 10th-century minuscule manuscript ofThucydides'sHistory | |
| Author | Thucydides |
|---|---|
| Language | Ancient Greek |
| Genre | History |
| Publisher | Various |
Publication date | Late 5th century BC |
| Publication place | Athens |
TheHistory of the Peloponnesian War (/pɛləpəˈniːʃən/[1]) is a historical account of thePeloponnesian War (431–404 BC), which was fought between thePeloponnesian League (led bySparta) and theDelian League (led byAthens). The account, apparently unfinished, does not cover the full war, ending mid-sentence in 411. It was written byThucydides, anAthenian historian who also served as an Athenian general during the war. His account of the conflict is widely considered to be a classic and regarded as one of the earliest scholarly works of history. TheHistory is divided into eight books.
Analyses of theHistory generally occur in one of two camps.[2] On the one hand, some scholars such asJ. B. Bury view the work as an objective and scientific piece of history. The judgment of Bury reflects this traditional interpretation of theHistory as "severe in its detachment, written from a purely intellectual point of view, unencumbered with platitudes and moral judgments, cold and critical."[3]
On the other hand, in keeping with more recent interpretations that are associated withreader-response criticism, theHistory can be read as a piece of literature rather than an objective record of the historical events. This view is embodied in the words of W. R. Connor, who describes Thucydides as "an artist who responds to, selects and skillfully arranges his material, and develops its symbolic and emotional potential."[4]
Thucydides is considered to be one of the key figures in the development of Western history, thus making his methodology the subject of much analysis in the area ofhistoriography.[5]
Thucydides is one of the first western historians to employ a strict standard of chronology, recording events by year, with each year consisting of the summer campaign season and a less active winter season. This method contrasts sharply withHerodotus.
Thucydides also makes extensive use of speeches in order to elaborate on the event in question. While the inclusion of long first-person speeches is somewhat alien to modernhistorical method, in the context ofancient Greekoral culture, speeches are expected. These include addresses given to troops by their generals before battles and numerous political speeches, both by Athenian and Spartan leaders, as well as debates between various parties. Of the speeches, the most famous is thefuneral oration of Pericles, which is found in Book Two. Being an Athenian general in the war, Thucydides heard some of these speeches himself. For the other speeches, he relied on eyewitness accounts.[6]
These speeches are suspect in the eyes of classicists, however, inasmuch as it is not clear to what degree Thucydides altered these speeches in order to elucidate better the crux of the argument presented. Some of the speeches are probably fabricated according to his expectations of, as he puts it, "what was called for in each situation" (1.22.1)[7] and because in an era before audio recordings "it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one’s memory"[8].
Despite being an Athenian and a participant in the conflict, Thucydides is often regarded as having written a generallyunbiased account of the conflict with respect to the sides involved in it. In the introduction to the piece he states, "my work is not a piece of writing designed to meet the taste of an immediate public, but was done to last for ever" (1.22.4).
There are scholars, however, who doubt this.Ernst Badian, for example, has argued that Thucydides has a strong pro-Athenian bias.[9] In keeping with this sort of doubt, other scholars claim that Thucydides had an ulterior motive in his Histories, specifically to create an epic comparable to those of the past such as the works ofHomer, and that this led him to create a nonobjective dualism favoring the Athenians.[10] The work does display a clear bias against certain people involved in the conflict, such asCleon.[11]
The gods play no active role in Thucydides' work. This is very different from Herodotus, who frequently mentions the role of the gods, as well as a nearly ubiquitous divine presence in the centuries-earlier poems ofHomer. Instead, Thucydides regards history as being caused by the choices and actions of human beings.
Despite the absence of actions of the gods, religion and piety play critical roles in the actions of the Spartans, and to a lesser degree, the Athenians.[12] Thus natural occurrences such as earthquakes and eclipses were viewed as religiously significant (1.23.3; 7.50.4)[13]
Despite the absence of the gods from Thucydides' work, he still draws heavily from theGreek mythos, especially fromHomer, whose works are prominent in Greek mythology. Thucydides references Homer frequently as a source of information, but always adds a distancing clause, such as "Homer shows this, if that is sufficient evidence," and "assuming we should trust Homer's poetry in this case too."[14]
However, despite Thucydides' skepticism in secondhand information such as Homer's, he does use the poet's epics to infer facts about theTrojan War. For instance, while Thucydides considered the number of over 1,000 Greek ships sent toTroy to be a poetic exaggeration, he uses Homer'sCatalogue of Ships to determine the approximate number of Greek soldiers who were present. Later, Thucydides claims that since Homer never makes reference to a united Greek state, the pre-Hellenic nations must have been so disjointed that they could not organize properly to launch an effective campaign. In fact, Thucydides claims that Troy could have been conquered in half the time had the Greek leaders allocated resources properly and not sent a large portion of the army on raids for supplies.
Thucydides makes sure to inform his reader that he, unlike Homer, is not a poet prone to exaggeration, but instead a historian, whose stories may not give "momentary pleasure," but "whose intended meaning will be challenged by the truth of the facts."[15] By distancing himself from the storytelling practices of Homer, Thucydides makes it clear that while he does consider mythology and epics to be evidence, these works cannot be given much credibility, and that it takes an impartial and empirically minded historian, such as himself, to accurately portray the events of the past.
The first book of the History, after a brief review of early Greek history and some programmatic historiographical commentary, seeks to explain why the Peloponnesian War broke out when it did and what its causes were. Except for a few short excursuses (notably 6.54–58 on theTyrant Slayers), the remainder of the History (books 2 through 8) rigidly maintains its focus on thePeloponnesian War to the exclusion of other topics.
While theHistory concentrates on themilitary aspects of the Peloponnesian War, it uses these events as a medium to suggest several other themes closely related to the war. It specifically discusses in several passages the socially and culturally degenerative effects of war on humanity itself. TheHistory is especially concerned with the lawlessness and atrocities committed by Greek citizens to each other in the name of one side or another in the war. Some events depicted in theHistory, such as theMelian dialogue, describe early instances ofrealpolitik orpower politics. According to one scholar, there is a possibility that translation mistakes influenced the deductions ofrealists from the work of Thucydides.[16]
TheHistory is preoccupied with the interplay ofjustice and power in political and military decision-making. Thucydides' presentation is decidedly ambivalent on this theme. While theHistory seems to suggest that considerations of justice are artificial and necessarily capitulate to power, it sometimes also shows a significant degree of empathy with those who suffer from the exigencies of the war.
For the most part, theHistory does not discuss topics such as theart andarchitecture of Greece.
TheHistory emphasizes the development of military technologies. In several passages (1.14.3, 2.75–76, 7.36.2–3), Thucydides describes in detail various innovations in the conduct ofsiegeworks or naval warfare. TheHistory places great importance upon naval supremacy, arguing that a modern empire is impossible without a strong navy. He states that this is the result of the development of piracy and coastal settlements in earlier Greece.
Important in this regard was the development, at the beginning of the classical period (c. 500 BC), of thetrireme, the supreme naval ship for the next several hundred years. In his emphasis on sea power, Thucydides is echoed by the modern naval theoristAlfred Thayer Mahan, whose influential workThe Influence of Sea Power upon History helped set in motion the naval arms race prior to World War I.
TheHistory explains that the primary cause of the Peloponnesian War was the "growth in power of Athens, and the alarm which this inspired in Sparta" (1.23.6). Thucydides traces the development of Athenian power through the growth of theAthenian empire in the years 479 BC to 432 BC in book one of theHistory (1.89–118). The legitimacy of the empire is explored in several passages, notably in the speech at 1.73–78, where an anonymous Athenian legation defends the empire on the grounds that it was freely given to the Athenians and not taken by force. The subsequent expansion of the empire is defended by these Athenians, "...the nature of the case first compelled us to advance our empire to its present height; fear being our principal motive, though honor and interest came afterward." (1.75.3)
The Athenians also argue that, "We have done nothing extraordinary, nothing contrary to human nature in accepting an empire when it was offered to us and then in refusing to give it up." (1.76) They claim that anyone in their position would act in the same fashion. TheSpartans represent a more traditional, circumspect, and less expansive power. Indeed, the Athenians are nearly destroyed by their greatest act of imperial overreach, the Sicilian expedition, described in books six and seven of theHistory.
Thucydides correlates, in his description of the426 BC Malian Gulf tsunami, for the first time in the recorded history ofnatural science, quakes and waves in terms of cause and effect.[17][18]
Thucydides'History is extraordinarily dense and complex. His particular ancient Greek prose is also very challenging, grammatically, syntactically, and semantically. This has resulted in much scholarly disagreement on a cluster of issues of interpretation.
It is commonly thought that Thucydides died while still working on theHistory, since it ends in mid-sentence and only goes up to 411 BC, leaving six years of war uncovered. Furthermore, there is a great deal of uncertainty whether he intended to revise the sections he had already written. Since there appear to be some contradictions between certain passages in theHistory, it has been proposed that the conflicting passages were written at different times and that Thucydides' opinion on the conflicting matter had changed. Those who argue that theHistory can be divided into various levels of composition are usually called "analysts" and those who argue that the passages must be made to reconcile with one another are called "unitarians".[19] This conflict is called the "strata of composition" debate. The lack of progress in this debate over the course of the twentieth century has caused many Thucydidean scholars to declare the debate insoluble and to side-step the issue in their work.
TheHistory is notoriously reticent about its sources. Thucydides almost never names his informants and alludes to competing versions of events only a handful of times. This is in marked contrast toHerodotus, who frequently mentions multiple versions of his stories and allows the reader to decide which is true. Instead, Thucydides strives to create the impression of a seamless and irrefutable narrative. Nevertheless, scholars have sought to detect the sources behind the various sections of theHistory. For example, the narrative after Thucydides' exile (4.108ff.) seems to focus on Peloponnesian events more than the first four books, leading to the conclusion that he had greater access to Peloponnesian sources at that time.
Frequently, Thucydides appears to assert knowledge of the thoughts of individuals at key moments in the narrative. Scholars have asserted that these moments are evidence that he interviewed these individuals after the fact. However, the evidence of theSicilian Expedition argues against this, sinceThucydides discusses the thoughts of the generals who died there and whom he would have had no chance to interview. Instead it seems likely that, as with the speeches, Thucydides is looser than previously thought in inferring the thoughts, feelings, and motives of principal characters in hisHistory from their actions, as well as his own sense of what would be appropriate or likely in such a situation.
The historianJ. B. Bury writes that the work of Thucydides "marks the longest and most decisive step that has ever been taken by a single man towards making history what it is today.”[20]
HistorianH. D. Kitto feels that Thucydides wrote about the Peloponnesian War not because it was the most significant war in antiquity but because it caused the most suffering. Indeed, several passages of Thucydides' book are written "with an intensity of feeling hardly exceeded bySappho herself."[21]
In hisOpen Society and Its Enemies,Karl R. Popper writes that Thucydides was the "greatest historian, perhaps, who ever lived." Thucydides' work, however, Popper goes on to say, represents "an interpretation, a point of view; and in this we need not agree with him." In the war between Athenian democracy and the "arrested oligarchic tribalism of Sparta," we must never forget Thucydides' "involuntary bias," and that "his heart was not with Athens, his native city:"
"Although he apparently did not belong to the extreme wing of the Athenian oligarchic clubs who conspired throughout the war with the enemy, he was certainly a member of the oligarchic party, and a friend neither of the Athenian people, the demos, who had exiled him, nor of its imperialist policy."[22]
Thucydides'History has been enormously influential in both ancient and modernhistoriography. It was embraced by many of the author's contemporaries and immediate successors with enthusiasm; indeed, many authors sought to complete the unfinished history. For example,Xenophon wrote hisHellenica as a continuation of Thucydides' work, beginning at the exact moment that Thucydides'History leaves off. In later antiquity, Thucydides' reputation suffered somewhat, with critics such asDionysius of Halicarnassus rejecting theHistory as turgid and excessively austere.Lucian also parodies it (among others) in his satireThe True Histories.Woodrow Wilson read theHistory on his voyage across the Atlantic to theVersailles Peace Conference.[23]
In the 17th century, English philosopherThomas Hobbes (who himself translated the work) wrote about Thucydides as follows:
It hath been noted by divers, that Homer in poesy, Aristotle in philosophy, Demosthenes in eloquence, and others of the ancients in other knowledge, do still maintain their primacy: none of them exceeded, some not approached, by any in these later ages. And in the number of these is justly ranked also our Thucydides; a workman no less perfect in his work, than any of the former; and in whom (I believe with many others) the faculty of writing history is at the highest.[24]
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The most important manuscripts include: Codex Parisinus suppl. Gr. 255, Codex Vaticanus 126, Codex Laurentianus LXIX.2, Codex Palatinus 252, Codex Monacensis 430, Codex Monacensis 228, and Codex Britannicus II, 727.[25]
Grenfell and Hunt discovered about 20 papyrus fragments copied some time between the 1st and 6th centuries AD inOxyrhynchus, includingPapyrus Oxyrhynchus 16 and17.
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Quotations related toThe Peloponnesian War at Wikiquote Works related toHistory of the Peloponnesian War at Wikisource
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