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Green Wave (Malay:Gelombang Hijau), also known asGreen Tsunami (Malay:Tsunami Hijau), is a political phenomenon that has taken place inMalaysia since the2022 Malaysian general election.[1][2][3][4][5][6] This political phenomenon involvesMalaysian Islamic Party (PAS) and itsultraconservative voters, who mainly originate from the northeastern and northwestern parts ofPeninsular Malaysia. Ideologically, the phenomenon mostly concerns afar-right,authoritarian andultranationalist movement that espouses increased Malay-Muslim hegemony inMalaysian politics as well as further intimidation and marginalisation of Malaysia's minority groups and religions.[7]
"So much so, that it is from amongst them those who control the country's economy and use it to damage the politics, administrative affairs and judiciary. In fact, they are the biggest group that damage the country's politics and economy, the majority of them from non-Muslims and non-Bumiputera."
"“Currently, PAS seeks to strengthen the politics of Malay-Islam and we are obliged to lead the way by providing support and cooperation to unite the Malays through Islam. The aim is to restore the power of the Malay-Muslim leadership with the agenda of leading the unity of the people."
During the political crisis in 2020, some politicians tried to establish an ethnic Malay-centric coalition government.[10] They accomplished it through the withdrawal ofMalaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU) fromPakatan Harapan (PH) coalition as well as several members of parliament (MP) from thePeople's Justice Party (PKR) led by its deputy president,Azmin Ali. Prime MinisterMahathir Mohamad then resigned, creating a power vacuum. ThePakatan Harapan government was replaced byPerikatan Nasional (PN) coalition government led by Prime MinisterMuhyiddin Yassin, reasserting predominant Malay-Muslim rule over Malaysia after22 months. However, the PN government lost power because UMNO withdrew its support.Ismail Sabri Yaakob was appointed as the new prime minister for 20 months untilUMNO presidentAhmad Zahid Hamidi urged Ismail Sabri to dissolve parliament and hold snap elections.
During the2022 Malaysian general election, thePerikatan Nasional coalition, comprising theMalaysian Islamic Party (PAS),Malaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU) andMalaysian People's Movement Party (GERAKAN), won 73 seats in the Malaysianlower house. This resulted in PAS having the highest number of members in the Dewan Rakyat among all the political parties after the election with 43 members.
PAS'electoral base is largely centered around Peninsular Malaysia's rural and conservative northern and eastern coasts, particularly in the states ofKelantan,Kedah,Perlis,Terengganu andPahang. They also gained significant support in the rural areas ofPerak andMalacca. PAS helped their coalition sweep the northwestern and eastern coastal states ofPeninsular Malaysia in a landslide, winning everyparliamentary seat in the states of Perlis, Kelantan and Terengganu, and all butSungai Petani in Kedah.
"The non-Malays achieved a lot of progress. Don’t try to scare (other people) with Malay rule by painting them green."
"There is no need to fear or panic about the green wave. It's a political phenomenon, not a spectre or ghost."
"BN's victory shows that the coalition has blocked the "green wave" that the other coalition (PN) has been promoting and championing for several months."
Some critics argued that green wave is a tactical move meant to put fear in the hearts of people, especially non-Malays, by bringing up images of radical fundamentalism.[15] Perikatan Nasional information chiefAzmin Ali has claim that the reason PN did well in the 2022 general election was because their policies benefit the people of every race when they were the ruling coalition from 2020 until 2021.[16]
Lim Guan Eng, former Secretary-General and current Chairman ofDemocratic Action Party (DAP), said that the green wave is very dangerous and that they will demolish Indian temples and forbid people from going to concerts. He subsequently denied the claims by saying that his statement was misinterpreted and twisted by the media.[17][18] Many opposition politicians, including PAS Secretary-GeneralTakiyuddin Hassan condemned his statements and said that decisive action should be taken by the authorities andHome Ministry of Malaysia on Lim.[19]
After BNvictory in Pelangai seat, BN Pahang's chief,Wan Rosdy Wan Ismail said that the "green wave" was blocked by BN and the community didn't support the PN coalition despite they played up various sentiments, perceptions and slander like 3R issues (religion, race and royalty).[20]
This political phenomenon ideologically focuses onIslamism,pan-Islamism,Malay supremacy,Bumiputera affirmative action,traditionalist conservatism,right-wing populism,anti-communism,anti-LGBT,anti-West,anti-United States,opposition to immigration andenforcement of Sharia Law.[5]
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The unprecedented cooperation between Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional left many of their supporters disillusioned. Some of them, especially those in BN could not accept the agreement of a unity government between BN and PH. Some of them, mainly UMNO members, also decided to leave BN to join either PAS or BERSATU. Most of Malay voters dissatisfied with BN transferred their votes to PN.[21]
On the other hand, relationship between PAS and PH has been acrimonious since the dissolution of Pakatan Rakyat in 2015. Disputes between PAS and DAP has left PAS split into two different factions. The faction in favour of continued cooperation with PH, led by Mohamad Sabu, left the party to form the National Trust Party (AMANAH). The other faction, led by Hadi, decided to sever ties with PH.
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The 2022 elections was the first time which voters aged 18 to 21 are allowed to vote. PAS and PN used social media to attract young voters to vote for PN.
Post-election analysis showed that 37 percent of youth voters cast their votes for PN, higher than both BN and PH. While both PH and BN relied on elderly voters, PN primarily relied on the youth vote. The reasons why more young voters supported PN included its use ofTikTok for campaigning, and the rise ofsocial conservatism among young Malays.[22][23]
ThePerikatan Nasional (PN) coalition, comprising theMalaysian Islamic Party (PAS),Malaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU) andMalaysian People's Movement Party (GERAKAN), won 74 seats in the Malaysianlower house, becoming the second largest coalition in Dewan Rakyat after PH. PAS had the most number of elected members in the Dewan Rakyat with 43 members, while BERSATU had 31 members. Most of the seats that had been captured by PN have more than 70% registered Malay voters.
In the state level, PN won all but one seat in Perlis, denied the BN dominance in Pahang and won the most seats in Perak.
The incumbentBarisan Nasional (BN) coalition faced a historicwipeout for first time in Perlis and second time in national level,[note 1] winning no seats. The PN coalition won 14 of the 15 seats, achieving asupermajority and formed the first ever non-BN government in the state's history. PH won the remaining seat and became the sole opposition.
The election resulted in a hung assembly with PN winning 17 seats, the same number of seats won by the incumbent BN coalition. It ended BN's dominance in the state. PH won the remaining 8 seats.
The election resulted in ahung assembly. Although PN won 26 seats, it did not have enough seats to form a majority. PH won 24 seats and the incumbent BN coalition won the remaining 9 seats.
ThePerikatan Nasional (PN) coalition won 146 seats out of 245 seats that were contested in 2023 state elections. The coalition won all seats in Terengganu, and gained asupermajority in Kedah and Kelantan. It also denied the PH-BN coalition's supermajority in Selangor, and became the main opposition for the first time in Negeri Sembilan.
TheBarisan Nasional (BN)–Pakatan Harapan (PH) electoral pact won the election by capturing 34 of 56 seats, with PH winning 32 of those seats and BN winning 2 seats. The Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition won the remaining 22 seats to become the main opposition in the state assembly.
The governing PN coalition led byMalaysian Islamic Party (PAS) won 43 of 45 seats, achieving a supermajority and continuing PAS's dominance in the state since 1990. The BN–PH electoral pact won the remaining two seats, with BN and PH each winning one seat and becoming the main opposition in the state assembly.
The PN coalition led by PAS won all 32 seats, recording the first clean sweep in the state's history since 1978. BN lost all the 10 seats it had prior to the election. This left the state assembly with no elected opposition representatives.
The BN–PH electoral pact won 31 of 36 seats, achieving a supermajority, with PH winning 17 of those seats and BN winning 14 seats. Although neither coalition had a majority, their electoral pact allowed them to form the majority. The PN coalition won the remaining 5 seats and became the main opposition in the state assembly.
The governing PN coalition led by PAS won 33 of 36 seats, achieving a supermajority. PH won the remaining three seats for the BN–PH electoral pact. This meant for the first time in the state's history, BN would have no representation in the state assembly. PH took BN's place as the state's main opposition.
The BN–PH electoral pact won 29 of 40 seats, with PH winning 27 of those seats and BN winning 2 seats. The PN coalition won the remaining 11 Malay-majority seats to become the main opposition in the state assembly.
PAS candidate managed to defend their victory in theKuala Terengganu parliamentary seat with a larger majority than in the2022 general election.
The PH candidates for both seats managed to defend the seats in a straight contest with PN. However, PN managed to reduce the majority of votes won by PH.[24][25]
BN candidate managed to defend their victory in thisseat with a smaller majority than in the2022 state election.[26]
Menteri Besar of TerengganuAhmad Samsuri Mokhtar of PN and PAS defeated formerChief of Defence ForcesRaja Mohamed Affandi of BN by alandslide victory and a significantly increased majority of votes of nearly 10,000.
