Hokkien is aSouthern Min language spoken in southernFujian andTaiwan. It has one of the most diversephoneme inventories amongSinitic languages.

Along with otherMin languages, which are not directlydescended fromMiddle Chinese, Hokkien is of considerable interest tohistorical linguists forreconstructing Old Chinese.

This article usesPe̍h-ōe-jī andIPA for transcription.

Asyllable in Hokkien consists of an initial, a final, and a tone.

In total, Hokkien uses around 800 toneless combinations of initials and finals, and around 2250~2450 total syllables with tones (counting only attested meaningful syllables, not all theoretically possible combinations).^[1]

The number of syllables in Hokkien is far greater than in any other Sinitic language. For comparison, Cantonese and Hokchew use around 1800 toned syllables, Beijing Mandarin has 1350 syllables, and Suzhou Wu has only 1100 syllables.^[1]

Hokkien hasaspirated, unaspirated as well asvoiced consonant initials.

A total of 15 initials (or 14, in dialects with /dz/ merged with /l/) are used in Hokkien. This number does not include the three nasal consonants ([m], [n], [ŋ]), which are usually consideredallophones of the non-nasal voiced initials (e.g.命;miā; 'life' is analyzed as /bĩã^⊇/, but pronounced as [mĩã²²]). This allophony also leads to a notable feature of the Hokkien accent in other languages, such as Japanese or Mandarin, when the nasal sounds like [m] are denasalized into non-nasal voiced consonants like [b].^[2]

Syllables starting with vowels or approximants (/w/, /j/) are considered to have the zero initial /∅/ (which can be articulated as a glottal stop [ʔ]).

Affricates andfricatives (ts,tsʰ,dz~z,s) are palatalized beforei, becomingtɕ,tɕʰ,dʑ~ʑ,ɕ.

The phoneme /l/ in Hokkien has many possible articulations. It ranges between [d], [ɗ], [l] and [ɾ]. Its nasal allophone is uniformly described as [n]. In directly-borrowed loanwords (i.e. those not borrowed orthographically via Mandarin or Japanese), foreign /d/ may be represented with Hokkien /l/:鐳;lui; 'coin' (fromDutchduit viaMalay),羅辛;lô-sin; 'dozen' (from English),老君;ló-kun; 'doctor' (from Malaydukun),棉蘭;Mî-lân; 'Medan'.

As a phoneme, /dz/ (also realized as [z]) is found predominantly in southern dialects of Hokkien. In many northern dialects, such as urban Quanzhou and Amoy, it has merged with /l/. This merger is still incomplete in some peripheral northern dialects, such as those ofTong'an orYongchun, where /dz/ is reported to be present in some localities, in the speech of older speakers, or in a limited set of words (usually the more common ones, such as日;ji̍t; 'day' or二;jī; 'two').^[4] Some Southern Hokkien andLengna dialects merge /dz/ with /g/ (among the Southern Hokkien dialects, such merger is found in the north ofZhangpu, inTaichung, or, under the Lengna influence, inHua'an).^[5]

While generally preserving /dz/, Zhangzhou Hokkien may still merge it with /l/ in some words, usually before /-u-/. E.g., characters like潤jūn 'wet',軟joán 'soft',偌jǒa 'how much' are now pronouncedlūn, loán, lǒa even in Zhangzhou, although older Hokkien dictionaries record them with /dz/.

A final in Hokkien consists of a nucleus (a vowel, a diphthong, or a syllabic nasal /m̩/ or /ŋ̍/), with an optional medial (/i/ or /u/, some dialects also allow /ɯ/) and coda (/m/, /n/, /ŋ/, /p/, /t/, /k/, /ʔ/).

There are around 80 to 90 finals in Hokkien. The exact number can vary depending on the specific dialect, as well as the inclusion of marginal finals from onomatopoeia and contractions.Lengna Min, which is sometimes included in Hokkien, has around 60 finals, due to the loss of the /-ʔ/ coda.^[6]

In the tables below, rare rimes used in a small number of words are shaded. Finals used only in the northern or southern dialects of Hokkien are marked with_N and_S respectively.

Finals with the coda /-ʔ/ are considered to be the checked tone counterparts for the open-vowel finals.

The vowel-a/a/ is usually[ɐ].

The vowelɛ/ɛ/ is only found in Southern dialects of Hokkien.

The final-o͘/ɔ/ is realized as a diphthong-ou[ou] in many rural Zhangzhou dialects (in Pinghe, Zhangpu, Yunxiao, Chawan, etc), similarly toTeochew. Likewise, many of those dialects diphthongize-e/e/ into-ei[ei]. Some dialects, such as Zhangpu, realize them as triphthongs[uou] and[iei]. Changtai dialect uniquely pronounces general Hokkien-o͘/ɔ/ as[eu]. However, it still uses the vowel/ɔ/, mainly in place of general Hokkien/o/.

-o̤/ə/ and-ṳ/ɯ/ are found in many Northern Hokkien dialects, including Quanzhou and Tong'an. In Amoy, Jinjiang and among some younger urban Quanzhou speakers,-o̤/ə/ is merged with /e/. Similarly, the final-ṳ/ɯ/ may be merged with /i/ or /u/ in those dialects. These two finals are not found in Southern dialects of Hokkien.

Chawan dialect in Zhangzhou also has-o̤/ə/ and-ṳ/ɯ/. Thus, Chawan distinguishes the following finals:-ɛ/ɛ/,-o̤/ə/, and-ei[ei] (latter corresponding to urban Zhangzhou-e/e/). The dialects ofYunxiao and ruralDongshan are notable for having-ɛ/ɛ/,-e/e/ (in place of Chawan-o̤/ə/) and-ei/ei/ (in place of urban Zhangzhou-e/e/) as distinct finals.

In Northern Hokkien dialects where the final-o̤/ə/ is present, it is generally realized as [ɤ̟], and-o/o/ is realized as [o̜]. In dialects where-o̤/ə/ is absent, [ɤ̹] is a possible realization of-o/o/.

The exact realization of/iŋ/ and/ik/ varies throughout the dialects. For most of them, they are described as [iɪŋ]/[iɪk] or [iəŋ]/[iək]. Many Hokkien dialects in rural Zhangzhou and SEA have them as [eŋ] and [ek]. In urban Quanzhou and Jinjiang,/ik/ is merged with/iak/, but/iŋ/ is preserved.

In dialects with-ṳng/ɯŋ~əŋ/ and-ng/ŋ̍/, the two finals are often confounded. Likewise,-m/m̩/ and-o̤m/əm/ may be used interchangeably.-m/m̩/ is assigned mainly to the syllables with zero initial, e.g. in毋m̄ "not",媒m̂, hm̂ "matchmaker",梅m̂ "plum",莓m̂ "berry", etc.

Hui'an dialect merges-im/im/ and-iam/iam/ into[em], or-ip/ip/ and-iap/iap/ into[ep], etc, and thus it has the following rhymes not found in other dialects:[em],[ep],[en],[et],[eŋ].

While-o̤/ə/ and-ṳ/ɯ/ are phonemically distinct as standalone finals, they are not distinct in compound finals, and /ɯŋ/, /ɯn/, /ɯk/, /ɯt/ may be described as /əŋ/, /ən/, /ək/, /ət/ as well (and they are usually described as such forTeochew). In Quanzhou operatic pronunciation, this sound is pronounced as [-ɯə-] in compound finals (except for the final /ək/, which is realized as [-ɯak], influenced by the urban Quanzhou-ṳk/-ek/-iak merger). These rimes also share some phonological constraints with/ɯ/ rather than/ə/, e.g. they do not cooccur with labial initials (so */pɯ/, */pʰɯk/~/pʰək/ or */mɯt/~/mət/ are not valid syllables in Hokkien, while /pə/ or /pʰə/ are possible).^[7]

Finals with the medial-ṳ-/-ɯ-/ are mentioned inLūi-im Biāu-gō͘ (彙音妙悟), an early 19th century Northern Hokkien rimebook, but now they are obsolete in most dialects of Hokkien. They are found only in a few exceptionally conservative dialects, such as Quanzhou operatic, or, perAng Ui-jin's survey, in the Taiwanese "Old Anxi accent", spoken among older generations in some areas ofNew Taipei (namelySanxia,Linkou,Pinglin,Xizhi,Qidu,Pingxi, andTaishan), inBaozhong Township, and in a few villages inXihu andPuyan. For these dialects, Ang Ui-jin describes this medial as-o̤-/-ə-/ rather than-ṳ-/-ɯ-/, except in the final-ṳiⁿ/ɯĩ/.^[8][7]

Some Southern Hokkien dialects (Yunxiao andChawan) have/ue/ and/uɛ/ as distinct finals. The latter is used in a small number of vernacular readings:^[9]

• in瓜,花,華,化,怪,畫,話 in both of these dialects
• in果,過,課,火,貨 additionally in the Chawan dialect

Similarly, those dialects differentiate between/ueʔ/ and/uɛʔ/, but the latter is used exclusively in劃.

Furthermore, inChawan dialect, the rime/uẽ/ and/uɛ̃/ are differentiated:

• /uẽ/ is used in妹,糜, and昧
• /uɛ̃/ is used in關,橫,寬,寡,杆, and莖

Other rural Zhangzhou dialects (Nanjing,Pinghe,Changtai,Yunxiao, etc) have/uẽ/ in both groups of characters.

Zhangpu dialect uses/uɛ/,/uɛʔ/ and/uɛ̃/ consistently in place of/ue/,/ueʔ/ and/uẽ/.

Some Southern Zhangzhou dialects (such as Chawan, Yunxiao, and Zhangpu) differentiate between the rimeso͘ ⁿ/õu/ andoⁿ/õ/.

• o͘ ⁿ/õu/ is used in a small number of characters, including五ngó͘,悟ngō͘,奴nô͘,努nó͘,怒nō͘,偶ngó͘,午ngō͘, and𩵱ngó͘.Chawan dialect also has this rime in虎hó͘ ⁿ, perhaps due to Teochew influence.
• oⁿ/õ/ is used in a much larger set of words, both derived from historical syllables with a nasal initial (我ngó_lit.,俄ngô,娥ngô,蛾ngô,鵝ngô,餓ngō,訛ngô,臥ngō,毛mô,耄mō,磨mô_lit.,冒mō,瑁mō,摸mo_lit.,魔mô,兩nō_col.,猱nō,娜nó,糯nō,懦nō) and those that never had a nasal consonant (可khóⁿ,好hóⁿ,火hóⁿ,貨hòⁿ,耗hòⁿ)

Changtai dialect also dfferentiates between these rimes, where they are pronounced as/ẽu/ and/ɔ̃/ respectively. Similar distinction is found in other Southern Min languages, such as Teochew orLuichow, but in most dialects of Hokkien the two rimes are merged intoo͘ ⁿ/ɔ̃/.

The rimesioⁿ/iɔ̃/ andohⁿ/ɔ̃ʔ/ (as in漠漠mo̍h-mo̍h,膜mo̍h,瘼moh) may be also described as/iõ/ and/õʔ/ for the aforementioned Southern Zhangzhou dialects. There are, however, no rimes*/iõu/ or*/õuʔ/.

Some marginal finals (not mentioned in the above charts) may occur in specific contexts, such as contractions. For example, inDongshan dialect there is a final-iohⁿ/iɔ̃ʔ/, used in即樣chiohⁿ "like this" and迄樣hiohⁿ "like that".^[10] InTong'an dialect, there is a final-iai/iai/, used in contractions (遐兮hiâ--ê >hiâi "those") or in words with the final-ia suffixed with仔á (e.g.車仔chhia-á >chhiai-á).

Quanzhou Hokkien tone contours

Amoy Hokkien tone contours

Zhangzhou Hokkien tone contours

"Dark tones"陰im on the left, "light tones"陽iông on the right. "Entering tones"入ji̍p are in pale color.
  Tone①陰平  Tone⑤陽平
  Tone②陰上  Tone⑥陽上 (only Quanzhou)
  Tone③陰去  Tone⑦陽去 (only Amoy, Zhangzhou)

Traditionally, fourMiddle Chinese tones are called "level"平piâⁿ, "rising"上chiǔⁿ, "departing"去khṳ̀ and "entering"入ji̍p. These names are mnemonics illustrating the corresponding tone, e.g. the word "level" 平piâⁿ has the level tone, the word "to enter"入ji̍p has the entering tone, etc. In modern languages, these four tones are further divided into two categories: the "dark" (陰im) or "upper" (上chiǔⁿ) tones and the "light" (陽iông) or "lower" (下ě) tones, giving a total of 8 tones in traditional system.

The tones can be counted in two patterns: the "dark—light" order (the checked tones are 7 and 8) is more common in works published in China, and the "level—rising—departing—entering" order (the checked tones are 4 and 8) is more popular in Taiwan. This article follows the latter numbering system.

In most dialects of Hokkien, there are only 7 distinct citation tones, as some of the 8 traditional tones merge into a single tone. Certain dialects (theLengna dialect or the Changkeng-Yidu dialect in Anxi and Yongchun) distinguish all eight tones, and some (Jinjiang) have only 6 citation tones due to additional mergers. Many Northern dialects merge certain tones in the citation form, but not in the sandhi form.

Tone contours vary across the Hokkien dialects.

"Dark level" tone①陰平

High level 44 ˦ ~ 55 ˥ in most dialects.

May be slightly lower in Quanzhou dialects (33 ˧ ~ 44 ˦).

In urban Zhangzhou dialect it shifts towards high rising 34 ˧˦.^[3]

"Dark rising" tone②陰上

High falling 53 ˥˧ ~ 51 ˥˩ in most dialects.

Coastal Quanzhou dialects (urban Quanzhou, Nan'an, Jinjiang, etc) have it as high level with a small drop at the end (55 ˥ ~ 554 ˥˥˦).

"Dark departing" tone③陰去

Low falling 31 ˧˩ in most dialects.

May have higher onset (41 ˦˩) in Northern Hokkien and lower onset (21 ˨˩ or even 11 ˩) in Southern dialects.

"Dark entering" tone④陰入

Mid-falling 32 ˧˨ in Southern dialects, as well as in Amoy, Yongchun, Tong'an, etc.

High falling 54 ˥˦ in Quanzhou dialects.

"Light level" tone⑤陽平

Mid or high dipping tone 214 ˨˩˦ in Northern Hokkien, including Amoy.^[14]

Lower dipping 212 ˨˩˨ ~ 213 ˨˩˧ in Southern Hokkien, although sometimes it may become more level 22 ˨ or lose its rising part (in this case, however, it does not merge with the low-falling tone (③陰去), but has a longer low segment with an overall contour 211 ˨˩˩).^[3]

Since the initial falling part is natural for rising tones in tonal languages, many works ignore it and describe this tone as rising instead of dipping (as 13 ˩˧ for Southern dialects of Hokkien or 24 ˨˦ for Northern dialects).

"Light rising" tone⑥陽上

Mid-level with a slight drop 22 ˨ ~ 221 ˨˨˩ in some Northern dialects (urban Quanzhou, Nan'an, Hui'an, etc).

Merged with tone⑦陽去 in Southern dialects and some peripheral Northern dialects (Amoy, Tong'an, Yongchun, etc).

"Light departing" tone⑦陽去

Mid-level 22 ˨ ~ 33 ˧ in Southern dialects, as well as Amoy Hokkien.

Merged with tone③陰去 in many Quanzhou dialects (but still distinguished in sandhi).

"Light entering" tone⑧陽入

In greater Quanzhou and Zhangzhou Hokkien, its contour is similar to that of tone⑤陽平 (mid- or low-rising).

In Amoy and Taiwanese Hokkien, it is a high level tone 4 ˦.

A phrase in Hokkien is divided into "tone groups", where each syllable except the last one undergoes thetone sandhi.

In examples below, the syllables that donot undergo tone sandhi are inbold. ThePe̍h-ōe-jī orthography of examples is adjusted to concisely represent as much dialectal variations as possible, e.g. distinguishing eight tones, the initialj-, the vowelɛ along with the vowelṳ, etc — note that no single Hokkien dialect maintains all of these distinctions.

The last syllable of a noun does not undergo sandhi. A noun may be preceded by a classifier with a numeral or a demonstrative pronoun, all of which do undergo sandhi. If the noun is omitted, however, the classifier preserves its original tone.

Components of the numerals generally undergo the sandhi, except the words萬bān and千chhṳiⁿ/chheng:^[15]

五萬｜六千｜三百二十三gǒ͘-bān la̍k-chheng saⁿ-pah jī-cha̍p-saⁿ '56,323'

西曆｜一千｜九百二十六年se-le̍k chi̍t-chheng káu-pah jī-cha̍p-la̍k nî 'year 1926'

Noun adjuncts generally undergo tone sandhi:^[16][17]

台北動物園Tâi-pak tǒng-bu̍t-hn̂g 'Taipei zoo'

韓國同事Hân-kok tông-sṳ̄ 'a Korean colleague'

中國歷史Tiong-kok le̍k-sṳ́ 'Chinese history'

風流人物hong-liû jîn-bu̍t 'an outstanding personage'

福建省Hok-kiàn-séng 'Hokkien (Fujian) province'

福建儂Hok-kiàn-lâng 'Hokkienese (Fujianese) person'

However, in a series of noun adjuncts, only the last one undergoes tone sandhi:

國立｜台灣大學kok-li̍p Tâi-oân tōa-o̍h 'National Taiwan University'

The "part-of-a-whole" constructions, particularly the extended place names, are divided into separate tone groups word-by-word:^[16]

中華｜人民｜共和國Tiong-hôa Jîn-bîn Kiōng-hô-kok 'People's Republic of China'

江蘇｜南京｜中山陵Kang-so͘ Lâm-kiaⁿ Tiong-san-lêng 'Sun Yat-sen Mausoleum, Nanjing, Jiangsu'

北京大學｜中文系Pak-kiaⁿ tōa-o̍h Tiong-bûn-hē 'Department of Chinese Language and Literature, Peking University' — note that the word北京Pak-kiaⁿ is a noun adjunct here and as such it undergoes tone sandhi

A name with a surname is treated as a single tone group:^[16]

鄭成功Tēⁿ Sêng-kong 'Te Sengkong'

Four-character compounds are usually divided into two tone groups two characters each:^[16]

Some four-character idioms are divided into tone groups of one and three characters, where the first character is the subject of an idiom:^[16]

Words之--chi (used as an object, 'him', not a possessive particle) and者--chiá (used as atopic marker) are pronounced with neutral tone in idioms:^[16]

Some non-literary idioms read with vernacular readings form a single tone segment:^[16]

Hokkien has neutral tone (marked with double dash -- before the syllable inPe̍h-ōe-jī).

Neutral tone is pronounced as mid-low level 33~22. The syllable before neutral tone does not undergo tone sandhi, but preserves its original tone. Aside from having the neutral tone, unstressed syllables may undergo other changes, the most prominent of them being the loss the glottal stop and voicing of the initial:^[16]

踢破that--phòa >that--bòa 'to kick and break'

跋倒poa̍h--tó >poa̍h--lə́ 'to fall down

掠着lia̍h--tio̍h >liah--lio̍ 'to catch; to grab'

寒冬kôaⁿ--tang >kôaⁿ--lang 'winter'

熱冬joa̍h--tang >joa̍h--lang 'summer'

走出去cháu--chhut-khì >cháu--chhut-ì orcháu--chhui 'to run away'

𣍐克得bǒe-khat--tit >bǒe-khat--le 'to be unwilling'

The following combinations with the generic classifier個ê may have the preceding coda voiced and reduplicated:

即個chit--ê >chid--dê 'this'

迄個hit--ê >hid--dê 'that'

一個chi̍t--ê >chi̍d--dê 'one+ classifier'

Neutral tone is used in the following contexts:^[16]

• in the possessive particle兮--e

紅兮âng--ê 'red'

• in some verbal particles, as well as the result and direction complements
• in sentence-final particles (including negative particles forming questions)

汝說無？lṳ́ so̤h--bô

• in suffixes used in direction words, such as爿--pêng,勢--si,邊--piⁿ, and頭--thau
• in certain time phrases

前年chûn--nî 'the year before last'

後年ǎu--nî 'the year after next'

後日ǎu--ji̍t 'day after tomorrow' (but後日ǎu-ji̍t 'the future, the days to come')

日時ji̍t--sî 'daytime'

日間ji̍t--kan 'daytime'

暝時mî--sî 'evening'

暗時àm--sî 'evening'

• in personal pronouns when they are used as direct objects (unless emphasis is put on the pronoun)

叫我kiò--góa 'to call me'

叫伊kiò--i 'to call him/her'

• particularly, in the indefinite pronoun儂lâng

幫助儂pang-chō͘--lâng 'to help somebody'

做儂chòe--lâng 'to be bethrothed' (but做儂 chòe-lâng 'to behave properly; to conduct oneself')

怪儂koài--lâng 'to blame somebody' (but怪儂 koài-lâng 'strange person')

拗儂áu--lâng 'to enforce'

驚儂kiaⁿ--lâng 'scary, frightening' (but驚儂 kiaⁿ-lâng 'filthy; disgusting')

• in titles after surnames

林氏Lîm--sǐ 'Mr. Lim'

陳生Tân--sian 'Mr. Tan'

蔡先生Chhòa--sian-siⁿ 'Mr. Chhoa'

• particularly, in some words with哥ko

明哥bing--ko "brother Ming"

法哥huat--ko "brother Hwat"

農哥lông--ko "(derogatory) peasant, farmer"

頭哥thau--ko "boss"

• particularly, in placenames formed from a surname and the word厝 chhù 'house'

黃厝N̂g--chhù

吳厝Ngô͘--chhù

蘇厝So͘--chhù

呂厝Lṳ̄--chhù

周厝Chiu--chhù

施厝Si--chhù

The suffix 仔-á is related to some special phonetic changes.

Syllables before 仔-á may induce its change due to assimilation.^[18]

Some assimilations are dialect-specific. E.g. in Tong'an dialect, a syllable ending in-a changes it to-ai before仔-á:車仔chhia-á >chhiai-á,鴨仔ah-á >aih-á,籃仔nâ-á >nâi-á,衫仔saⁿ-á >saiⁿ-á, etc.

The tone sandhi before仔-á is different from general Hokkien tone sandhi.

The earliest sources on the Hokkien phonology are the rhyme dictionariesLūi-im Biāu-ngō͘ (彙音妙悟) andLūi-chi̍p Ngé-sio̍k-thong Si̍p-ngó͘-im (彙集雅俗通十五音). The former describes the Quanzhou Hokkien, while the latter describes the Zhangzhou Hokkien.

Current Hokkien-speaking area mostly coincides with the 10th centuryChheng-goân Circuit, ade facto independent polity that emerged after the fall of theMin Empire. The polity was divided into two prefectures, Quanzhou (which also included modernPutian,Changtai and most ofXiamen) and Zhangzhou (which also included the Hokkien-speaking areas of modernLongyan), and the border between these medieval prefectures roughly coincides with certain modern Hokkienisoglosses. TheChiang-bú Circuit (彰武軍), which was under the rule ofWuyue, covers the Hokchew-speaking area, andTiong-gī Circuit (忠義軍) ruled bySouthern Tang lies in Inland Min- and Hakka-speaking area in Fujian.

Changtai dialect contains features of both Northern (Quanzhou) and Southern (Zhangzhou) dialect areas, atop of having some of its own unique characteristics. Changtai was a part of Quanzhou prefecture in 6—10 centuries, until being transferred under Zhangzhou's jurisdiction in 980.

Chawan dialect is a distinct variety of Hokkien. It may have received some influence from Teochew, but its amount is contestable.

The Eastern Namoa dialect shows some traits of Zhangzhou Hokkien, as this half of theNamoa island was previously included in the Zhangzhou prefecture, yet in most aspects it still clusters more with Teochew.

Hai Lok Hong dialect has even more features typical for southern dialects of Hokkien, and may be classified as a distinct dialect of either Teochew or Hokkien, or a variety of Southern Min separate from both of them. The charts below follow the classification of The Language Atlas of China, where Hai Lok Hong is included in Teochew.

TheLengna and Zhangping dialects are very different from mainstream Hokkien. At the same time, they form a continuum with Zhangzhou dialects. They are sometimes classified as the Western branch of Hokkien.

Datian Min is usually included in Southern Min as a distinct variety, apart from Hokkien and Teochew. It is divided into two dialects,Qianlu (the 'Frontlect') andHoulu, the former lying closer to Hokkien, and the latter having moreCentral Min influence. An undescribed variety of Southern Min in the north ofDehua is reported to be quite different from other Hokkien dialects and may belong to the same Hokkien—Central Min transitionary area as Datian Min.

Hinghwa is a language closely affiliated with Hokkien, yet it has received heavyHokchew influence and is not usually considered a part of Hokkien itself.

One large difference between Hokkien and Teochew is the degree of denasalization. Teochew /n/, /m/ and /ŋ/ are usually considered phonemes rather than allophones of the voiced plosives /d/, /b/, /g/.

In Teochew, most syllables with codas preserve the nasal initial, with a few exceptions: denasalization frequently occurs in some specific syllables, likebuang (亡,忘,望,萬),bak (木,墨, butmak:目),leng (能,寧,獰),long (農,膿,濃),lang (濃,難,囊, butnang:儂),lung (嫩,媆),bung (悶,聞,文,紋, butmung:門,晚,問). It may also sporadically occur in some individual characters:勿,蜜,玉,獄, etc. In Hokkien on the other hand, syllables with codas (excluding-h) can never have nasal initials.

InHinghwa, Hokkien voiced consonants /b/, /dz/, /g/, including cases when they are derived from nasal initials, are further devoiced into /p/, /ts/, /k/.

The charts below illustrate the common correspondences in rimes between various dialects of Hokkien, as well as related Southern Min languages. Middle Chinese finals are transcribed usingBaxter's transcription, and Proto-Southern-Min reconstructions are per Kwok Bit-chee.^[19]

In the example characters,literary andvernacular readings are marked by different types of underlines. Note that the examples are given primarily for Hokkien correspondences, and other languages may lack corresponding readings for some of the example characters.

In the tables below, characters after the double line‖ have nasalization at least in some dialects of Hokkien.

Teochew has mostly merged -n/-t with -ŋ/-k, except for some peripheral dialects. The dialect of Fenghuang County in Chaozhou preserves the most -n/-t finals (a total of six: -un, -in, -uan, -ien, -an, -ɯn). The Eastern Namoa dialect preserves only -in and -un. In Hai Lok Hong, while some dialects also preserve -in and -un, most Western Hai Lok Hong dialects only preserve -un, and most Eastern Hai Lok Hong dialects merge all -n/-t finals with -ŋ/-k, like in Teochew.

The choose of-ian/-iat or-uan/-uat for a given character derived from MC rhymes 仙三合-jw(i)en and 先四合-wen is not consistent among different languages. For 仙三合-jw(i)en, the generally used reflex is-uan/-uat for most Southern Min languages, except Hinghwa and Lengna, where it is-ian/-iat. However, there is a tendency in Hokkien to have-ian/-iat here when the MC initial was 以y-, either as the only reading or a non-standard popular variant. For 先四合-wen, the general reflex is -ian/-iat.

The shape of a character may influence the choose of-ian/-iat or-uan/-uat. Characters with 肙 as the phonetic element (涓, 罥, 鵑, 鞙) tend to have-uan in Hokkien, but-ian in other languages. Characters derived from 矞, 血 and 穴 tend to have-iat in Hokkien, but-uat in Teochew. Characters derived from 夬 and 癸 tend to have-uat in mainstream Hokkien and Teochew, but-iat in Hinghwa, Lengna, Hai Lok Hong, etc.

Finals with the coda -ʔ are all used in vernacular readings. Their literary counterparts almost always have -p, -t, -k as a coda in Hokkien.

Nasalized finals in Hokkien have two principal etymological sources.

First category includes the nasalized finals that are cognate to finals with a full nasal coda. They are used only in vernacular readings.

Another type of nasalized finals is used in syllables with nasal initials that did not undergo denasalization. Such syllables may be alternatively analyzed as having a plain, non-nasalized final and a nasal initial. Although this analysis is not typical for Hokkien, it is more common in the descriptions of Teochew (e.g. thePeng'im romanization would spell 迷 asmi5, and 棉 asmin5, even though both are actually /mĩ⁵⁵/, ormî inPe̍h-ūe-jī). This type of nasal finals occurs in both literary and vernacular readings.

While finals like /ĩ/, /ɛ̃/, /ã/, /iũ/, /uã/ may be induced by both contexts, finals /ãi/, /ãu/, /iãu/, /õ~ɔ̃/ are used exclusively in syllables that did not have an etymological nasal coda (see the section on the open-vowel finals for examples). Additionally, depending on the dialect, words like糜 'congee' and妹 'sister' may have finals /uẽ/ (in some Hokkien dialects: Changtai, Chawan, Southern Taiwan, as well as in Teochew) or /uãi/ (in urban Zhangzhou). Teochew preserves some other combinations of nasal initials and finals not found in Hokkien, such as雅ngiá 'beautiful' and語ngú 'language' (the latter only in the Teoyeo dialect of Teochew).

Occasionally, nasal finals occur in characters that never had a nasal coda or a nasal initial, e.g.打táⁿ,鼻phīⁿ,怕phàⁿ.

The following correspondences are less regular and common, and as such, they are illustrated by specific characters in which they occur.