Movatterモバイル変換


[0]ホーム

URL:


Jump to content
WikipediaThe Free Encyclopedia
Search

Grimm's law

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected fromGrimm's Law)
Sound shift in the Germanic languages
This article contains characters used to write reconstructedProto-Indo-European words (for an explanation of the notation, seeProto-Indo-European phonology). Without properrendering support, you may seequestion marks, boxes, or other symbols instead ofUnicode combining characters andLatin characters.
This articleneeds additional citations forverification. Please helpimprove this article byadding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
Find sources: "Grimm's law" – news ·newspapers ·books ·scholar ·JSTOR
(February 2024) (Learn how and when to remove this message)
A diagram of Grimm's law andVerner's law

Grimm's law, also known as theFirst Germanic Consonant Shift[1] orFirst Germanic Sound Shift, is a set ofsound laws describing theProto-Indo-European (PIE) stop consonants as they developed inProto-Germanic in the first millennium BC, first discovered byRasmus Rask but systematically put forward byJacob Grimm.[2] It establishes a set of regular correspondences between early Germanic stops andfricatives andstop consonants of certain otherIndo-European languages.

History

[edit]

Grimm's law was the first discovered systematic sound change, creating historical phonology as ahistorical linguistics discipline.Friedrich von Schlegel first noted the correspondence between Latinp and Germanicf in 1806. In 1818, Rasmus Rask extended the correspondences to other Indo-European languages, such asSanskrit and Greek, and to the full range of consonants involved. In 1822, Jacob Grimm put forth the rule in his bookDeutsche Grammatik and extended it to include standard German. He noticed that many words had consonants different from what his law predicted. These exceptions defied linguists for several decades, until Danish linguistKarl Verner explained them inVerner's law.

Overview

[edit]

Grimm's law consists of three parts, forming consecutive phases in the sense of achain shift.[3] The phases are usually constructed as follows:

  1. Proto-Indo-European voicelessstops change into Proto-Germanicvoicelessfricatives.
  2. Proto-Indo-European voiced stops become Proto-Germanicvoiceless stops.
  3. Proto-Indo-European voiced aspirated stops become Proto-Germanic voiced stops or fricatives (asallophones).

This chain shift (in the order 3, 2, 1) can be abstractly represented as:

  • bpɸ
  • dtθ
  • gkx
  • gʷʰ

Here each sound moves one position to the right to take on its new sound value. Within Proto-Germanic, the sounds denoted by⟨b⟩,⟨d⟩,⟨g⟩ and⟨gw⟩ were stops in some environments and fricatives in others, so**b indicates**b/β, and likewise for the others. The voiceless fricatives are customarily spelled⟨f⟩,⟨þ⟩,⟨h⟩ and⟨hw⟩ in the context of Germanic.

The exact details of the shift are unknown, and it may have progressed in a variety of ways before arriving at the final situation. The three stages listed above show the progression of a "pull chain", in which each change leaves a "gap" in the phonological system that "pulls" other phonemes into it to fill the gap. Alternatively, the shift may have occurred as a “push chain”, where the sounds changed in reverse order, with each change "pushing" the next forward to avoid merging the phonemes.

The steps could also have occurred somewhat differently. Another possible sequence of events could have been:

  1. Voiceless stops are allophonically aspirated under most conditions.
  2. Voiced stops become unaspirated voiceless stops.
  3. All aspirated stops become fricatives.

This sequence would lead to the same result. This variety of Grimm's law is often suggested in the context of Proto-Indo-Europeanglottalic theory, which is followed by a minority of linguists. This theoretical framework assumes that PIE "voiced stops" were actually voiceless to begin with, so that the second phase did not actually exist as such, or was not actually devoicing but was losing some other articulatory feature likeglottalization orejectiveness. This alternative sequence also accounts forVerner's law phonetics (see below), which are easier to explain within the glottalic theory framework when Grimm's law is formulated in this manner.[4]

Additionally, aspirated stops are known to have changed to fricatives when transiting between Proto-Indo-European andProto-Italic, so representing a plausible potential change from Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic.

Further changes

[edit]

Once the sounds described by Grimm's law had changed, only one type of voiced consonant was left, with no distinction between voiced stops and voiced fricatives. They eventually became stops at the start of a word (for the most part), as well as after a nasal consonant, but fricatives elsewhere. Whether they were plosives or fricatives at first is therefore not clear. The voiced aspirated stops may have first become voiced fricatives, before becoming stops under certain conditions. But they may also have become stops at first, then become fricatives in most positions later.

Around the same time as the Grimm's law sounds shifted, another change occurred known asVerner's law. Verner's law caused the voiceless fricatives that resulted from the Grimm's law changes to become voiced under certain conditions, creating apparent exceptions to the rule. For example:

  • Proto-Indo-European*bʰréh₂tēr ("brother") > Proto-Germanic*brōþēr (Old Englishbroþor, Old High Germanbruothar/bruodar)
  • Proto-Indo-European*ph₂tḗr ("father") > Proto-Germanic*fadēr (Old Englishfæder, Old High Germanfatar)

The early Germanic*gw that had arisen from Proto-Indo-European*gʷʰ (and from*kʷ through Verner's law) further changed with various sorts:

  • After*n it was preserved as a labiovelar stop*gw, but later changed to a plain velar*g inWest Germanic.
  • Following vowels, it seems to have become*w, presumably through a fricative stage*ɣʷ.
  • Word-initially, the most plausible reflex is labiovelar stop*gʷ at first, but the further development is unclear. In that position, it became either*w,*g or*b during late Proto-Germanic.
  • The regular reflex next to*u would likely have been*g, due to the labial element before a labial vowel being lost in Proto-Indo-European, which continued to act as asurface filter. (Seeboukólos rule)

Perhaps the usual reflex was*b (as suggested by the connection ofbid <*bidjaną and Old Irishguidid), but*w appears in certain cases (possibly through dissimilation when another labial consonant followed?) likewarm andwife (provided that the proposed explanations are correct). Proto-Germanic*hw voiced by Verner's law fell together with this sound and developed identically, compare the words for 'she-wolf': from Middle High Germanwülbe[citation needed] and Old Norseylgr, one can reconstruct Proto-Germanic nominative singular*wulbī, genitive singular*wulgijōz, from earlier*wulgwī,*wulgwijōz.[5][failed verification]

Examples

[edit]

Further changes following Grimm's law, as well as sound changes in other Indo-European languages, can occasionally obscure the law's effects. The most illustrative examples are used here.

Proto-Indo-EuropeanMeaningNon-Germanic (unshifted) cognatesChangeProto-GermanicGermanic (shifted) examples
*pṓds"foot"Ancient Greek:πούς,ποδός (poús,podós), Latin:pēs,pedis, Sanskrit:pāda, Russian:под (pod) "under", Lithuanian:pėda, Latvian:pēda, Persian:پا (pa), Serbo-Croatian:pod ("under; floor") andpeta as in "heel"*p > f[ɸ]*fōtsEnglish:foot, West Frisian:foet, German:Fuß, Gothic:fōtus, Icelandic, Faroese:fótur, Danish:fod, Norwegian, Swedish:fot
*tréyes"three"Ancient Greek:τρεῖς (treîs), Latin:trēs, Welsh:tri, Sanskrit:tri, Russian:три (tri), Serbo-Croatian:три̑ (trȋ), Lithuanian:trỹs, Polish:trzy, Albanian:tre*t > þ[θ]*þrīzEnglish:three, Old Frisian:thrē, Old Saxon:thrīe, Gothic:þreis, Icelandic:þrír
*ḱwón- ~ *ḱun-"dog"Ancient Greek:κύων (kýōn), Latin:canis, Sanskrit:śván, Welsh:ci (pl.cŵn), Serbo-Croatian:kuče, Persian:سگ (sag), Russian:собака (sobaka)*k > h[x]*hundazEnglish:hound, Dutch:hond, German:Hund, Gothic:hunds, Icelandic, Faroese:hundur, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish:hund
*kʷód"what"Latin:quod, Irish:cad, Sanskrit:kád, Russian:что (čto), Lithuanian:kas, Serbo-Croatian (Torlakian dialect):кvo (kvo), Serbo-Croatian (Kajkavian dialect):кај (kaj)* > hw[xʷ]*hwatEnglish:what, Gothic:ƕa (hwa), Icelandic:hvað, Faroese:hvat, Danish:hvad, Norwegian:hva
*h₂ébōl"apple"Russian:яблоко (jabloko), Lithuanian:obuolỹs, Gaulishabalom, Serbo-Croatian:ја̏бука (jȁbuka)*b > p[p]*aplazEnglish:apple, West Frisian:apel, Dutch:appel, Icelandic:epli, Swedish:äpple, Crimean Gothic:apel
*déḱm̥t"ten"Latin:decem, Greek:δέκα (déka), Irish:deich, Sanskrit:daśan, Russian:десять (desjat'), Welsh:deg, Lithuanian:dešimt, Polish:dziesięć*d > t[t]*tehunEnglish:ten, Dutch:tien, Gothic:taíhun, Icelandic:tíu, Faroese:tíggju, Danish, Norwegian:ti, Swedish:tio
*gel-"cold"Latin:gelū, Greek:γελανδρός (gelandrós), Lithuanian:gelmenis,gelumà*g > k[k]*kaldazEnglish:cold, West Frisian:kâld, Dutch:koud, German:kalt, Icelandic, Faroese:kaldur, Danish:kold, Norwegian:kald, Swedish:kall
*gʷih₃wós"alive"Lithuanian:gyvas, Russian:живой (živoj), Sanskrit:jīvá-, Serbo-Croatian:жив (živ), Polish:żywy* > kw[kʷ]*kwi(k)wazEnglish:quick, West Frisian:kwik,kwyk, Dutch:kwiek, German:keck, Gothic:qius, Icelandic, Faroese:kvikur, Danish:kvik, Swedish:kvick, Norwegiankvikk
*bʰréh₂tēr"brother"Sanskrit:bhrātṛ, Ancient Greek:φρατήρ (phrātēr) ("member of a brotherhood"), Latin:frāter, Russian, Serbo-Croatian:брат (brat), Lithuanian:brolis, Polish:brat, Old Church Slavonic:братръ (bratr'), Old Welsh:braut, Latvian:brālis, Persian:برادر (barádar)* > b[b~β]*brōþērEnglish:brother, West Frisian, Dutch:broeder, German:Bruder, Gothic:broþar, Icelandic, Faroese:bróðir, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish:broder
*médʰu"honey"Sanskrit:mádhu, Homeric Greek:μέθυ (methu), Lithuanian:medus, Russian:мёд (mjod), Serbo-Croatian:мед (med), Polish:miód* > d[d~ð]*meduzEnglish:mead, East Frisian:meede, Dutch:mede, German:Met, Danish, Norwegian:mjød, Icelandic:mjöður, Swedish:mjöd
*steygʰ-"walk, step"Sanskrit:stighnoti, Ancient Greek:στείχειν (steíkhein), Russian:ступать/ступить (stupat'/stupit') "walk/step"* > g~ɣ]*stīganąOld English:stīgan, Dutch:stijgen, German:steigen, Icelandic, Faroese:stíga, Danish, Norwegian:stige, Gothicsteigan (all meaning "ascend, climb")
*ǵʰans-"goose"Latin:anser <*hanser, Ancient Greek:χήν (chēn), Sanskrit:hamsa ("swan"), Lithuanian:žąsis (olderžansis), Russian:гусь (gus'), Persian:غاز (ğaz), Serbo-Croatian:гуска (guska), Polish:gęś* > g~ɣ]*gans-English:goose, West Frisian:goes,guos, Dutch:gans, German:Gans, Icelandic:gæs, Faroese:gás, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish:gås
*sengʷʰ-"sing"Homeric Greek:ὀμφή (omphē) "voice"*gʷʰ > gw[ɡʷ]
(Aftern)
*singwanąEnglish:sing, West Frisian:sjonge, Dutch:zingen, German:singen, Gothic:siggwan, Old Icelandic:syngva,syngja, Icelandic, Faroese:syngja, Swedish:sjunga, Danish:synge,sjunge

This process appears strikingly regular. Each phase involves one single change which applies equally to the labials (p, b, bʰ, f) and their equivalent dentals (t, d, dʰ, þ), velars (k, g, gʰ, h) and rounded velars (kʷ, gʷ, gʷʰ, hʷ). The first phase left the phoneme repertoire of the language without voiceless stops, the second phase filled this gap, but created a new one, and so on until the chain had run its course.

Behaviour in consonant clusters

[edit]

When two obstruents occurred in a pair, the first was changed according to Grimm's law, if possible, while the second was not. If either of the two was voiceless, the whole cluster was devoiced, and the first obstruent also lost its labialisation, if it was present.

Most examples of this occurred with obstruents preceded by *s (resulting in *sp, *st, *sk, *skʷ), or obstruents followed by *t (giving *ft, *ss, *ht, *ht) or *s (giving *fs, *ss, *hs, *hs). The latter change was frequent in suffixes, and became a phonotactic restriction known as theGermanic spirant law. This rule remained productive throughout the Proto-Germanic period. The cluster *tt became *ss (as in many Indo-European daughter languages), but this was often restored analogically to *st later on.

Examples with preceding *s:

Non-Germanic examplesChangeGermanic examples
Latin:spuere, Lithuanian:spjáuti*spEnglish:spew, West Frisian:spije, Dutch:spuwen, German:speien, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish:spy, Icelandic:spýja, Faroese:spýggja, Gothic:speiwan
Latin:stāre, Irish:stad, Sanskrit:sta, Russian: стать (stat'), Lithuanian:stoti, Persian:ايستادن (istâdan)*stEnglish:stand, Icelandic, Faroese, Norwegian:standa, Gothic:standan; West Frisian:stean, Dutch:staan, German:stehen, Danish, Swedish:stå
Lithuanian:skurdus*skEnglish:short, Old High German:scurz, Icelandic:skorta
Irish:scéal*skʷEnglish:scold, Icelandic:skáld, Norwegian:skald; West Frisian:skelle, Dutch:schelden, German:schelten
  • Some linguists dispute the origin of the word "scold", butJulius Pokorny, among others, proposed *skʷetlo as the assumed root.
  • Several languages, includingEnglish, later have an unrelated change/sk/ >/ʃ/ (or >/sx/ in the case ofDutch).

Examples with following *t:

Non-Germanic examplesChangeGermanic examples
Ancient Greek: κλέπτης (kleptēs), Old Prussian:au-klipts "hidden"*pt→ftGothic:hliftus "thief"
Latin:atta, Greek: ἄττα (átta)*tt→ttOld High German:atto, Gothic:atta "father"
Ancient Greek: ὀκτώ (oktō), Irish:ocht, Latin:octō*kt→htEnglish:eight, West Frisian, Dutch, German:acht, Gothic:ahtáu, Icelandic:átta
Irish:anocht, Latin:nox, noct-, Greek: νύξ, νυκτ- (núks, nukt-), Sanskrit: नक्तम् (naktam), Lithuanian:naktis, Hittite (genitive):nekuz (pronounced/nekʷts/)*kʷt→htEnglish:night, West Frisian, Dutch, German:Nacht, Gothic:nahts, Icelandic:nótt
  • Icelandicnótt[nouht] comes from Old Norsenǫ́tt,nátt, from Proto-Germanic*naht-. The Germanic*ht regularly becomes Old Norsett, and this then becomes preaspirated in Icelandic. Thus, the[h] of the modern Icelandic form is not Germanic/h/'s direct descendant. The same ancestry holds for Icelandicátta's/tt/ as well.[citation needed]

Correspondences to PIE

[edit]

The Germanic "sound laws", combined with regular changes reconstructed for other Indo-European languages, allow one to define the expected sound correspondences between different branches of the family. For example, Germanic (word-initial) *b- corresponds regularly to Latin*f-, Greekpʰ-,Sanskritbʰ-,Slavic,Baltic orCelticb-, etc., while Germanic*f- corresponds to Latin, Greek, Sanskrit, Slavic and Balticp- and to zero (no initial consonant) in Celtic. The former set goes back to PIE*bʰ- (faithfully reflected in Sanskrit and modified in various ways elsewhere), and the latter set to PIE*p- (shifted in Germanic, lost in Celtic, but preserved in the other groups mentioned here).

One of the more conspicuous present surface correspondences is the Englishdigraphwh and the corresponding Latin and Romance digraphqu, notably found ininterrogative words (wh-words) such as thefive Ws. These both come from*. The present pronunciations have further changed, like many English varietiesreducing thewh-cluster, though the spellings reflect the history more; seeEnglish interrogative words: Etymology for details.

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^Iosad, Pavel (22 May 2025)."Letters: Ogres are cool".London Review of Books.47 (9): 4. Retrieved24 May 2025.
  2. ^Allan, Keith (2013-03-28).The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. OUP Oxford. p. 151.ISBN 978-0-19-958584-7.
  3. ^Campbell, Lyle (2004).Historical linguistics (2nd ed.). Cambridge: MIT Press. p. 49.ISBN 0-262-53267-0.
  4. ^Beekes, Robert S.P. (2011).Comparative Indo-European Linguistics: An Introduction. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins B.V. p. 134.
  5. ^Kuiper, F. B. J. (1995). "Gothic 'bagms' and Old Icelandic 'ylgr'".NOWELE.25 (1):63–88.doi:10.1075/nowele.25.04kui.

External links

[edit]
According to contemporaryphilology
Anglo-Frisian
Anglic
Frisian
Historical forms
East Frisian
North Frisian
West Frisian
Low German
Historical forms
West Low German
East Low German
Low Franconian
Historical forms
Standard variants
West Low Franconian
East Low Franconian
Cover groups
High German
(German)
Historical forms
Standard German
Non-standard variants
andcreoles
Central German
West Central German
East Central German
Upper German
North
Historical forms
West
East
East
Language subgroups
Reconstructed
Diachronic features
Synchronic features
Works
Notable
tales
Other
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Grimm%27s_law&oldid=1312580985"
Category:
Hidden categories:

[8]ページ先頭

©2009-2025 Movatter.jp