| Gallo | |
|---|---|
| Galo | |
| Native to | France |
| Region | Upper Brittany (Côtes-d'Armor,Ille-et-Vilaine,Loire-Atlantique,Morbihan) and parts ofAnjou andMaine (Mayenne andMaine-et-Loire) |
Native speakers | from 29,060(est. 1999) to 200,000(est. 2008; 2013); 197,000(est. 2018); 132,000(est. 2024) |
| Latin script | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | – |
| ELP | Gallo |
| Linguasphere | 51-AAA-hb |
| IETF | fr-gallo |
Gallo (endonymgalo) is one of theOïl languages spoken inUpper Brittany, in western France. It is traditionally spoken inIlle-et-Vilaine,Loire-Atlantique, and the eastern parts ofMorbihan andCôtes-d'Armor, on the eastern side of theBreton linguistic boundary running roughly fromPlouha to thePénerf river [fr]. The eastern limit of Gallo is less clearly defined, owing to the existence of adialect continuum with neighboring Oïl languages such asMayennais [fr],Norman, andAngevin. Some linguists therefore consider Gallo to extend into areas adjacent to historicBrittany, particularly within the broader region of theArmorican Massif.
Because there are no universally accepted criteria for distinguishinglanguages fromdialects, there is no full consensus regarding the status of Gallo. Although it is primarily an oral language, it has been the subject of academic research and standardization efforts, and books in Gallo are published on a regular basis. UnlikeBreton, however, Gallo does not benefit from a long tradition of political or institutional advocacy. Both languages were nevertheless jointly recognized as "languages of Brittany" by theRegional Council of Brittany in 2004.
As aRomance language, Gallo is very different from Breton, which is aCeltic language. Speakers are referred to asgallésants orGallo speakers. The term "Gallo" originates from theBreton language; its use by speakers themselves is relatively recent, although it is attested in the press as early as the beginning of the 20th century. Many speakers simply use the term "patois", although this label is often regarded as pejorative.
Despite some initiatives to promote the teaching of Gallo in schools and universities, the language isendangered. Speakers are generally elderly, and intergenerational transmission is very weak. Gallo is classified as seriously endangered byUNESCO. Estimates of the number of speakers vary widely, with between 3 percent and 8 percent of the local population reported as being able to speak the language.
The termGallo derives from theBreton wordgall, meaning "foreigner (of a Romance-speaking background)", itself originating from a Celtic root.[1]
The term can be compared with theScottish Gaelic wordgall, which also means "foreigner", and more specifically "a Scot who does not speak Gaelic" or "an inhabitant of southern Scotland", where the traditional language isScots rather than Scottish Gaelic.[2]
The feminine form "gallèse" derives from the Bretongallez, the feminine form ofgall. TheTrésor de la langue française records several derived variants, including "gallot", "gallec", "gallek", "gallais", "gallic", and "gallou", as well as the feminine "gallote". These terms may refer not only to the language itself, but also to people fromUpper Brittany and to cultural features associated with the language and its speakers.[3]
The termgallo was initially used by Breton speakers, which partly explains why it has historically been little used by Gallo speakers themselves. A survey conducted in 1986 byHenriette Walter showed that only slightly more than 4 percent of speakers in theCôtes-d'Armor reported having always used the term, and that about one third of them perceived it as carrying a rather pejorative meaning. According to this survey, the term "patois" was by far the most commonly used designation. Although the wordgallo has been attested for a long time, with its first written occurrence dating to 1358,[4] it is therefore largely a relatively recent denomination.[5]
Gallo is also referred to as "langue gallèse" (Gallo language) or "Britto-Romance".[6]
The term "Britto-Romance" was coined in 1978 by the linguist Alan-Joseph Raude to emphasize that Gallo is "a Romance idiom spoken by Bretons".[6] According to him, the designation "patois" is inappropriate because it denotes "an inferior vernacular variety of a language of culture", a concept that is sociological rather than linguistic.[6][7]
Another linguist, Jean-Paul Chauveau, similarly considers the term "patois" to be generic, as it can be applied to any variety of speech inFrance that differs fromFrench. In this sense, it "denies any specific identity to the language to which it is applied".[6][8]
The term "patois" is generally perceived as pejorative, although it may retain an affective or familiar connotation for some Gallo speakers.[9]
Gallo should not be confused with theGallo-Romans, nor with the term "Gallo-Romance", which refers to the Romance varieties spoken in formerRoman Gaul that later gave rise to the Oïl languages, including both Gallo and French. In Breton, until around 1960, the termGallaoued did not specifically denote the French (Fransizien), but rather local Romance-language speakers, such as inhabitants of market towns who had shifted to French.
Gallo is part of the Oïl languages, a linguistic group that occupies roughly the northern half of France. This group includes a wide range of more or less clearly defined and differentiated varieties that share aLatin origin and aGermanic influence derived fromOld Frankish, the language of theFranks. Among the Oïl languages, in addition to Gallo, arePicard,Norman,French (that is, Francien as spoken inÎle-de-France and theOrléanais),Poitevin,Champenois, RomanceLorrain,Berrichon,Northern Burgundian, and others.[10]
Gallo, like the other Oïl languages, is neitherOld French nor a deformation of modern French. The historical developments are largely shared, including the influence of Frankish on vocabulary and syntax, the loss of the nominative versus oblique case distinction, and the loss of pronunciation of many final letters. Gallo has evolved continuously since the medieval period, and an earlier stage referred to as "Old Gallo" can therefore be identified.[11]
Moreover, because Old French itself was only weakly standardized, medieval writers used terms and constructions characteristic of their own regions. As a result, traces of Old Gallo can be found in medieval writings from Upper Brittany.[12]
The Oïl languages belong to the group of Gallo-Romance languages, which also includesFranco-Provençal, spoken in particular aroundSavoy. The Gallo-Romance languages are themselves part of the wider group ofRomance languages, which also includes, among others,Italian,Spanish, andRomanian. The Romance languages in turn belong to the largerIndo-European language family.
Breton has influenced Gallo through a limited number of lexical borrowings. However, the use of the preposition "pour" as an auxiliary verb has been identified as being ofCeltic origin. The relationship between Breton and Gallo has been compared to that between the two languages ofScotland:Scots andScottish Gaelic.[13]
| Gallo (Oïl language) | Norman (Oïl language) | Poitevin (Oïl language) | Picard (Oïl language) | Tourangeau (Oïl language) | French (Oïl language) | Occitan (Langue d'oc) written in the classical standard | Breton (Brittonic language) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Le monde vienent su la térre librs tertous e s'entrvalent en drets e dignetë. Il lou apartient d'avair de la rézon e de l'esprit e il ont de s'entrenchevi côme feraent dés freres. | Touos les houmes nâquissent libes et parêles dauns leus taête et en dreits. Il ount byin de l'obiche et de l'ingamo et deivent faire d'aveu leus prochan coume si ch'teit pour yeus. | Le munde trtouts avant naeçhu libres trtouts parélls den la dégnetai é den lés dréts. L'avant de l'aeme é de la cunsience é le devant coméyà e trtouts fratrnaument. | Tous ches ètes humains is sont nès libes et égals in dignitè et pi in droéts. Is sont dotès d'roaison et pis d'conschienche et pis is doévtte foaire ches uns invers ches eutes dins un esprit d'fratérnitè. | Tertos les houms naissont libĕrs, ansement is aont les meimĕs dreits e la meimĕ dighnitaiy. Is aont coumĕ dounaison ieun antendouerĕ e ieunĕ airzon e is deivont s'ajidair les ieuns les outĕrs coumĕ des frairĕs. | Tous les êtres humains naissent libres et égaux en dignité et en droits. Ils sont doués de raison et de conscience et doivent agir les uns envers les autres dans un esprit de fraternité. | Totes los èssers umans naisson liures e egals en dignitat e en dreches. Son dotats de rason e de consciéncia e se devon comportar los unes amb los autres dins un esperit de fraternitat. | Libr ha par an eil re ouzh ar re all eo ganet tout an dud, koulz diwar-bouez an droedoù hag an dignite. Rezon ha skiant zo dezho ha rankout a reont beviñ an eil asambles gant egile, e-ser kaout ur spered a vreudeuriezh. |
The linguistic area of Gallo is difficult to define. To the west, thelinguistic boundary of Brittany is clearly identifiable, as it separates aCeltic language from aRomance variety. By contrast, the boundary between Gallo and the other Oïl languages is less clearly defined, owing to the existence of adialect continuum. Traditionally, the Oïl-speaking area has often been divided according to the limits of historical regions. However, these boundaries do not always correspond to linguistic realities.[14]
Some authors rely on traditional regions to define the Gallo area, while introducing qualifications.Walther von Wartburg, Hans-Erich Keller, and Robert Geuljans conventionally equate the Gallo area with the departmental boundaries ofIlle-et-Vilaine andLoire-Atlantique, while adding northernAnjou.[15]Hervé Abalain [fr] likewise restricts Gallo to Upper Brittany, but extends it to the western fringe ofMayenne andMaine-et-Loire.[10] He further groups Gallo, Angevin, Norman, and the varieties of Mayenne andSarthe into a single set, which he terms the western Oïl languages.[10]
Defining the limits of Gallo is further complicated by a lack of detailed cartography for the central varieties of the Oïl domain. The speech forms ofMaine,Touraine, and theOrléanais are situated betweenParis and more clearly identified Oïl languages such as Gallo or Norman. These varieties tend to be marginalized and lack a strong linguistic identity. Some scholars therefore consider north-central France to constitute a central zone without clear internal boundaries.[16] In this perspective,Marcel Cohen regardedMaine as an indeterminate area in which Gallo, Angevin, and Orléanais intermingle, and consequently declined to draw boundaries between them.[17]
Marie-Rose Simoni-Aurembou considers Gallo to be an "Oïl variety", comparable to Norman or Poitevin, bordered to the east by a set of "Oïl variations" such as Angevin. According to her, Gallo does not extend beyond the limits of historical Brittany, except in the south, where Poitevin extends northward toward theLoire, without actually reaching it.[18]
Finally, some authors disregard traditional boundaries altogether and rely exclusively on linguistic criteria to define the Oïl languages. Jean-Paul Chauveau, drawing in particular on lexical influences, groups Gallo, Angevin, and Mayennais into a broad area known as the "Pays d'Ouest", which he subdivides into three zones: a western zone includingCôtes-d'Armor,Morbihan, and western Ille-et-Vilaine; an eastern zone comprising Sarthe, Mayenne, and eastern Ille-et-Vilaine; and a southern zone including Loire-Atlantique and Maine-et-Loire. This last zone lacks cohesion, as the area north of the Loire aligns more closely with the Mayenne group, while the area south of the river shows Poitevin influence.[19] Chauveau does not define a clear boundary between Gallo and Poitevin, but instead identifies a threshold marked by the Loire.[20]
The languages of Brittany and neighboring regions according to several authors:
The modern western boundary of Gallo is clearly defined, as it bears no resemblance to Breton. The linguistic frontier between the two languages was compared to the "Great Wall of China" by the historianPierre-Michel-François Chevalier in 1845.[21] In 1952,Francis Gourvil [fr] traced this boundary between Plouha, on the western coast of the Bay ofSaint-Brieuc, and the Pénerf River near theRhuys Peninsula. Between these two points, he drew the line throughSenven-Léhart,Quintin,Mûr-de-Bretagne,Saint-Gérand,Réguiny, andSulniac.[21]
The linguistic boundary has shifted over the centuries, as evidenced by toponymy. Place names beginning withCar-,Ker-, orTre- and parish names illustrate the successive retreats of Breton from its maximum territorial extent. Breton and Gallo coexisted in central Brittany during the period ofMiddle Breton (1100–1650).
However, the boundary remained relatively stable during the Middle Breton period (1100–1650). Toponymy, particularly place names beginning withKer-, indicates this boundary in the 12th century, and maps from the 17th century show essentially the same line. The earlier retreat of Breton in theGuérande Peninsula began during this period and continued until the early 20th century. In this area, Breton was not replaced by Gallo but by French, specifically a regional variety similar to that spoken in the rest ofLower Brittany until the 1980s.
To the east, Gallo borders Norman, Mayennais, and Angevin, the latter two belonging to the same linguistic group as Gallo, and Poitevin to the south. All these varieties are part of the Oïl languages and share a common Latin origin. It is not possible to draw clear boundaries between them other than historical ones. They form adialect continuum, meaning that they overlap and blend across several regions before encountering linguistic borders where they come into contact with entirely different languages.
The Oïl language continuum extends, for example, from the border with Breton toBelgium, where it meetsDutch and its Flemish dialects. Within this range, one moves progressively from Gallo to Mayennais, Norman,Champenois,Picard, and others. Administrative and linguistic boundaries rarely coincide.[14]
The word for "today" provides an illustrative example of this overlap. Most Gallo speakers use the termanet, but in the easternmost part of Upper Brittany, along the borders with Mayenne and Maine-et-Loire, speakers useanui, a form also found in Mayennais, Angevin, and Norman. Conversely, a form similar to the Galloanet is attested inErnée in Mayenne.[22]
Varieties located within the Oïl continuum therefore overlap, and Angevin and Gallo speakers may understand each other to some extent and use similar vocabulary. By contrast, varieties located at the extremes of the continuum are not mutually intelligible. Gallo, for example, contrasts sharply withWalloon, which is also an Oïl language but is not understood by Gallo speakers.[23]
The varieties linguistically closest to Gallo are those ofMaine,Anjou, and the southern part ofManche, located south of theJoret line and comparable to the dialects of southernCalvados and westernOrne in westernNormandy.[24]
While the transition toward Mayennais, Angevin, and Norman is gradual, the transition with Poitevin to the south is more abrupt. A dense bundle ofisoglosses crosses the formerMarches of Brittany and Poitou [fr], near the present-day boundary betweenLoire-Atlantique andVendée, marking a zone of rapid transition from Gallo to Poitevin.[25]
One emblematic feature of this rapid transition is the use in Poitevin of the subject personal pronouns "i" for the first person and "le" for the third person, as opposed to the Gallo system "je" and "il". This pronoun system is found south of a line placing certain communes in southern Loire-Atlantique (Legé,Corcoué-sur-Logne,Touvois) within the Poitevin domain, while some communes in northwestern Vendée (Noirmoutier-en-l'Île,Bouin,Bois-de-Céné in theBreton Marsh) align more closely with Gallo with respect to this feature.[26]
It is not easy to group the regional variations of Gallo into clearly defined dialects. Depending on the criteria chosen, the geographical definition of potential dialects can vary considerably. Using demonstrative pronouns as a criterion, for example, the following variations can be distinguished:
From aphonological perspective, three further groups can be identified:
Numerous additional regional divisions can be added based on pronunciation. For example, the "ai" ofmai, corresponding to French "oi" inmoi, is pronounceda around Rennes,aj in Loire-Atlantique, andme orɛ along the border with the Breton-speaking area. This distribution does not apply to all words: for instance, theɛ area extends eastward for the "ai" invair ("voir"), and words such asvaizin ("voisin") andbaire ("boire") are generally pronouncedvejzɛ̃ andbejʁ, orvajzɛ̃ andbajʁ.[28]
The infinitive ending of verbs in-er also shows differences in pronunciation. In general, Gallo speakers pronounce this ending asə (for example,manjermɑ̃ʷʒə for "manger"), except around the Loire estuary and theEnglish Channel, where-er is pronounced as in French. AroundCancale andCorcoué, the ending is pronouncedaj. This distribution does not apply to past participles and common nouns ending in-é, such asmangé orblé, whose pronunciation follows other regional patterns. In some places, such asAbbaretz, the pronunciation of the past participle differs depending on whether it is used with the auxiliaryyètr ("être") oravair ("avoir"). The wordbllë ("blé"), for its part, can be pronouncedblé, blë, byé, byë, byè, byëy, orbyay depending on the region. The appearance ofl inbllë is relatively recent and mainly affects the northern coast and the Rennes area. It probably entered Gallo under the influence of French, which led to increasedpalatalization of words.[28]
Differences in pronunciation sometimes lead to lexical variation, as with the wordouézè (pluralouéziaos in some areas). In Gallo, it may be pronouncedouazé, ouazéo, ouézè, ouézéo, orouéziao, except in a small area northwest of Rennes, where ag is added at the beginning:gaziao. This addition likely serves to avoidhiatus and facilitate pronunciation, and recalls the transformation of Celticw intog in Latin-based languages (for example,waspa "waste" gave rise to Frenchgaspiller). Finally, aroundVannes, "bird" is said aspichon, a word derived from Latinpipione, equivalent to Frenchpigeon.[28]
TheCelts from north of the Alps andCentral Europe settled inArmorica and other areas, often close to European coastlines, around the 8th century BC (archaeological remains have been found at sites such asRoquepertuse,Entremont, andEnsérune). Several peoples emerged there, including theRedones and theNamnetes.[4] They spoke varieties of theGaulish language and maintained significant economic ties with theBritish Isles. The conquest of Armorica byJulius Caesar in 56 BC led to a degree of Romanization of the population, but only the upper social strata truly adopted Latin culture.[4] Gaulish continued to be spoken in the region until the 6th century, especially in sparsely populated rural areas. Thus, when theBritto-Romans, arriving fromGreat Britain, settled in western Armorica, they encountered a population that had retained certain aspects of Gaulish culture, although it was Christian and composed of Roman citizens. The integration of the Bretons therefore proceeded relatively smoothly.[21] The first small Breton kingdoms, such asCornouaille andDomnonée, emerged in the 5th century.[29]
In contrast to the rural areas of western Armorica, the cities ofNantes and Rennes were genuine Roman cultural centers. Following thebarbarian invasions of the 5th and 6th centuries, these two cities, as well as the regions east of theVilaine River, came underFrankish domination. Franks also settled within the Celtic domain, where pockets of Gallo-Roman population already existed, for example around Vannes andSaint-Brieuc. Settlement in Armorica during theMerovingian period was therefore diverse, combining Bretons from Great Britain assimilated with Gaulish tribes, Latinized urban populations, and Germanic groups.
The boundary between the Breton kingdoms and the Frankish kingdom was unstable and difficult to define, particularly because wars between Franks and Bretons were frequent between the 6th and 9th centuries. Before the 10th century, Breton was spoken by at least part of the population as far east asPornic andRoz-sur-Couesnon. Beyond this lay theBreton March, a Romance-speaking frontier zone established by the Frankish kings, which later shifted eastward to include the Avranchin and the Cotentin following theTreaty of Compiègne.[30]
Nevertheless, according to most toponymists, Brittonic place names do not extend east of theCouesnon River. This casts doubt on the idea that Breton was ever widely spoken east of this river during the 9th or 10th century.[31]
The Latinized population of Upper Brittany spoke theVulgar Latin ofGaul, a language influenced by Gaulish, particularly in vocabulary and pronunciation. Thepalatalization of [k] to [ʃ], for example fromcantare tochanter, and thespirantization of [b] to [v], as infaba becomingfève, probably date from this period.[32] Latin grammaticaldeclensions and theneuter gender began to disappear as early as the Gallo-Roman period, whilearticles started to be used.[32]
The Franks introduced a new language,Old Frankish, but they did not impose it on the Gallo-Romans, and Latin continued to be used until the early 9th century. For roughly three hundred years, northern France thus experienced a period of Latin/Frankishbilingualism. During this time, the Franks gradually adopted Latin as the written and religious language. Like the Gauls before them, they influenced the language's evolution by contributing Germanic vocabulary and modifying pronunciation.[32]
TheVikings who invaded Brittany in the 10th century also introduced someOld Norse vocabulary, which can still be found in contemporary Gallo.[33] In fact, all of these Old Norse-derived words are also found inNorman, an Oïl language that contains even more of them.[34] As with Standard French, these terms are more likely borrowings from Norman, since they are all shared with that language, whereas the reverse is not true. Examples includebouette orboite "fishing bait" (from Old Norsebeita),biter orabiter "to touch" (Old Norsebíta "to bite"),bruman "newlywed, son-in-law" (Old Norsebruðmaðr),falle "bird's crop" (Old Norsefalr),jenotte "earthnut" (Old Norse*jarðhnot),ha "dogfish" (Old Norsehá),mielle "sandy ground, dune" (Old Norsemelr), andmucre "damp, moldy" (Old Norsemykr). Exceptions include a few terms used for navigation and early maritime techniques in the Loire estuary and valley, which are direct borrowings from Old Norse, such asgueurde "rope used to hoist part of a sail" andguiroie, which later became Frenchgirouette ("weather vane").
The Oïl languages appeared in a more or less stabilized written form around the 11th century. At that time, differences between regional varieties were probably less pronounced than today. Lexical borrowing between dialects was frequent, and there are few written records of regional varieties, since scribes used a kind of common interdialectal literary language throughout northern France. The language of the court and of literature began to diverge sharply from regional speech from the 13th century onward, while these varieties also underwent independent phonetic changes and increasingly diverged from one another.[32]
The earliest written traces of Gallo date from the 12th century. TheAiquin, the only Bretonchanson de geste, contains several terms specific to contemporary Gallo, such ass'aroter "to set off" andlours "their". TheLivre des Manières byStephen de Fougères also contains many features characteristic of Gallo, including terms such asenveier ("to send"),il deit ("he must"), andchasteaus ("castles"; in modern Gallo:chatiaos).
A text from theChronicles of Saint-Denis [fr] written in the 13th century mentions "Bretons who speak Breton", implying for the first time the existence of Bretons who did not speak the Breton language. The term "gallo" itself was first used in 1358, in a document issued by DukeJohn IV to his treasurer Georges Gicquel: "nostre general recepveur en Bretaigne gallou, salut."
The designation "Gallo Brittany" or its synonym Upper Brittany subsequently appears regularly in medieval texts.[35]
When Insular Bretons settled in western Armorica, urban centers as well as the countryside east of aTrieux–Laïta line remained strongly Romanized. While Breton quickly became dominant west of this line, the linguistic reality in the eastern part was different and should rather be understood as a zone where bilingualism was the norm, with the majority of the rural population consisting of Romance-language speakers. In the 9th century, with the expansion of Breton territory into the formerly Frankish dioceses of Nantes and Rennes under the reign ofNominoe, the Breton language reached its greatest geographical extent. In the following century, however, Breton already began to retreat within the bilingual zone. This retreat was slow, and Breton-speaking enclaves persisted in eastern Brittany, first along the north coast as far asDinan in the 12th century, then as far asSaint-Brieuc in the 16th century. In the south, east ofGuérande, the retreat of Breton was not clearly marked before the 19th century.[36]
In mixed areas, borrowings from Breton into Gallo were more numerous than elsewhere.[21]
Standard French, which developed during theRenaissance, initially functioned as asociolect, meaning that it was used only by certain social classes.[10] TheOrdinance of Villers-Cotterêts, promulgated in 1539, made the use of French compulsory in official documents. Education then became the main vector for spreading the language, from the 17th century onward, when the use of Latin declined at universities. In 1793, during theFrench Revolution, French became the sole language of public instruction. From the reign ofLouis Philippe I, education became more accessible, andJules Ferry made schooling free, secular, and compulsory in 1882. From that point on, all French citizens attended school and therefore learned French.[10]
The 19th century was also marked by profound social changes that favored the disappearance of regional languages.Conscription, introduced during the Revolution, brought together men from different regions who had to use French to communicate. The construction of roads and railways increased mobility, while rural exodus and urban industrialization led to population mixing. Industrial growth also gave rise to a new bourgeoisie that disparaged regional speech, and the expansion of the press helped disseminate the French language. This process, initiated by newspapers, was continued in the 20th century by radio and then television. In Upper Brittany, as in the rest of France, bilingualism became widespread before being followed by frequent abandonment of the regional language.[10]
The use of Gallo became confined to informal situations in rural settings. While agriculture remained dominant in Upper Brittany until the 1950s, it declined sharply thereafter, reducing opportunities to speak Gallo. The decrease in the number of speakers was further intensified by the lack of intergenerational transmission, as parents no longer wished to teach their children a language associated with a declining social milieu and perceived as an obstacle to social and economic advancement. The negative image that the state had associated with Gallo and other regional languages was thus relayed by the speakers themselves.[4]
In response to the decline of Gallo, protective movements emerged at the end of the 09h centurya nd gained momentum in the 1970s. Today, the entire French population speaks French, and regional languages, once on the verge of extinction, are no longer repressed as they were under theFrench Third Republic. TheBreton Cultural Charter [fr], signed in 1977 by the state and Breton local authorities, marked a significant shift in the perception of the languages of Brittany. The charter states, for example, that it is necessary to "ensure that the Breton language and the Gallo speech, and their specific cultures, are provided with the means necessary for their development, including in education and on radio and television."[37]
Since the early 1980s, Gallo has therefore been taught in a small number of educational settings. Nevertheless, it is classified as a seriously endangered language byUNESCO.[38]
In 1878,Paul Sébillot wrote: "The speech spoken in the Gallo or French-speaking country is a dialect of French, which has affinities with the dialects of neighboring regions, especially Angevin, Tourangeau, and Lower Norman: it contains a large number of old words, a very small number of words borrowed from Breton, and is, apart from fairly numerous local expressions but with very French turns of phrase, very easy to understand."[39]
Gallo is not necessarily intelligible to a French speaker, notably because of its distinctivephonology and vocabulary. Mutual intelligibility between speakers of different languages is, moreover, strongly conditioned by their willingness to understand and their individual background, such as knowledge oflinguistics or general culture.[40][41] Contemporary linguistBernard Cerquiglini holds a view opposed to that of Paul Sébillot. According to him, Gallo, like the other Oïl languages, cannot be considered a dialect of French because the differences between the two are too great. According to Cerquiglini, the fact that Gallo derives directly fromVulgar Latin, and not from a regional deformation of French, also prevents it from being classified as a dialect. He thus emphasizes the highly artificial nature of standard French, even in relation to its Francien origins. The study of languages and dialects has evolved considerably since the 19th century, and there is no longer any universally accepted criterion for distinguishing a dialect from a language.[41]
According to contemporary theories, Gallo cannot be considered a language if one assumes that it lacks high cultural prestige or the status of anofficial language.[42] Nor is it a major factor of cohesion and identity, unlikeBreton orBasque. On the other hand, Gallo can be regarded as a language because it possesses a degree of standardization, writing systems, and a body of literature, even if these remain at a developmental stage. Finally, the status of language or dialect attributed to aspeech variety often depends more on political factors than on strictly linguistic ones.[43]
At the international level, Gallo does not have anISO 639 language code.[44] It has no official status at the national level, as France recognizes only one official language, French. While regional languages were initially regarded as incompatible with the ideal of a single and indivisible republic, the French state has gradually begun to take them into account. However, it has not adopted a proactive language policy aimed at encouraging formal recognition of regional languages, instead favoring limited and accommodating measures.
Since the amendment of theFrench Constitution in 2008, Gallo has been recognized as part of the national heritage of France.Article 75-1 of the Constitution of France [fr] states that "regional languages belong to the heritage of France."[45] In addition, Gallo is the only Oïl language officially recognized as a "regional language" by theFrench Ministry of National Education, as it is the only one taught within the school system.[46]
Public recognition of Gallo withinBrittany is relatively recent. On 17 December 2004, theRegional Council of Brittany unanimously recognized Breton and Gallo as "the languages of Brittany, alongside the French language."[47] TheDepartmental Council of Ille-et-Vilaine has also publicly expressed support for Gallo.[48] By contrast, inLoire-Atlantique and the widerPays de la Loire region, no official position regarding Gallo has been adopted.
The recognition of Gallo by local authorities, as well as its introduction into the school system, has raised the issue of standardisation. This issue has generated significant ideological debate, without leading to a consensual solution, as is often the case for languages that are not regulated by a state authority. Other languages of France, such asOccitan, face similar debates.[49]
Supporters of standardisation view it as a way to confer prestige on Gallo and to facilitate both its teaching and mutual intelligibility among speakers. Opponents argue that the creation of a norm would impoverish the language and that selecting one variety over others would be arbitrary. Moreover, standardisation is not necessarily a required stage in the development of minority languages.Corsican, for example, which is offered in theCAPES teaching examination and other university qualifications, is apolynomic language [fr] without a universal standard, comprising many dialects united by a strong shared identity. In the case of Corsican, the absence of a standard has not hindered either its teaching or the development of writing systems.[50]
A possible standardisation is also not necessarily required for a language with limited media visibility and whose use by administrative or governmental bodies is not envisaged.[51] The issue could nevertheless become more significant if Gallo were to gain greater media exposure in the future.[52]
The question of Gallo standardisation has largely been sidestepped by teachers. They generally transmit the variety they themselves learned, and most do not wish to see the creation of a norm that would override regional variation. However, Gallo teaching programmes at secondary and higher education levels include a dialectological approach, providing learners with an overall view of the language and facilitating comprehension of varieties they have not personally learned.[52] The development of writing systems is sometimes perceived as a form of standardisation, but this concerns only orthography, not grammar, pronunciation, or vocabulary.[52] These systems tend instead to reinforce regional varieties, either by proposing flexible spellings that respect variation or by establishing fixed orthographies that still allow for differences in pronunciation when read aloud.[51]
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Breton, like Gallo, is in decline. Nevertheless, it has an undisputed status as a language and plays a strong role in identity formation. It benefits from a long tradition of activism and is no longer subject to strong negative perceptions. On the contrary, it affirms the distinctiveness of Breton culture, whereas Gallo is associated with French and thus perceived as external. As a non-Celtic element and a language without prestige, Gallo may be viewed as inferior to Breton.[53][54]
In Loire-Atlantique, movements defending the Breton identity of the department rely far more on the Breton language, traditionally spoken in a small area aroundGuérande, than on Gallo, despite the latter having a much wider geographical distribution and also serving as a link between the departments of historic Brittany.[52]
At the institutional level, the persistent difference in treatment between the two languages further marginalises Gallo, as Breton consistently benefits from greater resources for teaching and promotion. According to the theory of "one people, one language", Breton would be thenational language of Brittany, leaving no place for Gallo.[55] Granting Gallo equal status with Breton within Breton culture would also highlight the Romance character of that culture and render it bipolar, or even tripolar if French is also considered a language of Brittany.[52]
While the promotion of Breton tends to overshadow Gallo, French contributes more directly to its marginalisation. French has been firmly established in Upper Brittany since the 1960s, and Gallo is disappearing mainly because it has become increasingly difficult to practise. It is no longer essential to everyday life and, for many speakers, has become merely a local speech variety used only in certain contexts. Gallo also remains associated with a pejorative image and is often perceived as coarse or backward, whereas French carries more prestigious connotations. Writing also constitutes a weakness of Gallo in comparison with French. Although writing systems exist, they are little known among speakers, and Gallo remains largely perceived as an oral language. Moreover, speakers are not always able to read or write Gallo without prior instruction.[55]
Due to long-standing and close contact, Gallo has also been profoundly influenced by French. Many speakers alternate between Gallo and French words or sentences within the same discourse without being aware of switching languages. Conversely, non-Gallo speakers in Upper Brittany may use Gallo terms unknowingly.[56] This "creolisation" of Gallo has increased its proximity to French and weakened its linguistic autonomy, while also contributing to a decline in speakers' linguistic awareness.[52] The simplification of Gallo may at times be deliberate, particularly among storytellers, in order to reach a broader audience that includes non-speakers.[6][57]
Determining the number of Gallo speakers is difficult, as respondents in surveys may misjudge their own language proficiency. In addition, the social stigma affecting Gallo likely leads to false or underestimated declarations, particularly among younger people. Finally, many individuals speak Gallo while using a large number of French words and syntactic structures, and therefore cannot always be counted as speakers in a strict sense.
In the 1999 census, 49,626 residents of historic Brittany responded to the survey entitledÉtude de l'histoire familiale, which included a question on languages used with relatives. It reported 29,060 people using Gallo, including 28,300 in theBrittany region (1.3% of the population, while Breton speakers represented 12%). After extrapolation to the total population, the number of Gallo speakers was ultimately estimated at 40,710 in historic Brittany, or about 1% of its population. Gallo thus ranked fourth, behind French, Breton (11.3%), and English (4.3%).
Gallo was most widespread inIlle-et-Vilaine, where 2.5% of the population reported using it according to the 1999 census, followed by theCôtes-d'Armor (1.8%), Morbihan (1.6%), and Loire-Atlantique (1.5%).[58] According to the same census, Ille-et-Vilaine was the only department where Gallo speakers outnumbered Breton speakers. A survey conducted for the Credilif laboratory atUniversity of Rennes 2 in 2008 reported around 200,000 speakers; this figure was said to double when including those able to understand Gallo.[59]
A survey carried out in 2004 and 2005 across all departments of Upper Brittany showed that only 5% of Gallo-speaking parents had passed the language on to their children. Transmission appeared instead to occur more often from grandparents to grandchildren.[60] The 2004–2005 survey also showed that the vast majority of Gallo speakers were or had been farmers, and that only 23% of respondents declared being able to write in Gallo.
In 2013, the associationBretagne Culture Diversité [fr] decided to create a barometer of Breton public opinion by conducting regular surveys based on the same questions. The first was entrusted to the TMO Régions institute, which conducted telephone interviews with 1,003 people aged 18 and over between 9 and 17 December 2013 in the five departments of historic Brittany. This survey showed a significant difference compared with the 1999 INSEE survey. According to the results, 5% of residents of historic Brittany declared that they spoke Gallo very well or fairly well, whereas in 1999 INSEE had estimated the proportion of Gallo speakers at 1.3% of the population of the four-department Brittany region.[61]
In addition, 8% of residents of historic Brittany said they understood Gallo very well or fairly well, 8.9% said they spoke or understood a few words, and 83% did not use it at all. The survey also included a new question on the future of the language: 42% of residents of Brittany said they were worried about the future of Gallo, 18% were confident, and 28% were indifferent. These figures brought the two languages of Brittany closer together, with Breton spoken by 6% of residents of Brittany and Gallo by 5%, while 9% of residents understood Breton and 8% understood Gallo. Opinions differed more sharply regarding the future of the two languages: 40% of Bretons were confident about the future of Breton, compared with only 19% who were indifferent. Likewise, the proportion of respondents who did not express an opinion was lower for Breton (4%) than for Gallo (12%).[62]
A new survey commissioned by the Brittany region in 2024 and conducted by the TMO institute revealed a sharp decline in the number of speakers, now estimated at 132,000 people, compared with 191,000 in the 2018 survey. According to this survey, Gallo now has more speakers than Breton.[63]
The teaching of Gallo in schools was first proposed shortly before theSecond World War by the Compagnons de Merlin, the Gallo-speaking branch of theBreton Regionalist Federation [fr] (FRB). Beyond being a cultural demand, the introduction of Gallo in schools was seen as a way to improve pupils' academic performance, notably by valuing their linguistic skills. These demands raised, for the first time, the issue of possible standardisation of Gallo and the creation of a writing system. The ideas were not taken up again until the 1970s. In 1977, the signing of the Breton Cultural Charter by the French state allowed for an initial form of recognition of the language.[64]
During the 1981–1982 school year, the Rector of the Academy of Rennes, Paul Rollin, created a post ofChargé de mission pour la langue et la culture gallèse in secondary education, entrusted to the certified history teacher Gilles Morin. At the same time, in cooperation with the departmental education authority of Ille-et-Vilaine, a post of pedagogical adviser for Gallo was created at theÉcole normale supérieure de Rennes.Christian Leray [fr], a teacher holding a CAEI qualification, was appointed assistant pedagogical adviser at the teacher training college (CPAEN) in September 1982, where he organised a Gallo training unit for future primary school teachers. His responsibilities included organising in-service teacher training and coordinating Gallo teaching in two rural priority education zones (ZEPs ofRetiers andTremblay–Antrain).
Gallo was offered as an optional subject in the general and technologicalbaccalauréat examinations from 1984 onward.[65] Optional courses and academic research on Gallo have been offered atUniversity of Rennes 2 since 1981.[66] Since 2008, the university has offered a Gallo option consisting of three hours per week over the three years of the undergraduate degree.
Teaching of Gallo language and culture is offered in primary schools in theMaure-de-Bretagne area ofIlle-et-Vilaine, involving approximately 1,300 pupils. The associationDihun has also implemented a similar system in Catholic primary schools in eastern Morbihan.[66] In secondary education, Gallo is offered as an optional subject. It is taught by certified teachers in seven middle schools and seven public high schools within theAcademy of Rennes [fr]. It is also, within the same academy, an optional language subject in the baccalauréat examinations.[67]
At the start of the 2009 school year, 1,400 primary school pupils, 226 middle school pupils, and 233 high school pupils were enrolled in Gallo courses.[66] In 2011, excluding primary school pupils, there were 574 learners, representing an improvement compared with 2009. Gallo nevertheless remains one of the least taught regional languages in France. In the same year, Breton was studied by 7,324 middle and high school pupils, andAlsatian by 35,855 pupils. OnlyMosellan (Lorraine Franconian) was less widely taught, with just 187 pupils.[68]
In Loire-Atlantique, a department that is nevertheless a signatory to the Breton Cultural Charter, Gallo is taught in only one educational institution (Sion-les-Mines). This situation is mainly due to the department lying outside the Academy of Rennes and to the much weaker Gallo promotion movement there compared with the Brittany region. The geographical distribution of activism in favour of Gallo often explains the presence or absence of the language in educational institutions within a given region.
The earliest written traces of Gallo date back to the 12th century.Le livre des Manières by Stephen de Fougères is the oldest publication in a Romance language from Brittany. The dialectal forms found in theRoman d'Aquin (orLa Conqueste de la Bretaigne par le roy Charlemaigne), a chanson de geste from the 12th century, illustrate the development of the langue d'oïl in Upper Brittany.[C 1]
Gallo is primarily a language of oral tradition, with a substantial body of folktales, fables, and legends. This oral tradition also includes riddles (devinaîlles), proverbs, songs, and stories that address or challenge religious beliefs. Gallo legends often revolve around recurring figures such asGargantua,Morgan le Fay, andBirou, or attempt to explain the formation of landscapes.[C 1]
Oral Gallo legends were collected from the late 19th century onward by folklorists and ethnologists such asPaul Sébillot, a native ofMatignon,Adolphe Orain [fr] fromBain-de-Bretagne,François Duine [fr] from theDolois [fr] area, andAmand Dagnet [fr] from theCoglais [fr], who also worked inMayenne.[C 1] These authors, however, most often transcribed the tales in French.[4] In addition,Paul Féval wrote several dialogues in Gallo in his novelChâteaupauvre, published in 1876.[69] Amand Dagnet also produced a theatrical work in Gallo,La Fille de la Brunelas, in 1901.[70]
In the 1920s,Jeanne Malivel ofLoudéac versified a Gallo tale told by her grandmother,Les Sept Frères. This work inspired the creation of the artistic renewal movementSeiz Breur.[71] During the 1930s and under theOccupation, Henri Calindre ofPloërmel published humorous monologues and plays in Gallo under the pseudonymMystringue.[72]
After the Second World War, a second wave of collection was led bySimone Morand andAlbert Poulain. They were actively involved in preserving and promoting Gallo culture through publications and by founding associations such as the Groupement culturel breton des pays de Vilaine. In the 1970s, Brittany experienced a strong cultural revival, and events centered on Gallo storytelling and song emerged.[C 2]
The associationLes Amis du Parler Gallo was founded in 1976 and began publishing works by contemporary Gallo authors.L'Anthologie de littérature gallèse contemporaine was published in 1982 and brought together texts by around thirty authors, including Jean-Yves Bauge, Pierre Corbel,Ernestine Lorand [fr], Gilles Morin, and Laurent Motrot.Albert Meslay [fr] publishedLa Cosmochérette, a humorous science fiction novel, in 1983. Gallo poetry also developed, with authors such as Jacqueline Rebours, known for her politically engaged poetry, Christian Leray, and Laurent Motrot, who published poems in the journalAneit.[C 3]Bèrtran Ôbrée [fr], singer of the bandÔbrée Alie [fr], whose songs are mostly in Gallo, also writes poetry.[4] The poetry collection« Poéteriy » – Poésie gallaise contemporaine was published in 1990 by Les Amis du Parler Gallo, by then renamed Bertègn Galèzz.
Although authors continued to publish in journals and newspapers, Gallo-language publishing declined during the 1990s, before growing significantly from the early 2000s onward, with many works opting for bilingual editions in Gallo and French. The emblematic work that helped revive Gallo-language publishing was written byAdèle Denys [fr]: herMémoires d'une centenaire « aout'fas en Pays Gallo », published in 1999. New authors emerged, such as Fabien Lécuyer, whose detective novelMeliy (published in 2004) was adapted for thetheatre by theTradior company,[73] and whose historical novelEne oraïje naïr was also the firste-book published in Gallo. In 2007, André Bienvenu published his childhood memoirs in three volumes,Les Braises de la vie.
Despite this vitality, resistance to publishing books in Gallo remains. For example, Serge Richard's novelKen Tost d'an Tenzor was translated into Gallo (Le Naez sus le tenzor) but did not find a publisher, as was also the case for translations ofAnimal Farm byGeorge Orwell andLa Guerre des boutons byLouis Pergaud.
Comics in Gallo have also developed since the 1980s. The magazineLe Lian, published by Bertègn Galèzz, featured the first Gallo-language comics, includingLes Tois Frëres by Didier Auffray andLa Tourneye du René, a one-panel gag series illustrated by Hubert Goger with text by Mimi Buet, from 1984 onward. Since 2011, Louis-France Baslé has published the comic stripPiyou le cania cancalais inLe Plat Gousset, a local bulletin of the town ofCancale. Albums ofTintin,Asterix, andJack Palmer have also been translated into Gallo.
The first Gallo texts intended for children appeared inLe Lian in 1985. Children's publishing has expanded since the 2000s, notably through the associative publishing houseLes Emouleriy au Sourgarre, with albums such asMiston, le ptit chutiaù by Michael Genevée and Romain Ricaud. The firstImagier en gallo by Anne-Marie Pelhate was published in 2014 and includes over six hundred illustrated Gallo words. Similarly, theFables of La Fontaine have been translated into Gallo.
Gallo music is less well known than Celtic music sung in Breton or French, but it is nonetheless a full component of Breton culture. A new generation of artists has brought the language back to the forefront of the Breton music scene in a more modern way, including Bèrtran Ôbrée, Les Vilaïnes Bétes, and IMG,[74] as well as in a more traditional style with groups such as Les Mangeouses d'Oreilles and Girault & Guillard.[75]
There are also artists who usually sing in French or Breton but have produced works in Gallo. These include Trouz an Noz,[76]Tri Yann,[77][78] andCabestan [fr].[79]
The studio Dizale ofQuimper has dubbed two feature-length animated films (The Gruffalo andThe Gruffalo's Child byMax Lang andJakob Schuh) into Gallo, in partnership with theInstitut de la langue gallèse [fr], released in 2019.[80]
Simone Morand [fr] played a major role in promoting Gallo culture, even before the Second World War. The first association dedicated to the promotion of Gallo existed between 1939 and 1944: the Compagnons de Merlin, affiliated with theFédération régionaliste de Bretagne [fr], which published the journalGalerne. After that, associative activity was virtually nonexistent until 1976, with the founding ofLes Amis du Parler Gallo, later renamed Bertègn Galèzz. An internal split among members led to the creation of the associationAneit in 1984.
Other associations were founded thereafter, including La Bouèze, theUniversité du temps libre ofDinan, Maézoe, Vantyé, L'Epille, La Soett,La Granjagoul [fr], and Chubri.[10][81]
These associations mainly focus on collecting and documenting the language, either across the entire Gallo-speaking area or at a local level. Some have developed databases, such as Bertègn Galèzz, while others have specialized fields of expertise, such as Maézoe in toponymy and L'Epille in traditional song.[10] La Granjagoul, based inParcé, is an association dedicated to safeguardingintangible cultural heritage. It carries out oral heritage collection activities in theFougères area and supports and organizes the promotion of this heritage.[82] It also offers activities in Gallo for children in partnership with the parents' association Dihun Breizh, which aims to promote Gallo and Breton within the education system.[83]
Several cultural events linked to Gallo take place every year in Upper Brittany, including theMill Góll festival in Rennes, held since 2003,[84]La Gallésie en fête inMonterfil, theEstourniales inLiffré,Bogue d'or [fr], a storytelling and singing competition inRedon, theAssembiés gallèses inLa Chèze, and theGallèseries ofSaint-Malo.[10]
TheBreton and Gallo Language Week is held every year in March or April at the initiative of theRegional Council of Brittany. Activities are organized locally by intermunicipal groupings (pays) and aim to promote these languages.[85] The Breton and Gallo Language Week also takes place in Loire-Atlantique, but there the activities are organized by associations rather than by official institutions.[86]
Several associations publish or have published journals written partly or entirely in Gallo. These includePihern, an annual journal published by Vantyé inGuémené-Penfao, andDruj, a journal ofL'Andon dou Galo [fr] inTrémorel, which had two issues in the 2000s.[87] Bertègn Galèzz publishesLe Liaun, a journal with irregular periodicity published since 1978, containing many articles in Gallo.[88] The journalNostre lenghe aneit was also published annually in Gallo by the association Aneit inSaint-Nazaire from 1984 to 1988. In December 2014, the weekly online publicationRunje, written entirely in Gallo, was launched by Fabien Lécuyer.[89]
Nevertheless, Gallo remains largely absent from mainstream regional media. Its visibility is limited to a small number of articles and regular columns. André Le Coq has publishedLes Caoseries a Matao, current-affairs columns, inL'Hebdomadaire d'Armor, published inMerdrignac, since the 1990s. A weekly Gallo column titledAssis-té, mets du suc !, written by multiple authors, also appears inLe Courrier Indépendant [fr] ofLoudéac.[90] Since 2006, Hervé Drouard has written a Gallo-language current-affairs column titledAu cul d'la tonne in the weekly newspaperLa Mée, based inChâteaubriant.[91]
In 2013, Daniel Giraudon wrote a column in the Sunday edition ofOuest-France.[92] His initial column,Le Gallo souffle sur les Breizh, compared Gallo and Breton. His later column,Le Galo come on l'caoze, focused exclusively on Gallo and was also broadcast on the radio stationPlum'FM.[93] Bèrtran Ôbrée writes the columnEn gallo dans le texte, illustrated by Vincent Chassé, in the quarterly magazineNousVousIlle, published by theIlle-et-Vilaine Department since the early 2010s.[94]
The literary journalHopala! [fr] claims to publish works in the three languages of Brittany[95] and published poems in Gallo in 2001 and 2003. Similarly,Alain Kervern [fr] organized four trilingualhaiku competitions between 2001 and 2005 inHopala!, and later in the journalLe Peuple breton in 2011 and 2013.[96] Articles written in Gallo by Régis Auffray, Fabien Lécuyer, and Patrick Deriano have appeared since 2005 in the Breton-language journalYa!, published by the associationKeit vimp Bev inLaz.[97][98]
Online, the siteAgence Bretagne Presse [fr] publishes news items and articles in Gallo.[99] The news website7seizh.info regularly publishes Gallo-language articles by Fabien Lécuyer on current affairs, including international news and sports.[100]
Since 1996, Gallo has been broadcast onFrance Bleu Armorique through columns by Fred le Disou and Roger le Contou. Despite an announced cancellation in 2013, they have remained on air, later joined by new contributors, including a woman, in the late 2010s.[101]Plum'FM is a community radio station created in the early 2000s inPlumelec and based inSérent since 2009.[102] In 2014, the station broadcast eleven and a half hours of Gallo-language programming per week, with several shows hosted by Matao Rollo and Anne-Marie Pelhate.[93] Plum'FM also partners withRadio Bro Gwened [fr], based inPontivy, exchanging Gallo-language programming.[103] Since September 2013, theRadio chrétienne francophone [fr] station in theCôtes-d'Armor has broadcast a Gallo-language radio adaptation of the novelChâteaupauvre byPaul Féval.[104] Occasional Gallo-language programs are also broadcast by other radio stations, such asRadio Rennes [fr], including its showChemins de Terre, hosted by Loïc Turmel.[105]
The presence of Gallo ontelevision remains very limited. The first Gallo-language television program was broadcast on November 24, 2007, on the local Côtes-d'Armor channelArmor TV [fr], presented by Matao Rollo. Fred le Disou and Roger le Contou have also appeared on the local channelTV Rennes [fr] since September 2008, where they present an unconventional weather segment.
In May 2022, the media platform Galoweb was launched. It is an online platform for the creation and distribution of audiovisual content in Gallo, modeled on the Breton-language web television channelBrezhoweb [fr].[106][107] During its first year, Galoweb offered Gallo-language programs for all ages, including nursery rhymes, a current-affairs magazine, and animated series.[108]
Theconsonants of Gallo are broadly similar to those of French. Local variants nevertheless exist, such as thevoicing ofs toz in thePays de Retz, and that oft tod in thePays de la Mée. Certain consonant clusters are also characteristic of specific regions, such as theplosivesc andɟ, that is, ak and ag accompanied by a slightj, and theaffricatesdʒ andtʃ in the western part of Upper Brittany. In that area, the wordcurëkyʁe is thus pronouncedtʃyʁə, andghepedʒep. Elsewhere, one may hearcyʁə andɟəp. The wordQhi can be pronouncedki,tʃi, orci. These variations result from a fronting of theplace of articulation ofpalatal consonants.
Thesemivowelj is widely used topalatalize other consonants, notablyfj,tj,sj, andpj. Such palatalization is not found in all regions, however, andj is then often replaced byl. The wordpllée, for example, may be realized aspje orple.[6]
Theh, of Germanic origin, ceased to be pronounced from the 13th century. It nevertheless remains in use in the Mené, a small area aroundMerdrignac andPlémet.
| Bilabial | Labiodental | Labio-palatal | Labio-velar | Dental | Alveolar | Post-alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Uvular | Glottal | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Plosive | p b | t d | ɟ c[note 1] | k ɡ | |||||||
| Nasal | m | n | ɲ | ||||||||
| Fricative | f v | s z | ʃ ʒ | ʁ[note 2] | h[note 3] | ||||||
| Approximant | ɥ | w | j | ||||||||
| Lateral | l |
The vowel system of Gallo is close to that of French but has undergone divergent developments. Gallo therefore displays several features that are absent from French, such as extensive use of theschwa and ofdiphthongs.
In Gallo as in French, stressed Latina evolved intoe oreː. Thus,adsátis gaveasséase. However, whereas French mergede andeː into a singlee, Gallo preserved a distinction between the two. Theeː, corresponding for example to a stressed Latina followed bys, becamee or a diphthong, most oftenej, whilee generally shifted to aschwa (ə) in most regions. This opposition betweene andeː makes it possible, for instance, to distinguishpast participles orally according to gender and number. Whereas in standard Frenchchassé,chassée, andchassés are pronounced identically, most Gallo speakers distinguishʃasə for the masculine andʃase for the feminine and plural forms. In this example,ə indicates a finalé, whilee indicates that theé is followed by ane or ans. According to this rule,assé becameassëasə.[14]
The infinitive of Latin verbs in-are followed the same pattern:captiáre gavechasserʃasə in Gallo andchasserʃase in French. This evolution of stresseda varies by region and admits exceptions. In the central area of Upper Brittany, the schwa replacede, whereas in some peripheral regions it is replaced byɛ or remainse.[14] Some words do not follow the rule, such aspátre andmátre, which yieldedperepeʁ andmeremeʁ in most of Upper Brittany;et perepəʁ andmereməʁ are only heard in the central-western area.[14] Free stresseda beforel does not follow thee/eː pattern either and evolved very differently depending on the region. Thus,sále yieldedsèl,sél,sé, orseu.[14] The schwa is also used to realize syllabicl andʁ, as inbertonbʁˌtɔ̃.[109]
Like the other langues d'oïl, Gallo was subject toBartsch's law, according to which free stresseda in contact with a precedingpalatal consonant becameie, as incápra, which becamechieuvr. In Gallo as in French, theyodh disappeared around theRenaissance, yieldingchèvre andcheuv, and it is now found only in the Côtes-d'Armor.[14] In eastern Brittany, the loss of the yod was stronger than in French, and some speakers saychen instead ofchien (from Latincáne).[14]
Open stressed Latine also evolved intoie in Gallo as in French, withhĕri yielding, for example,yere. In Gallo, the vowel following the yod varies by region. In most of Upper Brittany it is a schwa, while elsewhere it isɛ ore; the geographical distribution mirrors that ofe/eː.[14] Open stressed Latino becameue, then monophthongized in both French and Gallo around the 12th century, becomingœ in French andə in Gallo. Thus,cór gaveqheur.[14] The evolution of close stressed Latine is far more diverse, and the original diphthongéi was replaced by a wide range of phonemes varying by word and region. The many pronunciations ofmai, from Latinmé, illustrate this diversity:maj,ma,me,mɛ, etc.[14] The pronunciation of close free stressed Latino/u is more conservative in Gallo than in other langues d'oïl. Thus,gùla yieldedgoule in Gallo, butgueule in French. Some terms are nevertheless influenced by neighboring langues d'oïl:astour ("now", from Latinhóra) gives way toasteur in eastern Upper Brittany.[14] In southern Loire-Atlantique, in contact with Poitevin,ɔ is generalized, and one hearsguernol andparto instead ofguernouille andpartout.[14]
| Front | Central | Back | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Close | i y | u | |
| Close-mid | e eː ø | o | |
| Mid | ə | ||
| Open-mid | ɛ ɛː œ ɛ̃ œ œ̃ | ɔ ɔ̃ | |
| Open | a | ɑ ɑ̃ |
Gallo makes use ofdiphthongs, likeLatin and other langues d'oïl, as well as Romance languages such asSpanish andPortuguese. French, by contrast, has lost its diphthongs since at least the 16th century.[6] Gallo diphthongs generally involve thesemivowelsw andj, and more rarelyɥ:wa,wə,wi,aw,ja,ju,aj,ej,ɛ̃i,ɥi,ɥɛ̃,ɥə, etc.[6] Thetriphthongjaw is also attested.[4]
The diphthongaw, which is very common, most often results from the loss of a consonant that existed in Latin. For example,fagu ("beech") becamefao, and thehiatusfau developed into a diphthong:faw. In some words such astalpa,l was vocalized asu, andal thus becameaw:tawp. In French, by contrast,al merged intoo, yieldingtaupetop. In northern Upper Brittany, diphthongs are used to mark theplural:un martèmaʁtə,des martiaosmaʁtjaw. In Loire-Atlantique, only the plural form is used.[6]
The nasal diphthongɛ̃ɔ̃, heard for example ingrand (gʁɛ̃ɔ̃, "big"), is typical of western langues d'oïl and is also found in Norman,Poitevin-Saintongeais, and Angevin, sometimes in slightly different forms (aɔ̃ in Saintongeais,ɛ̃ɑ̃ in Norman).[110]
There is still no single writing system that is unanimously approved and widely known. The main difficulty faced by Gallo lies in the differences in pronunciation from one region to another. For example, to sayme, Gallo speakers, depending on their region, may saymaj,mɛj,mej,ma,mɛ orme. Using French-based spelling, they would therefore write the same word in many different ways:maï, maye, maille, mèï, mey, meille, ma, mé, mè, and so on.
However, the creation of a common system is necessary in order to improve the readability of texts, to represent pronunciation varieties, and to compile a dictionary. The different writing systems that have been proposed can be grouped into two broad tendencies: one favors a single orthography that can be pronounced in different ways while respecting regional variation, while the other proposes numerous letters and letter combinations representing all regional phonemes, allowing speakers to write according to their own pronunciation.[111][112]
The first effort to codify Gallo orthography was undertaken by the associationAmis du parler gallo in 1977. It proposed retaining French spelling while adding specific characters, such aslh to indicatepalatalization andë to represent theschwa.[113] Since then, other systems have emerged, such as ELG, MOGA, ABCD, and BAP.
From an orthographic perspective, two groups can be distinguished: some writing systems propose complex spellings, with silent letters and non-phonetic graphemes, while others are more phonetic and avoid silent letters.
| Gallo (ELG) | Gallo (Aneit) | Gallo (Vantyé) | Gallo (MOGA) | Gallo (ABCD) | French |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Il faut qe j'auj le veir anoet. | I faùt qe j'aùge le vair aneit. | I faw ke j'awj le vèy ane. | I fao qe j'aoje le vaer aneit. | Faot qe j'aoje le vaer anet. | I have to go see him today. |
ELG orthography (an acronym forécrire le gallo, meaning "write Gallo"), the oldest of the proposed systems, was introduced in 1978 by Alan-Joseph Raude and deliberately rejects reference to French spelling. Raude drew on medieval Gallo texts in order to devise an original orthography, as if Gallo had never ceased to be written. By reusing medieval spellings, ELG also makes it possible to trace Gallo back to its origins, at a time when regional pronunciation differences were less marked than they are today.[6]
Thus, for words meaningfinger,evening, orme, which are pronounced differently depending on the region, ELG replaces the Frenchoi with a longe and a shorti inherited from Latin. These words are therefore writtendeit, seir, mei, allowing each speaker to pronounce them according to local usage.[6] Similarly,ruczèu ("stream") is pronouncedʁysəw in the east of Upper Brittany andʁyzəw in the west, and theae ofBertaeyn (Brittany) may be pronouncedae,aɛ,aə, and so on. The letter groupsoe, cz, tz are other characteristic features of this orthography.[114]
Moreover, finale sounds ceased to be pronounced in Gallo as early as the 12th century, several centuries before French. Raude therefore proposes not writing them. By contrast, silent final consonants are retained in order to facilitate derivation:fauc ("false"),fauchae ("to mow"). Because of the absence of a finale, it must be doubled if it is pronounced. Thus, where French hasgrand andgrande, ELG Gallo hasgraund andgraundd.[6]
ELG has a distinctive visual appearance that gives Gallo a clearly marked identity.[114] However, it is difficult to read and write without prior learning, and even native Gallo speakers do not always immediately recognize it as Gallo. ELG is used, for example, for bilingual French–Gallo signage in a station of the Rennes Metro.[115]
The Aneit system was presented in 1984 by the association Bertègn Galèzz, which succeeded theAmis du parler gallo. This spelling system is the result of five years of research across Upper Brittany and takes its name from the public information bookletNostre lenghe aneit ("our language today"). Also known as the "unified orthography", it follows the sameetymological approach as ELG.
The Aneit system differs from ELG in several respects. For example, every written letter must serve a purpose, which leads to the removal of silenth and double consonants except in specific cases (ll to indicate palatalization, for instance).[6] Aneit shares the same difficulties as ELG, since knowledge of a word's spelling is required in order to read or write it correctly. In addition, Aneit uses the lettersó,ú, andr̃ (r with atilde), characters that are difficult to access on a standardFrench keyboard.[112]
Vantyé orthography was developed by the association of the same name in the early 1980s and is characterized by a desire to bring Gallo spelling closer to Breton. Thus, the sound [k] is represented exclusively by the letterk, rather than byq as used in other systems, and [w] is represented byw:ke for "that" andwézyaw for "bird". Silent letters are abandoned, and a degree of freedom is left to the user.[6]
Vantyé orthography is therefore more of a practical tool than a fully codified spelling system, unlike ELG and Aneit, but it is consequently much easier to master. It nevertheless raises certain issues, as it is primarily intended for speakers of theMitau area and does not allow all the phonemes used in other regions to be written.[112][116]
MOGA orthography was introduced in 2007 by Bèrtran Ôbrée and the association Chubri. Unlike ELG and Aneit, which focus on the etymology of words, MOGA is a phonetic writing system. It also draws on speakers' knowledge of French. Thus, the soundɲ is represented bygn, as in French, rather than byny ornh. Likewise, thediphthongaw is writtenao, instead ofaù orau as in earlier systems, which can be ambiguous since in French the soundw is represented byw. Each letter or group of letters in MOGA corresponds to a single sound.
Regional varieties are taken into account, and letter groups have been created to represent all Gallo phonemes, even if they are used by only a small number of speakers. Thus,lh representsʎ, a rare phoneme restricted to the central part of the Côtes-d'Armor.[117]
The same word may be spelled in different ways depending on local usage, such as the city of Rennes, which may be written in Gallo in the various MOGA orthographies asRenn,Rènn,Rein·n, orRin·n (with spelling and pronunciation ranging from the most common to the rarest usages).[118] There is therefore not a single MOGA orthography, but several MOGA orthographies.
ABCD orthography (from the initials of its creators: Régis Auffray, André Bienvenu, André Le Coq, and Patrice Dréano) is used by the Association des enseignants de gallo and atUniversity of Rennes 2. It was standardized in 2009 and adopts the main principles of MOGA: reliance on speakers' knowledge of French and a phonetic approach to writing. Whereas MOGA proposes one sound per letter or letter group, ABCD offers several options so that users can choose among them. This makes it possible to cover regional variants, and a text written in ABCD will not necessarily be read in the same way by all Gallo speakers. ABCD also makes extensive use of French conventions, including silent letters such ass marking the plural, and is therefore very easy to read without prior training.[119]
| Phoneme and French example | ELG | MOGA | ABCD |
|---|---|---|---|
| [ɒ]pâte | a / au (word-final) | â | â / ae |
| ɑ̃hanter | aen / an / withlabio-velarization: aun | aun (long) / en (short) | am / an / en / em |
| əje | ae / aé / aeu / aéy / ei / oe | e | e / ë |
| ɛmer | aè / ei / èu / ey (word-final) | è / e (word-final for the epenthetic vowel appearing only due to context) | e / è / ae / ai / aï |
| epré | aé / ey (word-final) | é / e (word-final for the epenthetic vowel appearing only due to context) | e / é / ë |
| eː longé | aé / ey (word-final) | ée | é |
| ɛ̃Ain | aen / en / with labio-velarization: aeun / aun / ein | ein (long) / in (short) / iñ (short, word-final) / èn (short after i) | aen / aim / ain / eim / ein |
| œfleur | oe / oey | eu | |
| øfeu | oe / oey | eû | eû / eu |
| igris | iy (long) / i (short) / iu | î (long) / i (short) | i |
| ɔporte | o | o | o |
| ogros | o | ô | |
| ɔ̃onde | on | on | om / on |
| uloup | ó / ou | ou | ou / oû |
| ybut | aü / eü / iu / uy (word-final) | û (long) / u (short) | û / u |
| œ̃brun | un | ûn | um / un / eum / eun |
| ajaïe | aè / àè / aéy / ai | aï | ae / aï |
| ɑj Gallo:mouâi (month) | ei | âï | ây |
| aw Gallo:chaoz (thing) | au | ao | |
| ɛj Gallo:pèirr (pear) | aè / ei | èï | ae / aï / é |
| ɛw Gallo:wézèw (bird) | èu | éw | iao / éou |
| əɥ Gallo:leù (wolf) | aeü | eù | eû |
| ɔjOyez | oy | oï | oy |
| ɔw ≈ Englishlow | ou | ow | ao |
| ʒjudo | j (never g) | ||
| kkilo | c / q | c before a, â, o, and ô / q | |
| tʃtcheque cPrinquiau | q | qh | q before a, â, o, and ô / qh |
| dʒdjembe ɟ replace thequ ofPrinquiau withgu | g | gh | |
Phonemes written as in French (a, ch, p...) are not shown in this table. Moreover, since the pronunciation of letters in ELG and ABCD varies greatly by region, this list is not exhaustive.
In addition, the MOGA and ABCD systems use the combinationll in words that are palatalized by some Gallo speakers. Thus,bllë is pronouncedbjə orblə depending on the region. In ABCD, the combinationsmm,nm, andnn are not pronounced as in French, since the first letter serves tonasalize the vowel and only the second letter is pronounced:fenme is pronouncedfɑ̃m and notfenm, andJanne is pronouncedʒɑ̃n and notʒan. As in French, if the final letter is ane or a consonant, it is generally not pronounced.[119]
In MOGA,lj is writtenlh, andñ replacesn to show that it must not be nasalized:(il) diñra is pronounceddinʁa, as in French.[117]
In ELG orthography, certain letters and letter groups can only appear in specific positions, such asoey, which exists only at the end of a word. As in ABCD, final consonants in ELG are generally silent. The sounds is writtencz,c,ç, ors depending on its position in the word and the surrounding letters. In word-final position, its silent equivalent istz.[120]
Articles in Gallo are almost the same as in French:le, la, les, eun, eune, des. Thepartitive articledu also exists. The neutral pronounce does not exist, andcela can be replaced byeci orela.[6]
The order ofpersonal pronoun objects in a sentence can differ from French. When there are two object pronouns in a clause, one direct object and one indirect object, the indirect object comes first. Thus, in Gallo one saysje li l'ai donnë for "I gave it to him". This rule also applies in the imperative:donne maï le for "give it to me".[121]
Demonstrative pronouns derive from theLatiniste:sti-ci, sti-là (masculine) andste-ci, ste-là (feminine). The plural is closer to French:s(t)eus-ci, s(t)eus-là.[6] Relative and interrogative pronouns are similar to those of French (qui/que); they mainly differ in pronunciation, since most Gallo speakers useaffricates or thevoiceless palatal stop instead of thevoiceless velar stop. Thuske andki becomecə/tʃə andci/tʃi. Moreover, the distinction between animate and inanimate referents is not systematic:qhi qe tu vis ? can mean either "whom did you see?" or "what did you see?". In western Upper Brittany, however, the distinction is mandatory, andcai ("what") is used to refer to an inanimate object.[122]
Redundant use of the possessive witha is common:sés chevaos a li ("his horses, his").[6] The prepositiona placed before an infinitive produces a similar emphatic effect and can also be used in a sentence describing two simultaneous actions, where French uses thegerund:i courea veni ("he comes running").[4]Demonstrative pronouns are replaced by possessives:le sien replacescelui à/qui/que/de. For example,le sien qi veut means "the one who wants".[6]
The French wordavec ("with") is expressed in Gallo in several ways depending on context. The prepositiono ord'o is used to describe an action involving a thing, a human, or an animal, as inaler és cllozd'o son chen ("to go to the fields with one's dog"), or in the context of a passive relationship between two humans, as inyètr d'assantd'o qheuq'eun ("to agree with someone"). The prepositioncant orcantë is used for an action between two humans:yètr a caozercantë son bonaminz ("to be talking with one's friend").[4]
| personal pronoun | possessive pronoun | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| subject | reflexive | Direct object (preposed) | Direct object (postposed) | Indirect object | ||||
| first person | singular | je | me | me | mai | me | mine (masc.), mine (fem.), mine (pl.) | |
| plural | je/on/nan | nous | nous/n-s-aotrs | nous/n-s-aotrs | nous/n-s-aotrs | ours (masc.), ours (fem.), ours (pl.) | ||
| second person | singular | tu | te | te | tai/ta | te | yours (masc.), yours (fem.), yours (pl.) | |
| plural | vous/v-s/v' | vous/vs | vous/v'/v-s-aotrs | vous/v-s-aotrs | vous/v-s-aotrs | yours (masc.), yours (fem.), yours (pl.) | ||
| third person | singular | masculine | i/il | se | le | le | li/yi | his (masc.), his (fem.), his (pl.) |
| feminine | ol/o/al/a/el/e | se | la/las | la | li/yi | hers (masc.), hers (fem.), hers (pl.) | ||
| neuter | on/nen | se | – | – | – | – | ||
| plural | masculine | il/i/iz | se | les/ls | les | lou/you/yeu | theirs (masc.), theirs (fem.), theirs (pl.) | |
| feminine | i/ol/o/al/a/e | se | les/ls | les | lou/you/yeu | theirs (masc.), theirs (fem.), theirs (pl.) | ||
As in French, nouns in Gallo can be masculine or feminine and singular or plural. The gender of nouns is generally the same as in French, with a few exceptions such asaje ("age"),bole ("bowl"), andcrabe ("crab"), which are feminine,[4] andmemouere ("memory") andvipere ("viper"), which are masculine.[123]
Feminine marking is expressed in several ways depending on the word. In some cases, as in French, the final consonant becomes voiced:petit becomespetite, andvaizin becomesvaizine. In words ending in a nasal vowel, this vowel may be denasalised, as in Frenchbon/bonne. Agent nouns derived from verbs and ending in-ou, such aschantou, take endings in-ouze,-ouère, or-resse (eune chantouère, "a female singer"). Finally, words ending in non-silent consonants, doubled consonants, or developed consonant clusters (-ch,-sch, etc.) are invariable.[4]
Plural formation is also governed by several different rules. Words ending in a consonant remain invariable, whereas those ending in a vowel may lengthen that vowel:un crochet[kʁoʃɛ],des crochets[kʁoʃɛː]. Other words form the plural with adiphthong, such aschatè ("castle"), which becomeschatiao, or by vowel alternation, such aspommier[pɔ̃mjə], which becomespommiérs[pɔ̃mje]. In Loire-Atlantique, the diphthongal plural does not exist, and the diphthongal form is always used:chatéo ("castle", singular and plural).Le mondd ("people, everyone") is invariable and expresses a collective plural; the verb that follows must therefore be conjugated in the plural. Adjectives rarely distinguish between singular and plural forms.[4]
Conjugation in Gallo is characterised by the importance of thesimple past in spoken language. Verbs in this tense fall into four groups. Most verbs, such ashucher ("to shout"), are conjugated with endings in-i:je huchis,tu huchis, etc. There are variations for the first and third person plural:-imes or-ites forwe, and-ites or-irant forthey. Verbs ending in-air(e) or-aer, such asbaire orchaer, take endings in-û:je chûs,vous chûtes, etc. The first and third person plural follow the same variation patterns as verbs in-i. Finally, there are also a few verbs in-u, such asvair, and in-in, such asveni andprindr. The verbavair ("to have") belongs to the-i group, but it can also take endings from the-û and-u groups. The verbto be has two forms,je fus/sus, due to a change of stem.[124]
The endings in-i, such asj'apërchis andje venis, corresponding to Frenchj'aperçus andje vins, illustrate the closeness of Gallo toLatin for verbs originating from the third and fourth Latin conjugations. For the perfect endings of first-group Latin verbs, French retained the linking vowel, whereas Gallo retained the final ending:[6]
| Verb meaning | Latin | Gallo | French |
|---|---|---|---|
| To fall | cecidit | i cheyit | il chuta |
| To throw | jecit | i jetit | il jeta |
| To fix | fixit | i fixit | il fixa |
| To ring | sonavit | i sonnit | il sonna |
| To wash | lavavit | i lavit | il lava |
The endings of verbs in thepresent indicative are simple, as they are the same for all verbs, with a few exceptions such asto be. Regular verbs are conjugated by keeping the stem for the singular forms and adding-ons or-om forwe, and-éz foryou (plural). For the third person plural, usage varies: either the stem takes no ending, or-ant or-aint is added.[124]
Theimperfect is formed with the stem and endings similar to those of French, though pronunciation can vary greatly between regions, ranging for example fromje manjë toje manjay orje manjéy. As with the simple past, the first and third person plural are subject to variation:-ions,-é, or-iom forwe, and-é,-a,-ay, or-yon forthey. The older form-ao for the first two persons singular (je manjao) is attested inBourseul, where it is also used to conjugate theconditional mood, and-yain for the first person plural appears in proverbs.[124]
The endings of thefuture tense and the conditional are the same for all verbs and are similar to those of French. Thepresent subjunctive is formed with the suffix-j.[124]
Theconditional mood is used in subordinate clauses introduced bysi ("if") expressing hypothesis, whereas French requires theimperfect indicative [fr] ("les si n'aiment pas les rai"). In Gallo, for example, one sayssi qheuqu'un seraet venu. The conditional also replaces thesubjunctive in purpose clauses introduced bypour ("in order to").[6]
Theimperative mood is formed using the endings of the present indicative, except for a few irregular verbs such asveni ("to come"):ataï ! ("come!"),atous ! ("come!" plural).[6]
Interrogation is expressed by means of the particleti, which is placed after the verb:j'ons-ti le dret d'aler vair ? ("Do I have the right to go and see?"). In indirect questions,qe is inserted before the subject:Den caiqe tu sonjes ? ("What are you thinking about?").[125]
The prefixentre-, which marks reciprocity ("to help each other"), is a truemorpheme in Gallo and can therefore be freely used with a large number of verbs:Les chens s'entr-taint mordus means "the dogs had bitten each other". It accompanies the reflexive pronoun and can be separated from the verb by an auxiliary or an object pronoun. Thereflexive voice can also be used to indicate a process without an agent or internal to the person:i s'apernaet means "he was learning by himself".[6]
| Verb | Present indicative | Imperfect | Simple past | Future | Conditional | Present subjunctive | Present participle | Past participle |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| yètr (to be) | je së/sé | je taes | je fus/sus | je serë | je serës | qe je seje | etant | të |
| enveyer (to send) | j'enveye | j'enveyaes | j'enveyis | j'enveyerë | j'enveyrës | qe j'enveyeje | enveyant | enveyë |
| crere (to believe) | je cres | je creyaes | je creyis/crû | je crerë | je crerës | qe je creje | creyant | crû |
Gallo is an Oïl language, and its vocabulary, like its grammar, derives largely from Vulgar Latin. Lexical items inherited from Latin are also found in Old French and in other Oïl languages, and some terms were carried overseas toQuebec, such asferdillouz ("chilly, sensitive to cold"), which is used for example in theMagdalen Islands in theGulf of Saint Lawrence.[126]
Words in Gallo inherited from Latin do not necessarily have direct equivalents in French, such assicot, which denotes the stump of a cut plant and derives from Vulgar Latinciccotu (compare French "chicot"). Other terms, such asmerien, meaning "nap", also derive from Vulgar Latin (compare French "méridienne"), although the corresponding French word is not inherited from Latin ("sieste" is a borrowing from Spanish). Finally, some words come fromClassical Latin, such assubller, which derives fromsibilāre. The French equivalentsiffler comes instead from Vulgar Latinsifilāre.[C 4] The verbchomë, from Latincaumāre, has retained its original meaning "to lack", but it also has other meanings such as "to raise" or "to set upright". It can be used reflexively, withse chomë meaning "to stand up", and as a present participle,en chomant meaning "while remaining standing". The nounchomant also means "skeleton".[C 5]
Examples of terms of Romance origin:[14]
Gallo has a significantCeltic substrate, inherited mainly fromGaulish but also from Breton, which distinguishes it from other Oïl languages. Because of similarities between Breton and Gaulish, it is sometimes difficult to determine the precise Celtic etymology of Gallo words. Borrowings from Breton are more common near the linguistic border. A term of Celtic origin used at the eastern edge of Upper Brittany is therefore more likely to derive from Gaulish than from Breton.[C 4]
The wordpobran ("buttercup") is used only along the Atlantic coast, from theGulf of Morbihan to thePays de Retz via the Loire estuary; the wordberlu ("foxglove") is not used beyondSaint-Brieuc andPloërmel; andtrinchon ("sorrel") is not heard east ofLamballe,Redon andBlain.[6] For its part,bran ("cereal bran"), which is not used beyondFougères, Rennes and Redon, resembles the Bretonbrenn, but it derives from Latinbrennus, which itself may come from a Gaulish term.[6]
In general, Breton has borrowed far more words from Gallo than Gallo has borrowed from Breton.[C 6] Thus,brochë ("to knit"), which comes from Latinbrocca, gave rise to Bretonbrochenn ("knitting needle").[6]
Examples of terms of Celtic origin:[14]
The lexicon of Germanic origin in Gallo derives largely fromFrankish, the language of theFranks. The Franks occupied the eastern part of Brittany from the 5th century onward and gradually assimilated into the local populations.
Examples of terms of Germanic origin:[14]
Gall: Foreigner, stranger, especially a native of the south of Scotland or a Scot that cannot speak Gaelic.
