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Greater Croatia

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Croatian nationalist ideology
This article is about a Croatian nationalist ideology. For the similarly-named historic region, seeWhite Croatia.
An outline of Greater Croatia as advocated byDobroslav Paraga in 2006.[1][2]

The concept ofGreater Croatia (Croatian:Velika Hrvatska) describes theirredentist belief in the equivalence between the territorial scope of theCroat people and that of the country ofCroatia. It is a foundational tenet within multiple variants ofCroatian nationalism. The term has been used to describe theCroatian diaspora living inSoutheast Europe as a regionalsphere of influence. TheCroatian language is spoken in many neighboring countries, extendingits cultural reach abroad.

Background

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See also:Illyrian movement

The concept of a Greater Croatian state has its modern origins with theIllyrian movement, a pan-South-Slavist cultural and political campaign with roots in theearly modern period, and revived by a group of youngCroatian intellectuals during the first half of the 19th century. Although this movement arose in the developing Europeannationalist context of the time, it particularly arose as a response to the more powerful nationalist stirrings in the then-Kingdom of Hungary, with whom Croatia was in apersonal union.[citation needed]

The foundations of the concept of Greater Croatia are laid in late 17th and early 18th century works ofPavao Ritter Vitezović.[3] He was the first ideologist of Croatian nation who proclaimed that allSouth Slavs areCroats.[4] His works were used to legitimize expansionism of theHabsburg Empire to the east and south by asserting its historical rights to claim Illyria.[4][5] "Illyria" as Slavic territory projected by Vitezović would eventually incorporate not only most of the Southeastern Europe but also parts of Central Europe such as Hungary.[6] Vitezović defines territory of Croatia which, besides Illyria and all Slavic populated territory, includes all the territory betweenAdriatic,Black andBaltic seas.[7]

Because the Kingdom of Hungary was so large, Hungary attempted processes ofMagyarisation on its constituent territories. As a reaction,Ljudevit Gaj led the creation of the Illyrian movement.[8] This movement aimed to establish Croatian national presence withinAustria-Hungary through linguistic and ethnic unity amongSouth Slavs. This was the first and most prominentPan-Slavic movement in Croatian history. An early proponent of Croatian-based Pan-Slavism was the politician, CountJanko Drašković. In 1832, he published hisDissertation to the joint Hungarian-Croatian Diet, in which he envisioned a “Great Illyria” consisting of all the South Slav provinces of the Habsburg Empire. Likewise, the influentialBishopJosip Juraj Strossmayer, although a supporter of theHabsburg monarchy, nonetheless advocated merging theKingdom of Dalmatia with Croatia.

The concept of a Greater Croatia was developed further byAnte Starčević andEugen Kvaternik.[9][10][11] The two founded the nationalistParty of Rights (HSP) in 1861. Unlike Strossmayer and the proponents of the Illyrian movement, HSP advocated a united Croatia that stood independently of a Pan-Slavic umbrella state.[10][12] For Starčević, a Greater Croatia covered modern-day Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Slovenia and he viewed all South Slavs who inhabited the regions as Croats, regardless of their religion.[13] In his view, Croatia included all the territory from the Alps in the north to Macedonia and the Bulgarian border to the south. The Bulgarians and Croats were the only South Slavic nations.[14] He was an early opponent of Croatia's unification with Serbs and Slovenes (chiefly theKingdom of Serbia). Starčević and Kvaternik's ideologies gradually gained popularity during the interwar period as tensions grew in theKingdom of Yugoslavia between the Croatian and the more influential Serbian political leaders. Ensuing events surrounding the ideology culminated in the World War II conflict between theIndependent State of Croatia and its opponents includingChetnik Serbs and Communists of all ethnicities (including Croatian).

Cvetković–Maček Agreement

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Map of theBanovina of Croatia in 1939

Amid rising ethnic tensions between Croats and Serbs in the 1930s, an autonomous state within Yugoslavia, called theBanovina of Croatia was peacefully negotiated in the Yugoslav parliament via theCvetković–Maček Agreement of 1939.[15] Croatia was united into a single territorial unit and was provided territories of parts of present-dayVojvodina,Posavina, and parts ofHerzegovina andCentral Bosnia, which had Croatian majority at the time.[citation needed]

Independent State of Croatia

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Districts of theIndependent State of Croatia in 1943
Main articles:Independent State of Croatia andGenocide of Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia

The first modern development of a Greater Croatia came about with the establishment of theIndependent State of Croatia (Croatian:Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH). Followingoccupation of the country byAxis forces in 1941,Slavko Kvaternik, deputy leader of theUstaše proclaimed the establishment of the NDH. The Ustaša, anultranationalist andfascist[16] movement founded in 1929 supported a Greater Croatia that would extend to the RiverDrina and to the edge ofBelgrade.[17]Ante Pavelić, the Ustaše'sPoglavnik (leader) had been in negotiations withFascist Italy since 1927. These negotiations includedPavelić supporting Italy's annexation ofits claimed territory inDalmatia in exchange for Italy supportingan independent Croatia.[18] In addition,Benito Mussolini offered Pavelić the right for Croatia to annex all ofBosnia andHerzegovina. Pavelić agreed to this exchange. The Greater Croatian ideology, combined withNazi racial theory, culminated in thegenocide of Serbs,the Holocaust and thePorajmos in the NDH carried out by Ustaše.[19][20][21] The NDH's territory encompassed most of modern-day Croatia, all of Bosnia and Herzegovina, part of modern-day Serbia, and a small portion of modern-day Slovenia (the five settlements ofBregansko Selo,Nova vas pri Bregani,Jesenice na Dolenjskem,Obrežje andČedem).[22][23]

Bosnian War

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Main articles:Bosnian War,Partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina, andCroatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia

The most recent expression of a Greater Croatia arose in the aftermath of thebreakup of Yugoslavia. When themultiethnicYugoslav republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina declaredindependence in 1992, Bosnian Serb political representatives, who had boycotted the referendum, established their own government ofRepublika Srpska, whereupon their forces attacked theRepublic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

  Croat-populated areas
Territorial ethnic changes before and after theBosnian War from 1992 to 1995

At the beginning of theBosnian war, the Croats and Bosniaks formed an alliance against theYugoslav People's Army (JNA) and theArmy of Republika Srpska (VRS). The main Croat army was theCroatian Defence Council (HVO), and the Bosniak was theArmy of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH).[24] In November 1991, theCroatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia was established as an autonomous Croat territorial unit within Bosnia and Herzegovina.[25]

The leaders of Herzeg-Bosnia called it a temporary measure during the conflict with the Serb forces and claimed it had no secessionary goal.[26] TheCroatian Defence Forces (HOS), a paramilitary wing of theCroatian Party of Rights, supported a confederation between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina,[27] but on the basis of the NDH.[28] Over time, the relations between Croats and Bosniaks worsened, resulting in theCroat–Bosniak War,[29] which lasted until early 1994 and the signing of theWashington Agreement.[30]

Croatian PresidentFranjo Tuđman was criticised for trying to expand the borders of Croatia, mostly by annexing Herzegovina and parts of Bosnia with Croat majorities.[31] In 2013, theInternational Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) ruled, by a majority, that the Croatian leadership had a goal to join the areas of Herzeg-Bosnia to a "Greater Croatia", in accordance with the borders of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939.[32] Judge Jean-Claude Antonetti, the presiding judge in the trial, issued a separate opinion in which he disputed the notion that Tuđman had a plan to divide Bosnia.[33] On 29 November 2017, the Appeals Chamber concluded that Tuđman shared the ultimate purpose of "setting up a Croatian entity that reconstituted earlier borders and that facilitated the reunification of the Croatian people".[34]

Modern developments

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Main articles:Proposed Croat federal unit in Bosnia and Herzegovina and2021 Balkan non-papers
Map of theWestern Balkans according to the first 2021 non-paper

The2021 Balkan non-papers, were two documents of unknown origin, with several sources claiming that they had been drafted by the government of Slovenia. The first non-paper called for the "peaceful dissolution" ofBosnia and Herzegovina with the annexation ofRepublika Srpska and great parts ofHerzegovina andCentral Bosnia into aGreater Serbia and Greater Croatia, leaving a smallBosniak state in what is central and western Bosnia.[35][36]

Lands of Greater Croatia

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Most commonly encompassed regions of Greater Croatia or its "sphere of influence" include:[1][37]

See also

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References

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  1. ^abČanak, Nenad (1993).Ratovi tek dolaze. Nezavisno društvo novinara Vojvodine. p. 12.
  2. ^Gow, James (2003).The Serbian Project and Its Adversaries: A Strategy of War Crimes. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. 229.
  3. ^John B. Allcock; Marko Milivojević; John Joseph Horton (1998).Conflict in the former Yugoslavia: an encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 105.ISBN 978-0-87436-935-9. Retrieved4 September 2013.The concept of Greater Croatia...It has its roots in the writings of Pavao Ritter Vitezovic,...
  4. ^abBanac 1988, p. 73.
  5. ^Fine 2010, p. 486.
  6. ^Trencsényi & Zászkaliczky 2010, p. 364

    By Slavic territories, Vitezović meant the Illyria of his dreams (Greater Croatia) which, in its boldest manifestation, would have incorporated Hungary itself.

  7. ^Fine 2010, p. 487.
  8. ^Elinor Murray Despalatović (1975).Ljudevit Gaj and the Illyrian Movement. East European Quarterly.ISBN 978-0-914710-05-9. Retrieved23 December 2011.
  9. ^Banac 1988, pp. 85–88.
  10. ^abCharles Jelavich, Barbara Jelavich (2012).The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920. University of Washington Press. p. 252.ISBN 9780295803609.
  11. ^Robert Bideleux, Ian Jeffries (2007).The Balkans: A Post-Communist History. Routledge. p. 187.ISBN 9781134583287.
  12. ^Biondich, Mark (2006). ""We Were Defending the State": Nationalism, Myth, and Memory in Twentieth-Century Croatia".Ideologies and National Identities: The Case of Twentieth-Century Southeastern Europe. CEUP collection. Central European University Press. pp. 54–109.ISBN 978-615-5053-85-6.
  13. ^Lampe, John; Mazower, Mark (2020).Ideologies and National Identities: The Case of Twentieth-Century Southeastern Europe. Central European University Press. p. 56.ISBN 978-9-63924-182-4.
  14. ^Tomasevich 2001, p. 3.
  15. ^Yugoslav Communism: A Critical Study. U.S. Government Printing Office. 1961. p. 21.
  16. ^"Ustasa (Croatian political movement)". Britannica.com. Retrieved2011-12-22.
  17. ^Meier, Viktor (23 July 1999).Yugoslavia: a history of its demise. Psychology Press. p. 125.ISBN 978-0-415-18595-0. Retrieved23 December 2011.
  18. ^Bernd Jürgen Fischer, ed. (March 2007).Balkan strongmen: dictators and authoritarian rulers of South Eastern Europe. Purdue University Press. p. 210.ISBN 978-1-55753-455-2. Retrieved23 December 2011.
  19. ^Lampe, John; Mazower, Mark (2006).Ideologies and National Identities. Central European University Press. p. 54-109.ISBN 9789639241824.
  20. ^Cyprian, Blamires (2006).World Fascism: A-K. ABC-CLIO. p. 691.ISBN 9781576079409.
  21. ^Fischer, Bernd J., ed. (2007).Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of South-Eastern Europe. Purdue University Press. pp. 207–08, 210, 226.ISBN 978-1-55753-455-2.
  22. ^Megargee, Geoffrey P.; White, Joseph R. (2018).The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945, Volume III: Camps and Ghettos under European Regimes Aligned with Nazi Germany. Indiana University Press. p. 47.ISBN 978-0-253-02386-5.
  23. ^Stefanov, Nenad; Radović, Srdjan, eds. (2021).Boundaries and Borders in the Post-Yugoslav Space: A European Experience. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. p. 111.ISBN 9783110712766.
  24. ^Christia 2012, p. 154.
  25. ^Marijan 2004, p. 259.
  26. ^Malcolm 1995, p. 318.
  27. ^Hewitt 1998, p. 71.
  28. ^Marijan 2004, p. 270.
  29. ^Christia 2012, p. 157-158.
  30. ^Tanner 2001, p. 292.
  31. ^Goldstein 1999, p. 239.
  32. ^Prlic et al. judgement vol.6 2013, p. 383.
  33. ^Prlic et al. judgement vol.6 2013, p. 388.
  34. ^"Summary of Judgement"(PDF).ICTY. 29 November 2017. p. 10.
  35. ^Rettman, Andrew; Krasniqi, Ekrem (April 16, 2021)."US rejects Slovenia-linked plan to break up Bosnia".EUobserver.Archived from the original on 16 April 2021. Retrieved2021-06-14.
  36. ^Suljagic, Emir (May 7, 2021)."ANALYSIS - Notorious non-paper's implications on Bosnia".www.aa.com.tr.Archived from the original on 7 May 2021. Retrieved2021-06-14.
  37. ^Kolstø, Pål (2016).Strategies of Symbolic Nation-building in South Eastern Europe. Routledge. p. 45.

Sources

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