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| Garre | |
|---|---|
| Af-Garre | |
| اف الخرّيي | |
| Native to | Kenya,Somalia |
| Region | Mandera,Bay,Lower Shabelle |
| Ethnicity | Garre |
Native speakers | 690,000 (2019–2020)[1] |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | gex |
| Glottolog | garr1259 |
| ELP | Garre |
Garre (also known asAf-Garre) is aSomali language spoken by theGarre who reside in southernSomalia,Ethiopia and northernKenya. It belongs to the family'sCushitic branch, and had an estimated 50,000 speakers in Somalia in 1992, 57,500 in 2006 and 86,000 in 2020.[1] The total number of speakers in Kenya and Somalia was estimated at 685,600 in 2019. Garre is in theDigil classification of Somali dialects.[2] Garre language is readily intelligible to Digil speakers, as it has some affinity withAf-Maay andAf-Boon.[3]
For a reconstruction of the historical movements of the Af-Garre which places its original site in theinterfluvial area, perhaps near the upperRiver Juba, the dialect described the one spoken by theGarre (especially Tuuf)[4] of theBasso Shabeelle: the garre of this area would be the only ones to have maintain their language specific to them; as for the Garre of theMandera region[ "Around Dolo on the upper Juba "][5] and, further west, up toMoyale, they speak essentially aBorana dialect, most as their bilingual language; and then there isGarre Libin (Garre of the West that is Ethiopia and Kenya) and GarreKofar (Garre in Qoroyoley)[4]
Af-Garre is spoken in the districts ofBaydhaba,Dhiinsor,Buurhakaba andQoryooley is one of the heterogeneous dialect of Somalia; in fact, some Garreh dialects ( those inBuurhakaba andQoryooley) have, for instance, preserved the conjugations with prefixes to date, while others (those ofBaydhaba) have already given it up. Also, the typical Digil plural morpheme—tə has been replaced in someGarre dialects (especially in those aroundBaydhaba) by the common southern Somali morpheme—yaal.[6]
Garre has 22 consonantphonemes.
At the end of a word, the voiced stopsb, d are devoiced:E1: b, d → p, t / __≠
In this position, therefore, the voicing opposition of/d/ and/t/ isneutralized.
At the end of a word, /g/ becomes aglottal stop:E2: g → ʔ/__≠
Often, in the final position of a word followed by a word starting in aconsonant, anocclusive is not exploded.
E3: OCCL → OCCL'/__≠ C__≠
(OCCL': occlusive is not exploited)
This happens in particular if the two words aremorphologically united, as in theperiphrastic verbal forms:[7]
(3)usu wa ara[g]šrə 'he was selling' (habitually).
On the other hand,spirantization of voiced stops inintervocalic positions, such as is present for example inDabarte, does not seem to occur in Garre. - at least of the tuuf dialect variety of Qoryooley -[8]
Thespirantization and the passage ofb tow are instead quite frequent in the list of words Garres, e.g.
This is a typical feature of the Garre dialect spoken in theBaydhaba area. A similar process occurs in theMaay dialect of the same region.[9]
Despite the existence of the implosive/ʄ/, the postalveolar/ɖ/ is never glottalized.[7]
From our articulated [G] (voiced uvular stop), in general also inintervocalic position; itsfricativization in [ʁ] could be a derivation of the Qoryoley dialect; we have been given pairs such assii[G]a (T.) ~sii[ʁ]a (Q.) “dust”.
In a few cases, however, there is constantly realized [ʁ] inintervocalic position, as inho[ʁ]al "cloud".
As in the other dialects of the region,[10] in finalq and realizedʔ:
E4: q → ʔ/__≠
(4) duq → [duʔ] __≠ "elderly
In the initial position of speech, in front of vowel and sometimes realized aglottal occlusion, especially at the beginning of a sentence or in the case that the word in question is emphasized: but in most cases this exclusion glottal is not ubidable[check spelling]. However, we believe thatʔ isPhonologically present in all the words K. "beginning in a vowel" - consequently, all the words K. begin phonologically in a consonant. A proof of the presence of initialʔ is given of the present tense of the verbs of the fourth conjugation by suffixing the present with prefixes of "to be" to the theme:
the theme of the verb will be affixedahay "I am", in front of which a final nasal theme will be createdɳ, that is, as in front of a consonant with a backward articulation point (for example, in front of the masculine morpheme, the present ofwiin "be great", andwiiɳahay.
It could also be argued that in this form "n" passes to "ɳ" since the word boundary is preserved between "wiin andahay" - that is, "n" would be found in the other context in which "ɳ" is created . But a similar argument is falsified by the examination of other forms of the same paradigm, in which there is an assimilation between the final consonant of the theme and the initial consonant of the paradigm of "being"; thus, iswiinahay, which derives fromwiin + tahay.[11]
We are therefore forced to choose between two possible alternatives: the phonemic, distinctive consideration, the presence of an initialʔ - but in this case it would be difficult to explain its possible occurrence in certain contexts for all the words "beginning in a vowel"; or, and it is the alternative we propose, put aʔ phonological for all words which would otherwise begin in a vowel - and which as such are often phonetically spelled A similar alternative and has adapted, with similar arguments, by Hayward in the description of the Arbore.[12]
However, being totally predictable, we do not indicate this initialʔ in the transcription.
ʔ also appears in the median position, but it seems that within the but it is alwaysintervocalic - with a preference for the Sequence -a? a- - and encounters with other consonants are excluded (which instead are allowed with suffixes):
5)maʔag="name"
naʔas = "'breast"
towaʔdii = "the jackal" (towaʔ + -tii anaphoric determinant: )
ʔ also appears at the end of a word:
(6)karaʔ = "Rope used to wear/put the camel's chest"
suusaʔ "Milk curds of camel"
kubaʔ = "Thunder"
The phonemic of ʔ at the end also confirmed by the treatment of the masculine morpheme k of the article, which falls after ʔas after the other consonants.[11]
The onlyglottalized consonant is thepalatal implosive/ʄ/. It is not found at the end of a word. Examples in initial position:
Examples in the middle position:
A voicelessvelar fricative/x/ appears in very few words, some evidently borrowed, e.e./taxtar/ 'doctor' (S.Sttakhtar), but also, for example, in/xonton/ 'fifty', where one would expectKonton. ( pharyngeal fricative/ħ/, writtenx inSomali orthography, is absent in Garre.)
Thevoiceless glottal fricative/h/ appears both in the initial position
and medially:
In the final position, it seems to freely alternate with[ʔ]:
This alternation does not seem to extend to words ending in an etymological/ʔ/ (e.g.kubaʔ 'thunder', S.ST.gugac). The alternance / h / ~ / ʔ / therefore seems to be an areal phenomenon not specific to a dialect.
The nasals are subject to numerous assimilatory processes and restrictions
of occurrence in certain positions. While the phonemic stats ofbilabial nasal 'm' and of a dental 'n' and also, to a limited extent, of a palatal 'p', do not create problems, different is the case of the velar 'ɳ'. First of all, in many contexts The articulation of the nasal is determined by the following sound, to which the nasal is assimilated at the point of articulation. Opposite, respectively, a bilabial, a dental and a velar (or a more rearward joint), a kind of nasal & possible
E5: N → m/__b
(ie: a nasal is articulated as bilabial in front ofa b).
E6: N → n/__d,t
(that is: a nasal is articulatedn in front of a dental occlusive).
E7: N → ɳ/__g,k,q ʔ
(that is: a nasal is articulated as a veil in front of an occlusion with a velar or more rearward articulation point).
A nasal, furthermore, is articulated 4 at the end of a word:≠
E8: N → ɳ/__≠
and passes to "n" in front of the palatal semivocal y:
E9: N → ɳ/__y
These rules apply, as well as within the topic, in the delicate posting of nominal and verbal endings. As for the joint phenomena specifically, In addition to the rules we have given, there are no other restrictions on the occurrence in any position of "m and n" '. The case of p and β is different.
In the collected material, the palatal nasal never appears in the final word position. Initially it only occurs inɲuuq “little; small" and in the videophone ɲa" eat! " (with the same meaning ɲ can be pre-glottidalized:ʔɲaa, we also need j-a); it is natural to connect this form to the singular imperative of "eating" in Oromo:nyaaddhu.
In many cases the presence of "ɲ" in the median position is determined by the application ofE7 in the encounter between a theme in the nasal and a suffix; for example,wiin + yahay→ wiiɲahay"he is great",lan + yaw ~ laɲaw "oh name!" (vocative).
However, "ɲ" appears in the lexicon, albeit to a limited extent; for example in:
(11) maaɲo “tare”
gaɲɲuuf “saliva”
mapaʔ "Milk at the first stage of acidity"
Given the impossibility of deriving theseʔ cases from the application of a more general phonemic process, I consider ɲphonemic in K.
The status of 'ŋ' in Garre is rather complex: it is excluded in the initial word position and appears only in very few words in the middle position, for example inhaŋuur "'food" andfoŋor "cracking (of vase)" . In these forms a veil or uvular is completely assimilated to the previous nasal:
comparehunguri dialectfonqor of the dialect Qoryoley. - the latter form derived by dissimilation from +foggorr: Ali (1985: 345: n, 59} reportsfaqqar (glossing pot missing pieces), It's the same shape asfaŋar.
As we have seen (E8), “ŋ” appears in the final position, where seems to be the only possible nasal {equal in Maay, cf. Saced (1982: 5)]. But a final nasal is also performedŋ in the intervocalic position, and precisely when an article or a possessive is affixed to a nasal masculine noun, determinants in which the morpheme of masculine & falls, the union of word "uomo" and of the (masculine) article "ka" will therefore give "laga".
In K. - at least in T. dialect - a process seems to operate which resolves a nasal + velar connection by assimilating the latter to the nasal, which becomes velarized inŋ; this process is lexically determined, given that with other determinants (the anaphoric and the indeterminate / interrogative) the linkŋk is preserved (naturally realized [ŋ k],E7); but it could also depend on the rhythm of the sentence (more frequent with a fast pace and an informal style).
We will have lost:
Morphemic representation | phonological | phonetics
/ian/ + /ka/lanka [laŋka]
[laŋa]
Of the phonetic representations, the earliest & data from the application ofE7 (N →ŋ / __k), the second from the application of the (lexically determined) process of resolution of the linknk.
On the contrary, with female names we will have:
Morphemic representation | phonological | phonetics
/islaan / + / ta /islaanta [isiaanta]
[islaanna]
[islaana]
The first phonetic representation is given by the application ofE6 (N ~ n/ _t), the second from the assimilation of the dental to the nasal, Which can be subsequently determined (giving [islaana]).
Consequently,n andŋ often distinguish, in an intervocalic position, the gender of the noun. On the basis of its possibility of occurrence in the intervocalic position - where the other nasals are naturally also allowed - we recognize the phonemic status ofŋ. In fact, phonological representations such aslanka andislaanta would be not only too distant from the phonetic formslaŋa andislaana, but the latter. they are not even linked to their presumed phonological representations by general processes (and non lexically or morphologically determined),
Only in the median [ŋ] phonetic position willŋ be transcribed in the final - given its complete predictability - we will transcriben.[13]
The vowel system of Garre. it seems to include 11 phonemes in total: 6 short and 5 long; the inhomogeneity in the number of phonemes of the two subsystems of long and short vowels is given by the presence, between the short vowels, of ə[13]
The collected material does not allow to ascertain the presence of an opposition between advanced vowels (V) and vowels (V), as described for the north-central Somali(but not for the dialects of the river region),
the vowel system of Garre. can therefore be represented as follows:
| Short vowels | Long vowels | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Front | Central | Back | Front | Central | Back | |
| High | ɪ | ʊ | iː | uː | ||
| Mid | e | (ə) | o | eː | oː | |
| Low | a | aː | ||||
The phonological status of ‘ə’ and problematic and the situation in Garre. appears in many ways similar to that of the Maay described bySaeed (1982; 7). In particular, the question is whether ə should be considered a phoneme or the result of short vowel reduction rules. Not without doubts, we will consider "e" - historically derived certainly from the reduction of short vowels - as a phonological in
The following is to be considered a simple contribution to the problem, not a solution to it.
