaty of Jassy.[10][14] Whilethe Russian Count and Ambassador Arbuthnot prepared to leave Constantinople, The Porte convened to have the two Princes reinstated.[10] Despite this, Russian troops under GeneralIvan Michelson and CountMikhail Miloradovich entered the twoDanubian Principalities (seeRusso-Turkish War (1806–12)).[10][14] Prince Ypsilantis had previously escaped to the Russian camp, and was briefly considered by his allies as ruler over both principalities (just before Russian occupation took over);[15] the French Consul to Moldavia,Charles-Frédéric Reinhard, reportedly not informed of Sébastiani's contacts with Selim, was arrested by the Russian troops.[14] As a major consequence of this chain of events, France pulled the strings of Ottoman foreign policy.[10]
During theparallel Anglo-Turkish War in 1807, Sébastiani helped the Ottomans in thesuccessful defense of Constantinople against the British squadron ofAdmiral Duckworth.[2][4][9][10] The British bombardment, coming at a time when the Muslim population was celebratingEid al-Adha,[10] was met with panic, and Sébastiani's group of French military officers was soon the only organized force present on the European side.[10] In his messages to Selim, Sir John Duckworth asked for the French ambassador to be removed, for theOttoman fleet and the Dardanelles military facilities to be handed over,[2][10] and for Russia to be granted rule over Wallachia and Moldavia.[10] The Sultan sent envoys requesting Sébastiani to leave Ottoman territory, but the French Ambassador explained that he would not do so until being ordered by Selim himself.[2][10]
As the matter was being debated,Janissary forces on theAnatolian shore organized themselves, and, once increased in strength, began responding to the attack.[10] Selim subsequently asked Sébastiani and his men (includingLouis Gustave le Doulcet andJosé Martínez Hervás, marquis d'Alménara [es], as well as the embassy's secretaryFlorimond de Faÿ de La Tour-Maubourg [fr]), to oversee Constantinople's defense and the line of fire nearbyTopkapı Palace, organizing maneuvers which caused Duckworth to withdraw.[2][10]
In 1806, Sébastiani married Jeanne-Françoise-Antoinette (Fanny)Franquetot de Coigny [fr], only daughter ofFrançois-Henri de Franquetot, marquis de Coigny).[16] She died in childbirth while in Constantinople, just a few days before the Sultan was deposed (14 April 1807),[17][18] and left Sébastiani a large fortune.[4] Upon hearing news of her death, Sultan Selim transmitted condolences through hisGrand Dragoman.[18]
The successful rebellion led byKabakçı Mustafa and the Janissary troops put an end to French diplomatic success. Sébastiani negotiated with Kabakçı, while the British sought support from various factions inside Constantinople[10][18] — the Grand Dragoman,Aleko Soutzos [el], eventually informed the French Ambassador on the parallel British projects.[10][18] This resulted in Soutzos' beheading[10][15] — that which, inIon Ghica's version of events, caused theSoutzos family to abandon their commitment to France and begin supporting Russia.[15] According to theRevue des Deux Mondes biography, Sébastiani had betrayed Aleko Soutzos' confidence by revealing as many details of Anglo-Ottoman negotiations as to render it clear that the Dragoman had been acting as his spy, and by failing to respect the promise of French protection.[10]
Under the new monarch,Mustafa IV, he attempted to impose a pro-French pasha as governor ofBaghdad, and later provoked a scandal by asking for the Imperial Executioner, theBostanji-bashi, to be demoted—this came after threeRagusan subjects, having been found guilty of theft, were subjected to thefalaka torture, despite the facts that the recent annexation of Ragusa by France offered them a degree of immunity. As a result of his pressures, Sébastiani obtained rule over the province of Baghdad for his favorite, and, in return, allowed theBostanji-bashi to remain in office.[18]
He asked to be recalled in April 1807,[9][13][18] being replaced byChargé d'affaires Faÿ de La Tour Maubourg.[13][18] This departure was also prompted by renewed British requests.[4] Shortly before his leaving, Sultan Mustafa awarded Sébastiani theOrder of the Crescent 1st Class,[4][10] which has been interpreted as a measure to alleviate the impact of British successes.[4] According to other accounts, Mustafa himself had become deeply dissatisfied with Sébastiani's interventions and policies.[18] Upon his return to France, Sébastiani received theGrand Aigle de la Légion d'honneur.[4][10] TheRevue des Deux Mondes speculated that, based on theCorsican heritage he shared with Sébastiani:
"the Emperor would often keep his eyes closed in respect to his Generals' mistakes.
As for [Sébastiani's] diplomatic skills, Napoleon was so affected that he sent him to the arms as soon as he returned from the Orient, and did not assign him to any negotiations until his fall [of 1814]."[10]
Sébastiani became aCount of theEmpire, and commandedIV Corps in thePeninsular War, notably at theBattle of Ciudad-Real,[8] theBattle of Talavera,[5] and theBattle of Almonacid.[2][4][8] In 1810, he tookLinares,Jaén,Granada andMálaga.[5][8] Troops under his command included a group of Polishémigré soldiers,[10][19][20] among themAlbert Grzymała, who served on his staff and was later noted for his friendship withFrédéric Chopin.[20]
Starting from that date, Sébastiani gained a reputation for lacking leadership skills: popularly nicknamed "General Surprise" as a result of having been caught out by enemy troops a significant number of times, he was argued byJean-Baptiste de Marbot to have been noted for nothing other than mediocrity.[21] According to the 1833Revue des Deux Mondes, he had also become known for his lassitude, to the point where Napoleon himself grew irate. The same source recounted that, after Talavera de la Reina and especially after Almonacid, the general raised suspicion that he wasted men and resources, systematically failed to report all his casualties, and seriously exaggerated the scale of his victories. It was contended that the Emperor eventually withdrew Sébastiani's command of IV Corps after concluding that this assessment was correct.[10]
Some sources claim that Sébastiani was created "1st Duke of Murcia" by Napoleon;[4] according to theRevue, although nominated for the title by the newKing of Spain,Joseph Bonaparte, Sébastiani was denied appointment by Napoleon (a gesture alleged to have itself been based on the General's conduct at Almonacid). Nonetheless, it was reported that Sébastiani made use of the title for the rest of his participation in the Spanish expedition. TheRevue claimed that the ducal title "of Murcia" was adopted by the General himself, after he reaped a minor victory inLorca and reportedly advanced a project to gain the region back fromguerrilla forces (the plan was to be discarded by Sébastiani's commander,Nicolas Jean de Dieu Soult).[10]
Sébastiani is reported to have plundered a number ofRoman Catholic convents during the Peninsular expedition.[5] Having stationed his troops in theAlhambra,[5][10][22] where he himself resided in noted luxury,[10] Sébastiani partly destroyed the palace's fortifications after retreating.[22] It is argued that he was also responsible for the partial devastation of the palace's interior.[5] The American authorWashington Irving, who visitedSpain in the following period, recounted that:
"With that enlightened taste which has ever distinguished the French nation in their conquests, this monument ofMoorish elegance and grandeur was rescued from the absolute ruin and desolation that were overwhelming it. The roofs were repaired, the saloons and galleries protected from the weather, the gardens cultivated, the watercourses restored, the fountains once more made to throw up their sparkling showers; and Spain may thank her invaders for having preserved to her the most beautiful and interesting of her historical monuments."[22]
Serving duringNapoleon's invasion of Russia, underMarshal Joachim Murat,[5] and in theCampaign of 1812–1813, he commanded a cavalry division,[2][4][21] becoming noted in the battles ofBorodino[4][5][9] (being the first French commander to enter Moscow, but was later forced to retreat with heavy losses),[2]Bautzen,Lützen,Leipzig (where he was wounded),[2] andHanau.[2][4][5] After attempting to holdCologne,[4] he took part in the defense of French territory, holding a command position inChampagne and organizing troops inChâlons-en-Champagne.[4][5][9] In March, he assisted in the retaking ofReims, where he faced theImperial Russian Army troops under the command ofEmmanuel de Saint-Priest.[4]
Changing sides to supportTalleyrand on 10 April 1814,[5][9][10] Sébastiani was appointed to theBourbon Restoration Government and was, on 2 June, awarded theOrder of Saint Louis byKingLouis XVIII.[5][9] Nevertheless, upon news that Napoleon was returning fromElba, he abandoned his command and left for Paris, where, together with theCount de Lavalette, he organizedNational Guard detachments to assist theEmperor.[4] Napoleon also sent him over to attract support from theliberal politicianBenjamin Constant; soon after, Constant became involved in drafting the more permissiveActe Additionel, which amended theConstitution of the Year XII.[10]
During theHundred Days, he was assigned the reviewing of legislation passed by Louis XVIII, and organized the National Guard inPicardy.[4] Sébastiani was elected to theChamber for thedepartment ofAisne.[4][5][9] After theBattle of Waterloo, he voted in favor of Napoleon'sabdication,[10] and, eventually, was among those assigned with negotiating a peace with theSeventh Coalition (as part of a delegation also comprisingBenjamin Constant de Rebecque, themarquis de La Fayette,marquis d'Argenson andcomte de Pontécoulant).[2][4][9] During talks, he showed himself opposed to a secondBourbon return.[4]
Sébastiani spent a year in England before being allowed to return[4][5][10] (having retired from active service and receiving half pay).[4][5] Starting in 1819, after being promoted by theDuke Decazes,[4][10] he was a prominent member of theChamber of Deputies, initially representing Corsica, rallying with theLeft.[4][5][10] According to theRevue's comments, his political choice was unusual, reportedly astonishing both members of the Left and the moderate Decazes, a Royalist. Inside the Chamber, he joined forces withMaximilien Sebastien Foy, notably pushing projects to recognize the merits ofGrande Armée veterans; a speech he held on the latter occasion, which gave praise to theFrench tricolor, caused an uproar amongconservative deputies.[10]
During the1824 French legislative election, his attempt to campaign inCorsica was frustrated by the local authorities representing the Royalist Government ofJean-Baptiste de Villèle, and he subsequently won 1 out of 48 votes.[4] Instead, after General Foy's death in late 1825, he was elected as replacement in his constituency, theAisne town ofVervins, receiving 120 votes out of 200.[4][10]
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After theJuly Revolution, he held the posts ofNaval Minister under the nominal leadership ofFrançois Guizot (autumn 1830),[2][6][9] andForeign Affairs underJacques Laffitte andCasimir Pierre Perier.[8][9] During the Revolution, he parted with the Left, and made declarations in support ofCharles X—including one which proclaimed that the only national flag was the white one for theBourbons.[2] Allegedly establishing links with the radicalAide-toi, le ciel t'aidera society in the early days of theJuly Monarchy,[10] he subsequently rallied with thecentrist politics of theOrléanist camp.[2][10][23] WithLaffitte,Benjamin Constant,Jean-Guillaume Hyde de Neuville,Adolphe Thiers, and others, he played a prominent part in callingLouis-Philippe to theFrench throne.[23]
After that, the Sébastianis became the most influential faction inCorsica, replacing theLegitimist Pozzo di Borgo family[24] — one of the latter,Carlo Andrea Pozzo di Borgo, was a high-ranking Russian diplomat who negotiated with Horace Sébastiani on several occasions.
In the wake of theBelgian Revolution, when candidatures were considered for theBelgian throne, Sébastiani had the task of undermining support forAuguste of Leuchtenberg and drawing allegiances for theDuke of Nemours.[10][23] After Nemours refused the Belgian crown, he transferred French support toLeopold of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, the British-backed candidate, in exchange for Leopold's agreeing to marryLouise-Marie of France. This policy was viewed as a capitulation by the Legitimists, and most notably byJean Maximilien Lamarque, who, while deploring the separation of theFrench and the French-speakingWalloons, accused Sébastiani of having obtained the destruction of fortifications in Belgium not as a concession from other states, but rather because "the allied powers want to set aside the means of entering France without running into obstacles".[10]
When theLondon Conference compelledDutch forces to evacuate Belgian territory, Sébastiani indicated that the French troops underGeneral Gérard were to remain in the area until "all reasons why the French Army has maneuvered would be dealt with resolutely, and no danger would threaten us". Nevertheless, Gérard retreated before the Conference came to an end. When Chamber called on the minister to answer about the discrepancy, he declared himself "astonished" by news of the retreat, attributing it to British pressures, and indicated that "we have entered Belgium in good will; good will is what led us to withdraw".[23]
In late 1830, after theNovember Uprising broke out inCongress Poland, Sébastiani, despite the revolutionaries' expectations, chose to avoid his country's involvement. As Russian troops carried out a violent intervention against the rebellion, a deputy in theSejm lamented that Poland was perishing without having even seen a French courier; the minister responded to similar accusations at home by stating that France was determined not to raise the anger ofEmperorNicholas.[10] Nevertheless, some time after the Uprising erupted, Sébastiani received Polish envoys with sympathy, and had felt secure that "a friendly arrangement with Russia" could be achieved. To this end, he sent a mission toSaint Petersburg, which attempted to mediate an understanding between the Polish revolutionaries and Russia; in order to undermine communications between France and Poland, the government ofViktor Kochubey took the decision of recognizing the July Monarchy, which it had refused to do until then. In January 1831, after pressures from theMarquis de La Fayette,the Duke of Mortemart was dispatched to Russia in order to seek a new agreement—his mission was made ineffectual by the revolutionaries' decision to dethrone Nicholas from his position asKing of Poland, which in turn led to a standoff between all sides involved.[19]
In parallel, Sébastiani allegedly approved the designs ofArmand Charles Guilleminot, theAmbassador to The Porte, who attempted to undermine theHoly Alliance by stressing that Russian actions in Poland and theBalkans could rally opposition fromAustria, the Ottoman Empire and the United Kingdom. Guilleminot ultimately presented the Ottomans with an offer to back an independent Poland—as a consequence, Foreign Minister Sébastiani was formally asked byCarlo Andrea Pozzo di Borgo to recall the ambassador, and he ultimately agreed to do so.[10]
HistorianBarthélemy Hauréau indicated that the moderate path pursued by Sébastiani had been largely responsible for convincingJan Zygmunt Skrzynecki to postpone military operations, to the point where it was later contended that theminister was plotting with Russian authorities. He referred to Sébastiani's position as "a miserable role", and to his correspondence with the Poles as "perfidious epistles".[25]
When Poland was ultimately pacified, Sébastiani uttered the famous words:
"Order reigns inWarsaw."
The statement itself was not rendered verbatim by theMoniteur, allegedly due to their potential for causing scandal.[23] As Sébastiani's words began circulating freely, public opinion considered them evidence of callousness, and, in December, they were used byJ. J. Grandville as title for a cartoon showing the effects of repression inCongress Poland. Another of Grandville's drawings, depicting the authorities' violent response to public manifestations of support for Polish revolutionaries, was titledPublic Order Reigns Also in Paris (sold together, the two works caused the artist to becensored and his house to be raided by policemen).[26] It was also contended that the statement had been made by Sébastiani with the specific goal of persuading Russia that France did not condemn the intervention — reportedly, Emperor Nicholas normalized relations with France and received its ambassador, theDuke of Trévise, only after hearing news of Sébastiani's speech.[10]
Later, he justified himself in front of the Chamber by arguing that intervention in Poland was doomed to failure, noting that a French landing on Poland'sBaltic shore was made impossible by both distance and the minor scale of facilities inPolangen.[10] When interpellated in the Chamber, he also contended that France had managed to obtain consensus that Russia was to maintain a degree of Polish autonomy, as these had been stipulated by the 1814–1814Congress of Vienna.[23] Reflecting upon public sentiment at a time whenRadicalism had become a European phenomenon, he was also quoted saying:
"There are those who want to drag us into a war of opinions, to dump us into an apparent alliance of peoples versus governments; we ask them with what right do they pretend to attribute themselves or assign us the mission of revolutionizing all the peoples. We know their goal and their secret thought. These people work to bring disruptions on the inside through disruptions on the outside. What they want, we avoid; what they fear, we seek. In the absence of set rules of conduct, their exhortations, their fears and their joys would suffice for shedding light on our path and making us perceive the abysses where they would like to throw us."[10]
During a Chamber session in September 1831, theliberalMarquis de La Fayette publicly accused the Laffitte cabinet in general and Sébastiani in particular of having secretly encouraged the Poles while persuading them to delay their attack on Russian troops (allegedly promising that France would give them official backing following that moment, and later forfeiting the pledge). La Fayette also stressed that it was possible for France to sanction Polish independence, especially since theHoly Alliance appeared to have been divided on the issue. According toKarl Marx, when Sébastiani defended his ministry and stressed that he had not made Poland any promises, the Marquis confronted him with a letter signed byKarol Kniaziewicz, dated September 1830, which contained references to Sébastiani's guarantees and his call to postpone the offensive.[27] TheRevue des Deux Mondes recounted that the diplomatTalleyrand and Sébastiani both maintained an independent line in politics—their secretive notes reportedly contributed to the fall of the Laffitte government.[10]
Over the following year, he andPrime MinisterPérier were called upon by the Marquis de La Fayette to express disapproval forreactionary politics in theAustrian Empire, and to allowItalianCarbonari refugees such asCristina Trivulzio di Belgiojoso to remain on French territory. La Fayette noted that Sébastiani had undertaken:
"efforts to revoke and prevent the sequestration [of property] that was inflicted [by Austria] on the Italian men and women who are traveling in France."[28]
In February 1832, Sébastiani took initiative in ordering a French occupation ofAncona. TheRevue argued that this was the most significant gesture of his career, and credited him with having planned it as an indirect but effective strike at Austrian economic interests, when implying that France would march into Rome andTrieste in the event of a war with Austria.
Among his last actions in office as Foreign Minister were negotiations with the United States over losses suffered by American citizens during the Napoleon'sContinental Blockade, when several ships bearing the American flag were arrested in European ports, on suspicion that they were in fact serving British commercial interests (seeEmbargo Act of 1807). Raising much controversy, he set the sum France agreed to pay at 25 millionfrancs, 10 million more than what committees of theConseil d'État and Chamber had decided, although still significantly less than what had been asked by American plaintiffs.[10]
It was during the same period that Sébastiani remarried, toAglaé-Angélique-Gabrielle de Gramont, one ofHéraclius, duc de Gramont's daughters and the widow of the Russian GeneralCount Alexander Davidoff.[29] He retired from office after having astroke which left him partly paralyzed, and traveled in theItalian Peninsula. He was laterMinister of State for a short period of time.[10]
In 1833, Sébastiani was ambassador to theTwo Sicilies, and in 1835–1840, to theUnited Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.[5][29][30] He was recalled and replaced byFrançois Guizot after refusing, against his government wishes, to support the cause ofMuhammad Ali's design to extend his rule out of theEgyptian realm by conquering Ottoman lands inSyria (seeLondon Straits Convention).Adolphe Thiers later pointed out that he agreed with Sébastiani's view, which he defined as:
"The apprehension [...] over seeing France engaging in theOriental question, to find herself the only one of that opinion, and from that moment on to be reduced to the alternative of either ceding or risk a universal war over an object that was not worth it [...]."[30]
During the ministerial crisis provoked by the fall of theNicolas Jean de Dieu Soult cabinet, before Thiers' nomination, Sébastiani was considered for the office of Premier; his failure to gain the position was attributed to rejection from all political camps, based on the view that he was overtly subservient to King Louis-Philippe.[23]
He was madeMarshal of France in 1840,[5][21] replacing the deceasedNicolas Joseph Maison,[2] and representedAjaccio in the Chamber for several terms.[8][24] He became aPeer of France in 1842. TheRevue des Deux Mondes'François Buloz announced, in April 1835, thatVicomte Tiburce Sébastiani was involved in heated disputes with other public figures, over repeated allegations that his brother had harmed French interests in the American creditors' affair. In this and other cases of the period, the same controversy almost erupted intoduels.[7]
Having largely retired from public life, he had his last years clouded by the 1847 death of his sole daughter from his first marriage, Fanny, duchess of Choiseul-Praslin.[17][31][32] Fanny had marriedCharles, duc de Praslin, in 1825.[33] In what was one of the most famous murders of the 19th century,[32] the duchess had been stabbed repeatedly and with noted violence. For long before her death, Fanny had accused Charles de Choiseul-Praslin of having cheated on her and of having separated her from her children.[31] Her killing was thought to be a consequence of the Duke's plan to run away with their children'sgoverness.[31][32] Arrested and waiting to be tried by the Court of Peers, Choiseul-Praslin was released onparole, only to commit suicide on 24 August 1847; shortly before his death, he denied all charges.[31][32] This event played a part in bringing about the1848 Revolution, after public opinion began speculating that aristocrats had allowed one of their own to take his own life rather than face trial,[31] or even that Choiseul-Praslin had been allowed to escape.[17] As a parallel result, the 1848 events brought an end to the Sébastianis' influence inCorsica, especially after Tiburce Sébastiani chose to retire to his domain inOlmeta-di-Tuda.[24]
Four years later, Sébastiani died suddenly while having breakfast. His funeral service was held atLes Invalides and attended byPresidentCharles-Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte among other officials of theSecond Republic.[5]
Horace Sébastiani's name is inscribed on the western side of theArc de Triomphe.[2] An avenue inBastia was named in his honor (Avenue Maréchal Sébastiani).
In 1938,Rachel Field published herAll This and Heaven Too, a novel which centers on the killing of Sébastiani's daughter. The 1940 drama film of the same starredBarbara O'Neil as Fanny,Charles Boyer as De Choiseul-Praslin, andBette Davis asHenriette Deluzy-Desportes, the governess. Sébastiani is portrayed byMontagu Love.[34]
Sébastiani is also one of the protagonists inPrince Michael of Greece's novelSultana - La Nuit du Sérail, which depicts fictionalized events ofSelim III's rule. In 1989, the story was later turned into an American-Swiss film co-production: titledThe Favorite (orLa Nuit du Sérail), it starredLaurent Le Doyen as Sébastiani.[35]
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Head of state: KingLouis Philippe I | ||
| President of the ministry | ||
| Interior | ||
| Justice | ||
| Foreign Affairs | ||
| War | ||
| Finance | ||
| Navy and Colonies | ||
| Education and Religious Affairs | ||
| Commerce and Public Works | ||
