TheGeneral Directorate of Studies and Documentation (Arabic:المديرية العامة للدراسات والمستندات,French:Direction Générale des Études et de la Documentation;DGED) is the foreignintelligence agency ofMorocco, under authority of the Administration for National Defense.[3] It is officially tasked with maintaining national security and the safety of national institutions.[4]
During Dlimi's tenure, the DGED was part of an intelligence alliance dubbed theSafari Club.[16] During this time, the DGED provided funding and weapons to the AngolanUNITA rebels in 1978.[17]
Following Dlimi's death, General Abdelhak El Kadiri headed the DGED until his retirement in 2001.[18] Following El Kadiri's retirement, Ahmed Harchi was appointed as the head of the DGED in July 2001.[19] Mohammed Yassine Mansouri named the general director of the DGED by King Mohammed VI on February 14, 2005, becoming the first civilian to hold the title.[7][5]
The DGED caused controversy following the2003 Casablanca bombings for its help in the arrest and conviction of six high-ranking politicians in theJustice and Development Party for complicity in the bombings.[20] A reporter forAl-Manar, a TV station affiliated withHezbollah was also convicted under the same charges.[20]
In a 2009 interview, Mohammed Yassine Mansouri claimed that the spread of conservativeWahhabism andShia Islam bySaudi Arabia andIran as a threat, claiming that both ideologies were aggressive.[20] In the same interview, Mansouri also claimed thatAl-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb was seen a major threat by Morocco.[20]
In 2014, a Twitter account which was likely controlled by the FrenchDGSE,[21] leaked documents and emails between Moroccan consulates and the DGED,[22] the user claimed that their goal was to "destabilize Morocco".[23][24]Arrêt sur Images claimed that some of the documents leaked by the user were falsified.[25][26] Morocco'sMinistry of Foreign Affairs accused "pro-Polisario organizations" with the complicity of the Algerian government of running the Twitter account.[26] Despite this,Algérie Presse Service claims that the leaker was a "famous American hacker".[27]
Since 2020, the DGED has been involved in mediation between Western governments and anti-FrenchAlliance of Sahel States juntas.[34] The DGED also maintains contacts with militia groups in the region and is involved in rescuing Western hostages from the Sahel.[34][35]
In 2022, the DGED played a key role in rescuing German Jörg Lange from ISIS sympathizers in Niger.[36][37]
In 2023, the DGED was involved in rescuing Romanian citizen Iulian Ghergut from al-Qaeda sympathizers in Burkina Faso.[38][34][39]
In 2024, the DGED was involved in talks with the Nigerien junta to free former presidentMohamed Bazoum.[34][40]
In 2024, the DGED was involved in freeing four agents for the French DGSE from Burkina Faso.[34][41] In exchange for the agents' release, the DGED provided funding and equipment to the BurkinabéNational Intelligence Agency.[42]
In 2025, the DGED helped the Nigerien government trackBoko Haram leaderBakura Doro, who was reported dead after a drone strike.[43]
The DGED is reported to be collaborating with thePuntland Intelligence Security Agency.[44] The DGED is also a key foreign partner and interlocutor of the Ivory Coast's External Services Directorate.[45]
Ahmed Dlimi, the first Director-General of the DGED, pictured in 1980
The DGED states its official mission as "participating in maintaining the security of the kingdom, the state and its institutions".[1] According to a 2003 report byMaroc Hebdo, the DGED has 4,000 employees total, 60% of which are members of theRoyal Armed Forces, the remaining being civilians.[46][1] According to the same report, 5% of DGED employees are women, and there are an estimated 250 to 300 agents abroad working for the DGED.[46][1]
The DGED collaborates with foreign services in security and terrorism-related affairs, including exchange of information regarding specific Moroccans targeted by foreign services.[47]
Mohamed Reda Taoujni, previous owner of the journal Assahra Al Ousbouiya, claimed that the DGED controlled his journal and had published articles to the journal and its online counterpart through pseudonyms.[48] According toAli Lmrabet, the DGED was reported to have staff in consulates and embassies of Morocco, hence benefiting fromdiplomatic immunity.[49] Lmrabet adds that the DGED used journalists working for theMaghreb Arabe Press as agents, and journalists were allegedly tasked with sending wires to the DGED containing information they gathered.[50]
