HMSDreadnought was aRoyal Navy battleship, the design of which revolutionised naval power. The ship's entry into service in 1906 represented such an advance in naval technology that her name came to be associated with an entire generation of battleships, thedreadnoughts, as well as the class of ships named after her. Likewise, the generation of ships she made obsolete became known aspre-dreadnoughts. AdmiralSir John "Jacky" Fisher,First Sea Lord of theBoard of Admiralty, is credited as the father ofDreadnought. Shortly after he assumed office in 1904, he ordered design studies for a battleship armed solely with 12 in (305 mm) guns and a speed of 21knots (39 km/h; 24 mph). He convened a Committee on Designs to evaluate the alternative designs and to assist in the detailed design work.
Dreadnought was the first battleship of her era to have a uniformmain battery, rather than having a few large guns complemented by a heavysecondary armament of smaller guns. She was also the firstcapital ship to be powered bysteam turbines, making her the fastest battleship in the world at the time of her completion.[1] Her launch helped spark anaval arms race as navies around the world, particularly theImperial German Navy, rushed to match it in the build-up to theFirst World War.[2]
Although designed to engage enemy battleships, her only significant action was the ramming and sinking of German submarineSM U-29; thus she became the only battleship confirmed to have sunk a submarine.[3]Dreadnought did not participate in theBattle of Jutland in 1916 as she was being refitted, nor did she participate in any of the other naval battles in World War I. In July 1916 she was relegated tocoastal-defence duties in theEnglish Channel, before rejoining theGrand Fleet in 1918. The ship was reduced toreserve in 1919 and sold forscrap two years later.
Gunnery developments in the late 1890s and the early 1900s, led in the United Kingdom byPercy Scott and in the United States byWilliam Sims, were already pushing expected battle ranges out to an unprecedented 6,000 yd (5,500 m), a distance great enough to force gunners to wait for the shells to arrive before applying corrections for the nextsalvo. A related problem was that the shell splashes from the more numerous smaller weapons tended to obscure the splashes from the bigger guns. Either the smaller-calibre guns would have to hold their fire to wait for the slower-firing heavies, losing the advantage of their faster rate of fire, or it would be uncertain whether a splash was due to a heavy or a light gun, making ranging and aiming unreliable. Another problem was that longer-rangetorpedoes were expected soon to be in service and these would discourage ships from closing to ranges where the smaller guns' faster rate of fire would become preeminent. Keeping the range open generally negated the threat from torpedoes and further reinforced the need for heavy guns of a uniform calibre.[4]
In 1903, the Italian naval architectVittorio Cuniberti first wrote about the concept of an all-big-gun battleship. When theItalian Navy did not pursue his ideas, Cuniberti wrote an article inJane's Fighting Ships advocating his concept. He proposed an "ideal" future British battleship of 17,000 long tons (17,000 t), with a main battery of a dozen 12-inch guns in eight turrets, 12 inches ofbelt armour, and a speed of 24knots (44 km/h; 28 mph).[5]
"Intermediate-dreadnought"Satsuma
The Royal Navy, theImperial Japanese Navy and theUnited States Navy all recognised these issues before 1905. The Royal Navy modified the design of theLord Nelson-classbattleship to include asecondary armament of 9.2 in (234 mm) guns that could fight at longer ranges than the 6 in (152 mm) guns on older ships, but a proposal to arm them solely with 12-inch guns was rejected.[6][Note 1] TheJapanese battleship Satsuma was laid down as an all-big-gun battleship, five months beforeDreadnought, but gun shortages allowed her to be equipped with only four of the twelve 12-inch guns that had been planned.[7] The Americans began design work on an all-big-gun battleship around the same time in 1904, but progress was leisurely and the twoSouth Carolina-class battleships were not ordered until March 1906, five months afterDreadnought was laid down, and the month after she was launched.[8]
TheBattle of the Yellow Sea andBattle of Tsushima were analysed by Fisher's Committee, with CaptainWilliam Pakenham's statement that "12-inch gunfire" by both sides demonstrated hitting power and accuracy, whilst 10-inch shells passed unnoticed. Admiral Fisher wanted his board to confirm, refine and implement his ideas of a warship that had both the speed of 21 knots and 12-inch guns, pointing out that at the Battle of Tsushima, the Japanese ships commanded byAdmiral Togo had been able to "cross the T" of the Russian ships due to speed.[10] The long-range (14,000-yard (13,000 m))[11] engagement during the Battle of the Yellow Sea, in particular, although never experienced by any navy prior to the battle, seemed to confirm what the Royal Navy already believed.[12]
3-view drawing of HMSDreadnought in 1911, with QF 12 pdr guns added
Admiral Fisher proposed several designs for battleships with a uniform armament in the early 1900s, and he gathered an unofficial group of advisors to assist him in deciding on the ideal characteristics in early 1904. After he was appointedFirst Sea Lord on 20 October 1904, he pushed through the Board of Admiralty a decision to arm the next battleship with 12 inch guns and that it would have a speed no less than 21 knots. In January 1905, he convened a "Committee on Designs", including many members of his informal group, to evaluate the various design proposals and to assist in the detailed design process. While nominally independent it served to deflect criticism of Fisher and the Board of Admiralty as it had no ability to consider options other than those already decided upon by the Admiralty. Fisher appointed all of the members of the committee and he was President of the Committee.[13]
The committee decided on the layout of the main armament, rejecting anysuperfiring arrangements because of concerns about the effects of muzzle blast on the open sighting hoods on the turret roof below, and on 18 January 1905 chose turbine propulsion over reciprocating engines to save 1,100 long tons (1,100 t) in total displacement. Before disbanding on 22 February, it decided on a number of other issues, including the number of shafts (up to six were considered), the size of the anti-torpedo boat armament,[14] and most importantly, to add longitudinal bulkheads to protect themagazines and shell rooms from underwater explosions. This was deemed necessary after theRussian battleship Tsesarevich was thought to have survived a Japanese torpedo hit during the Russo–Japanese War by virtue of her heavy internalbulkhead. To avoid increasing the displacement of the ship, the thickness of herwaterline belt was reduced by 1 in (25 mm).[15]
The Committee reported their findings in March 1905. It was decided due to the experimental nature of the design to delay placing orders for any other ships untilDreadnought and her trials had been completed. Once the design had been finalised the hull form was designed and tested at the Admiralty's experimental ship tank at Gosport. Seven iterations were required before the final hull form was selected. Once the design was finalized, a team of three assistant constructors and 13 draughtsmen produced detailed drawings.[16] To assist in speeding up the ship's construction, the internal hull structure was simplified as much as possible and an attempt was made to standardize on a limited number of standard plates, which varied only in their thickness.[17]
Dreadnought was significantly larger than the two ships of theLord Nelson class, which were under construction at the same time. She had anoverall length of 527 ft (160.6 m), abeam of 82 ft 1 in (25 m), and adraught of 29 ft 7.5 in (9 m) at deep load. She displaced 18,120long tons (18,410 t) at normal load and 20,730 long tons (21,060 t) at deep load, almost 3,000 long tons (3,000 t) more than the earlier ships.[18] She had ametacentric height of 5.6 ft (1.7 m) at deep load and a completedouble bottom.[19]
Officers were customarily housed aft, butDreadnought reversed the old arrangement, so that the officers were closer to their action stations. This was very unpopular with the officers, not least because they were now berthed near the noisy auxiliary machinery while the turbines made the rear of the ship much quieter than they had been in earlier steamships. This arrangement lasted among the British dreadnoughts until theKing George V class of 1910.[20] The crew numbered 700 officers andratings in 1907, but increased to 810 in 1916.[18]
Vickers, Sons & Maxim was the prime contractor for the ship's machinery, but as they had no large turbine experience, they sourced them fromParsons.[21]Dreadnought was the first battleship to use turbines in place of the older reciprocatingtriple-expansion steam engines.[22] She had two paired sets ofdirect-drive turbines, each of which drove two 8-foot-10-inch (2.7 m) diameter, three-bladed propellers using[23] steam provided by 18Babcock & Wilcox boilers that had a working pressure of 250 psi (1,724 kPa; 18 kgf/cm2). The turbines, rated at 23,000shaft horsepower (17,000 kW), were intended to give a maximum speed of 21 knots; the ship reached 21.6 knots (40.0 km/h; 24.9 mph) from 27,018 shp (20,147 kW) during hersea trials on 9 October 1906.[24]
General arrangement of port engine room
1 – outer shaft; 2 – exhaust trunk from high pressure (HP) astern turbine for low pressure (LP) astern turbine; 3 – HP astern turbine; 4 – dummy piston; 5 – rotor shaft bearings; 6 – HP ahead turbine; 7 – inner shaft; 8 – main steam to HP ahead turbine; 9 – thrust block (outer); 10 – main steam to HP astern turbine; 11 – main steam from boiler room; 12 – astern manoeuvring valve; 13 – ahead manoeuvring valve; 14 – cruising manoeuvring valve; 15 – main steam to cruising turbine; 16 – main condenser; 17 – exhaust to the condenser; 18 – LP astern turbine; 19 – LP ahead turbine; 20 – exhaust trunk from HP for LP ahead turbine; 21 – exhaust trunk from cruising to HP ahead turbine; 22 – cruising turbine; 23 – thrust block (inner)
Dreadnought carried 2,868 long tons (2,914 t) of coal, and an additional 1,120 long tons (1,140 t) offuel oil that was to be sprayed on the coal to increase its burn rate. At full capacity, she could steam for 6,620nautical miles (12,260 km; 7,620 mi) at a speed of 10 knots (19 km/h; 12 mph).[21]
Turret with twin 12-inch Mk X guns. Two12-pounder guns are mounted on the roof for defence against torpedo boats.
Dreadnought's main armament consisted of ten 45-calibreBL 12-inch Mark X guns in five twin Mark BVIIIgun turrets. The forward turret ('A') and two aft turrets ('X' and 'Y') were located along thecentreline of the ship. Twowing turrets ('P' and 'Q') were locatedport and starboard of the forward superstructure respectively.Dreadnought could deliver abroadside of eight guns between 60° before the beam and 50°abaft the beam. Beyond these limits she could fire six guns aft, and four forward. On bearings 1° ahead or astern she could fire six guns, although she would have inflictedblast damage on thesuperstructure.[20]
The guns could be depressed to −3° andelevated to +13.5°. They fired 850 lb (390 kg) projectiles at amuzzle velocity of 2,725 ft/s (831 m/s), giving a maximum range of 16,450 yd (15,040 m) witharmour-piercing (AP) 2crh shells. Using the more aerodynamic, but slightly heavier, 4 crh AP shells extended the range to 18,850 yd (17,240 m). The rate of fire of these guns was about tworounds per minute.[25] The ships carried 80 rounds per gun.[18]
12-pounder guns mounted on 'X' turret; note the sighting hoods on the turret roof.
The secondary armament initially consisted of twenty-seven 50-calibre,quick-firing (QF) 3 in (76 mm)12-pounder 18 cwt Mark I guns.[Note 2] The guns had an elevation range between −10° and +20°. They fired 12.5 lb (5.7 kg) projectiles at a muzzle velocity of 2,660 ft/s (810 m/s). The guns had arate of fire of 20 rounds per minute. The ship carried three hundred rounds for each gun.[26]
The original plan was to dismount the eight guns on theforecastle andquarterdeck and stow them on chocks on the deck during daylight to prevent them from being damaged by muzzle blast from the main guns. Gun trials in December 1906 proved that this was more difficult than expected and the two port guns from the forecastle and the outer starboard gun from the quarterdeck were transferred to turret roofs, giving each turret two guns. The remaining forecastle guns and the outer port gun from the quarterdeck were removed by the end of 1907, which reduced the total to twenty-four guns. During her April–May 1915 refit, the two guns from the roof of 'A' turret were reinstalled in the original positions on the starboard side of the quarterdeck. A year later, the two guns at the rear of the superstructure were removed, reducing the ship to twenty-two guns. Two of the quarterdeck guns were given high-angle mounts foranti-aircraft duties and the two guns abreast theconning tower were removed in 1917.[27]
A pair ofQF six-pounder (2.2 in (57 mm)) Hotchkissanti-aircraft guns on high-angle mountings were mounted on the quarterdeck in 1915. They had a maximum depression of −8° and a maximum elevation of +60°.[26] The 6 lb (2.7 kg) shell was fired at a muzzle velocity of 1,765 ft/s (538 m/s).[28] They were replaced by a pair ofQF 3-inch 20 cwt guns on high-angle Mark II mounts in 1916. These guns had a maximum depression of 10° and a maximum elevation of 90°. They fired a 12.5-pound shell at a muzzle velocity of 2,517 ft/s (767 m/s) at a rate of 29 rounds per minute. They had a maximum effective ceiling of 23,500 ft (7,200 m).[26]
Dreadnought carried five18-inch (450 mm) submergedtorpedo tubes, two on each broadside and one in thestern. Twenty-three torpedoes were carried for them. In addition six 14 in (356 mm) torpedoes were carried for her steampicket boats.[20]
Dreadnought was one of the first vessels of the Royal Navy to be fitted with instruments for electrically transmitting range, order anddeflection information to the turrets. The control positions for the main armament were located in thespotting top at the head of the foremast and on a platform on the roof of the signal tower. Data from a 9 ft (2.7 m)Barr and Stroud FQ-2rangefinder located at each control position was input into aDumaresq mechanical computer and electrically transmitted toVickers range clocks located in the Transmitting Station located beneath each position on the main deck, where it was converted into range and deflection data for use by the guns.Voice pipes were retained for use between the Transmitting Station and the control positions. The target's data was also graphically recorded on a plotting table to assist the gunnery officer in predicting the movement of the target. The turrets, Transmitting Stations, and control positions could be connected in almost any combination.[29]
Firing trials againstHero in 1907 revealed this system's vulnerability to gunfire, as its spotting top was hit twice and a large splinter severed the voice pipe and all wiring running along the mast. To guard against this possibility,Dreadnought'sfire-control system was comprehensively upgraded during her refits in 1912–13. The rangefinder in the foretop was given a gyro-stabilized Argo mount and 'A' and 'Y' turrets were upgraded to serve as secondary control positions for any portion or all of the main armament. An additional 9-foot rangefinder was installed on thecompass platform. In addition, 'A' turret was fitted with another 9-foot rangefinder at the rear of the turret roof and a Mark IDreyer Fire Control Table was installed in the main Transmitting Station. It combined the functions of the Dumaresq and the range clock.[30]
Fire-control technology advanced quickly during the years immediately preceding the First World War, and the most important development was the director firing system. This consisted of afire-control director mounted high in the ship which electrically provided data to the turrets via pointers, which the turret crew were to follow. The director layer fired the guns simultaneously which aided in spotting the shell splashes and minimised the effects of the roll on the dispersion of the shells. A prototype was fitted inDreadnought in 1909, but it was removed to avoid conflict with her duties as flagship of the Home Fleet.[31] Preparations to install a production director were made during her May–June 1915 refit and every turret received a 9 ft (2.7 m) rangefinder at the same time. The exact date of the installation of the director is not known, other than it was not fitted before the end of 1915, and it was most likely mounted during her April–June 1916 refit.[30]
Dreadnought usedKrupp cemented armour throughout, unless otherwise mentioned. Her waterline belt measured 11 in (279 mm) thick, but tapered to 7 in (178 mm) at its lower edge. It extended from the rear of 'A'barbette to the centre of 'Y' barbette. Oddly, it was reduced to 9 in (229 mm) abreast 'A' barbette. A 6 in (152 mm) extension ran from 'A' barbette forward to the bow and a similar 4 inch extension ran aft to the stern. An 8 in (203 mm) bulkhead was angled obliquely inwards from the end of the main belt to the side of 'X' barbette to fully enclose the armoured citadel at middle deck level. An 8-inch belt sat above the main belt, but only ran as high as the main deck. One major problem withDreadnought's armour scheme was that the top of the 11 inch belt was only 2 ft (0.6 m) above the waterline at normal load and it was submerged by over 12 inches at deep load, which meant that the waterline was then protected only by the 8 inch upper belt.[32]
The turret faces and sides were protected by 11 inches of armour, while the turret roofs used 3 inches ofKrupp non-cemented armour (KNC). The exposed faces of the barbettes were 11 inches thick, but the inner faces were 8 inches thick above the main deck. 'X' barbette's was 8 inches thick all around. Below the main deck, the barbettes' armour thinned to four inches except for 'A' barbette (eight inches) and 'Y' which remained 11 inches thick. The thickness of the maindeck ranged from 0.75 to 1 in (19 to 25 mm). The middle deck was 1.75 in (44 mm) thick on the flat and 2.75 inches (70 mm) where it sloped down to meet the bottom edge of the main belt. Over the magazine for 'A' and 'Y' turrets it was 3 inches thick, on slope and flat both. The lower deck armour was 1.5 inches (38 mm) forward and 2 inches aft where it increased to 3 inches to protect the steering gear.[30]
The sides of the conning tower were 11 inches thick and it had a 3-inch roof of KNC. It had a communications tube with 8 inch walls ofmild steel down to the Transmitting Station on the middle deck. The walls of the signal tower were 8 inches thick while it had a roof of 3 inches of KNC armour. 2 inchtorpedo bulkheads were fitted abreast the magazines and shell rooms of 'A', 'X' and 'Y' turrets, but this increased to 4 inches abreast 'P' and 'Q' turrets to compensate for their outboard location.[30]
In common with all major warships of her day,Dreadnought was fitted withanti-torpedo nets, but these were removed early in the war, since they caused considerable loss of speed and were easily defeated by torpedoes fitted withnet-cutters.[33]
Electrical power was provided by three 100 kW, 100 VDCSiemens generators, powered by two Brotherhood steam and two Mirrlees diesel engines (which later changed to three steam and one diesel).[34] Among the equipment powered by 100 volt DC and 15 volt DC electrical systems were five lifts (elevators), eight coaling winches, pumps, ventilation fans, lighting and telephone systems.[35]
Dreadnought two days after the keel was laid. Most of lower frames are in place plus a few of the beams which supported the armoured deck.
Dreadnought was the sixth ship of the Royal Navy to bear the name,[36] which means "fear nothing".[37] To meet Fisher's goal of building the ship in a single year, material was stockpiled in advance and a great deal of prefabrication was done from May 1905 with about 6,000 man weeks of work expended before she was formally laid down on 2 October 1905.[38] She was built atHM Dockyard, Portsmouth, which was regarded as the fastest-building shipyard in the world. No. 5 Slip was screened from prying eyes; attempts were made to indicate that the design was no different to other battleships. Some 1,100 men were already employed by the time she was laid down, but soon this number rose to 3,000. Whereas on previous ships the men had worked a 48-hour week, they were required onDreadnought to work a 69-hour, six-day week from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., which included compulsory overtime with only a 30-minute lunch break. While double-shifting was considered to ease the long hours which were unpopular with the men, this was not possible due to labour shortages.[38] On Day 6 (7 October), the first of the bulkheads and most of the middle-deck beams were in place. By Day 20, the forward part of the bow was in position and the hull plating was well underway. By Day 55 all of the upper-deck beams were in place, and by Day 83 the upper deck plates were in position. By Day 125 (4 February), the hull was finished.
Dreadnought waschristened with a bottle ofIrvine's sparkling Australian wine[39] byKing Edward VII on 10 February 1906,[40] after only four months on the ways. The bottle required multiple blows to shatter on a bow that later became famous. Signifying the ship's importance the launch had been planned to be a large elaborate festive event but the court was still in mourning forQueen Alexandra's fatherthe King of Denmark who had died 12 days before, so she did not attend and a more sober event occurred. Post-launch fitting out of the ship was done at No.15 Dock.[41]
Sources differ on the cost of the ship's construction: £1,785,683,[42] £1,783,883,[43] and £1,672,483.[18]
On 1 October 1906, steam was raised and she went to sea on 3 October 1906 for two days oftrials at Devonport, only a year and a day after construction started. On the 9th she undertook her eight-hour-long full-power contractor trials offPolperro on the Cornwall coast during which she averaged 20.05 knots and 21.6 knots on the measured mile. She returned to Portsmouth for gun and torpedo trials before she completed her final fitting out. She wascommissioned into the fleet on 11 December 1906, fifteen months after she was laid down.[44] The suggestion[45][46] that her building had been sped up by using guns and/or turrets originally designed for theLord Nelson-class ships which preceded her is not borne out as the guns and turrets were not ordered until July 1905. It seems more likely thatDreadnought's turrets and guns merely received higher priority than those of the earlier ships.[20]
Dreadnought sailed for theMediterranean Sea for extensive trials in December 1906 calling in at Arosa Bay,Gibraltar and Golfo d'Aranci before crossing the Atlantic toPort of Spain,Trinidad, in January 1907, returning to Portsmouth on 23 March 1907. During this cruise, her engines and guns were given a thorough workout by CaptainReginald Bacon, Fisher's former Naval Assistant and a member of the Committee on Designs. His report stated, "No member of the Committee on Designs dared to hope that all the innovations introduced would have turned out as successfully as had been the case."[47] During this time she averaged 17 knots (31 km/h; 20 mph) between Gibraltar and Trinidad and 19 knots (35 km/h; 22 mph) from Trinidad to Portsmouth, an unprecedented high-speed performance.[48] Thisshakedown cruise revealed several issues that were dealt with in subsequent refits, notably the replacement of her steering engines and the addition of cooling machinery to reduce the temperature levels in her magazines (cordite degrades more quickly at high temperatures).[49] The most important issue, which was never addressed in her lifetime, was that the placement of her foremast behind the forward funnel put the spotting top right in the plume of hot exhaust gases, much to the detriment of her fighting ability.[22]
From 1907 to 1911,Dreadnought served asflagship of the Royal Navy'sHome Fleet.[50] In 1910, she attracted the attention of notorioushoaxerHorace de Vere Cole, who persuaded the Royal Navy to arrange for a party ofAbyssinian royals to be given a tour of a ship. In reality, the "Abyssinian royals" were some of Cole's friends inblackface and disguise, including a youngVirginia Woolf and herBloomsbury Group friends; it became known as theDreadnought hoax. Cole had pickedDreadnought because she was at that time the most prominent and visible symbol of Britain's naval might.[51]
She was replaced as flagship of the Home Fleet byNeptune in March 1911 and was assigned to the1st Division of the Home Fleet. She participated inKing George V's CoronationFleet Review in June 1911.Dreadnought became flagship of the4th Battle Squadron in December 1912 after her transfer from the 1st Battle Squadron, as the 1st Division had been renamed earlier in the year. Between September and December 1913 she was training in the Mediterranean Sea.[52]
At the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, she was flagship of the 4th Battle Squadron in theNorth Sea, based atScapa Flow. She was relieved as flagship on 10 December byBenbow.[53] Ironically for a vessel designed to engage enemy battleships, her only significant action was the ramming and sinking of German submarineSM U-29, skippered by K/LtOtto Weddigen (ofSM U-9 fame), in thePentland Firth on 18 March 1915.[54]U-29 had broken the surface immediately ahead ofDreadnought after firing a torpedo atNeptune, andDreadnought cut the submarine in two after a short chase. She almost collided withTemeraire who was also attempting to ram the submarine.[3]Dreadnought thus became the only battleship ever to purposefully sink an enemy submarine.[55][Note 3][Note 4]
She was refitting at Portsmouth from 18 April to 22 June 1916 and missed theBattle of Jutland on 31 May, the most significant fleet engagement of the war.Dreadnought became flagship of the3rd Battle Squadron on 9 July, based atSheerness on theThames, part of a force of pre-dreadnoughts intended to counter the threat of shore bombardment by German battlecruisers. During this time, she fired her AA guns at German aircraft that passed over her headed for London.[citation needed] She returned to theGrand Fleet in March 1918, resuming her role as flagship of the 4th Battle Squadron, but was paid off on 7 August 1918 atRosyth. She was recommissioned on 25 February 1919 as a tender toHercules to act as a parent ship for the Reserve Fleet.[3][57]
Dreadnought was put up for sale on 31 March 1920 and sold for scrap toThos. W. Ward on 9 May 1921 as one of the 113 ships that the firm purchased at a flat rate of£2. 10/- per ton, later reduced to £2. 4/- per ton. AsDreadnought was assessed at 16,650 tons, she cost the shipbreaker £36,630[58] though another source states £44,750.[3] She was broken up at Ward's new premises atInverkeithing, Scotland, upon arrival on 2 January 1923.[59] Very few artifacts fromDreadnought have survived, although a guntampion is in theNational Maritime Museum atGreenwich.[60]
1909 cartoon inPuck shows (clockwise) United States, Germany, Britain, France and Japan engaged in naval race in a "no limit" game.
Her design so thoroughly eclipsed earlier types that subsequent battleships of all nations were generically known as "dreadnoughts" and older battleships as "pre-dreadnoughts". Her very short construction time was intended to demonstrate that Britain could build an unassailable lead in the new type of battleships.[61] Her construction sparked a naval arms race, and soon all major fleets were addingDreadnought-like ships.[2]
The modern acoustic guitar developed with a wide, deep body was named theDreadnought shape after this ship.[63]
In 2014, a newly classified genus ofTitanosauridsauropoddinosaurs was namedDreadnoughtus due to its gigantic size making it "virtually impervious" to attack; the name, which means "fear nothing", was inspired by the battleship.[64]
^This type of battleship with its secondary armament 9.2 inches or greater would become known retroactively as semi-dreadnoughts. See Sturton, p. 11
^"Cwt" is the abbreviation forhundredweight, 18 cwt referring to the weight of the gun.
^The American battleshipNew York may have sunk a submarine in October 1918, when she accidentally collided with what was suspected to be a submerged U-boat. That sinking has never been conclusively established, however.[56]
Archibald, E. H. H. (1984).The Fighting Ship in the Royal Navy, AD 897–1984. Blandford Press.ISBN0-7137-1348-8.
Blyth, Robert J. et al. eds.The Dreadnought and the Edwardian Age (2011)
Brooks, John (2005).Dreadnought Gunnery and the Battle of Jutland: The Question of Fire Control. Naval Policy and History. Vol. 32. Routledge.ISBN0-415-40788-5.
Brown, Paul (January 2017), "BuildingDreadnought",Ships Monthly:24–27
Burt, R. A. (2012) [1986].British Battleships of World War One. Naval Institute Press.ISBN978-1-59114-053-5.
Forczyk, Robert (2009).Russian Battleship vs Japanese Battleship: Yellow Sea 1904–05. Osprey.ISBN978-1-84603-330-8.
Friedman, Norman (2011).Naval Weapons of World War One: Guns, Torpedoes, Mines and ASW Weapons of All Nations; An Illustrated Directory. Seaforth Publishing.ISBN978-1-84832-100-7.
Gardiner, Robert, ed. (1992).The Eclipse of the Big Gun: The Warship, 1906–45. Conway's History of the Ship. Conway Maritime Press.ISBN0-85177-607-8.
Johnston, Ian & Buxton, Ian (2013).The Battleship Builders - Constructing and Arming British Capital Ships. Naval Institute Press.ISBN978-1-59114-027-6.
Jones, Jerry W. (1995).U.S. Battleship Operations in World War I, 1917–1918. University of North Texas.OCLC37111409.
Parkes, Oscar (1990) [1966].British Battleships,Warrior 1860 toVanguard 1950: A History of Design, Construction, and Armament (New & rev. ed.). Naval Institute Press.ISBN1-55750-075-4.
Preston, Antony (1985). "Great Britain and Empire Forces". In Gray, Randal (ed.).Conway's All the World's Fighting Ships 1906–1921. Naval Institute Press. pp. 1–104.ISBN0-85177-245-5.
Roberts, John (2001) [1992].The BattleshipDreadnought. Anatomy of the Ship (revised ed.). Naval Institute Press.ISBN1-55750-057-6.
Sturton, Ian, ed. (2008).Conway's Battleships: The Definitive Visual Reference to the World's All-Big-Gun Ships (2nd revised and expanded ed.). Naval Institute Press.ISBN978-1-59114-132-7.
Sumida, Jon Tetsuro (1993).In Defense of Naval Supremacy: Financial Limitation, Technological Innovation and British Naval Policy, 1889–1914. Routledge.ISBN0-415-08674-4.OCLC28909592.