Galerius was born in the Danube provinces, either nearSerdica[13] or at the place where he later built his palace named after his mother –Felix Romuliana (Gamzigrad).[14][15] Under this palace, an older villa has been found that is sometimes interpreted as Galerius' birthplace.[16] HisThracian father and his mother, Romula, had leftRoman Dacia (todayRomania) because of theCarpians' attacks.[17][18]: 19 He originally followed his father's occupation, that of a herdsman, where he was nicknamed "Armentarius", herdsman (Latin:armentum,lit. 'herd').[19] His originalcognomen was "Maximinus", but he changed it to "Maximianus" after becomingCaesar.[4]
Diocletian, Galerius' father-in-law and senior emperor
He served with distinction as a soldier under EmperorsAurelian andProbus, and in 293, at the establishment of theTetrarchy, was designatedCaesar along withConstantius Chlorus, receiving in marriageDiocletian's daughter Valeria (later known asGaleria Valeria), and at the same time being entrusted with the care of theIllyrian provinces. After a few years campaigning againstSarmatians andGoths on theDanube, he received command of the legions on the eastern imperial limits. Soon after his appointment, Galerius was dispatched to Egypt to fight the rebellious citiesBusiris andCoptos.[20]
In 294,Narseh, a son ofShapur I, who had been passed over for the Sassanid succession, came into power in Persia. Narseh probably moved to eliminateBahram III, a young man installed by a noble named Vahunam in the wake of Bahram II's death in 293.[21][22]: 69 In early 294, Narseh sent Diocletian the customary package of gifts, but within Persia, he was destroying every trace of his immediate predecessors, erasing their names from public monuments. He sought to identify himself with the warlike reigns ofArdashir (r. 226–241) andShapur (r. 241–272), who had sacked Roman Antioch and captured EmperorValerian.[22]: 69–70
In 295 or 296, Narseh declared war on Rome. He appears to have first invaded western Armenia, retaking the lands delivered to Tiridates in the peace of 287. He occupied the lands there until the following year.[21][23][24][25] The historian Ammianus Marcellinus, circa 320–395, is the only source detailing the initial invasion of Armenia.[26] Southern (1999, 149) dates the invasion to 295; Barnes (1982, 17, 293) mentions an earlier, unsuccessful invasion by Narseh based on the fact that the titlePersici Maximi was given to all four emperors; Odahl (2004, 59) concurs with Barnes and suggests that Saracen princes in the Syrian desert collaborated with Narseh's invasion. Narseh then moved south into Roman Mesopotamia, where he inflicteda severe defeat on Galerius, then commander of the eastern forces, in the region between Carrhae (Harran, Turkey) and Callinicum (Raqqa, Syria).[24] Diocletian may or may not have been present at the battle,[27] but presented himself soon afterwards at Antioch, issuing an official version of events which placed all the blame for the affair upon Galerius. In Antioch, Diocletian forced Galerius to walk a mile in advance of his imperial cart while still clad in the purple robes of an emperor.[28][24]David Stone Potter reads a symbolic message in the display: the loss at Carrhae was due not to the failings of the empire's soldiers, but to the failings of their commander, and Galerius' failures would not be accepted.[29] Another scholar, Roger Rees, suggests that Galerius' position at the head of the caravan was merely the conventional organization of an imperial progression, designed to show aCaesar's deference to hisAugustus.[30]
Galerius' army was reinforced probably in the spring of 298 by new contingents collected from the empire's Danubian holdings.[32] Narseh did not advance from Armenia and Mesopotamia leaving Galerius to lead the offensive in 298 with an attack on northern Mesopotamia via Armenia.[29] Diocletian may or may not have been present to assist the campaign.[33] Narseh retreated to Armenia to fight Galerius' force, putting himself at a disadvantage; the rugged Armenian terrain was favorable to Roman infantry, but not to Sassanid cavalry. Local aid gave Galerius the advantage of surprise over the Persian forces, and he defeated Narseh in two successive battles.[29][32] During the second encounter, theBattle of Satala in 298, Roman forces seized Narseh's camp, his treasury, his harem, and his wife.[29][32] Narseh's wife would live out the remainder of the war in Daphne, a suburb of Antioch, serving as a constant reminder to the Persians of the Roman victory.[29]
Galerius advanced intoMedia andAdiabene, winning continuous victories, most prominently nearTheodosiopolis (Erzurum),[31] and securingNisibis (Nusaybin) before 1 October 298. The historian Timothy Barnes argues that he moved down theTigris, takingCtesiphon. Barnes' main argument for this is that Eusebius' biography of Constantine mentions that the later emperor had seen the ruins ofBabylon according to this work.[32] Patricia Southern also argues that he took Ctesiphon based on the uncertainty of the location where the seizure of Narseh's wife and harem took place. However, no source ever specifically claims that Ctesiphon was sacked and many other historians argue Diocletian prevented him from moving further into Sasanian territory.[34][35]
Narseh had previously sent an ambassador to Galerius to plead for the return of his wife and children, but Galerius had dismissed this ambassador, reminding him of how Shapur had treated Valerian.[32] In any case, the Romans treated Narseh's captured family well, perhaps seeking to evoke comparisons toAlexander and his beneficent conduct towards the family ofDarius III.[29] Peace negotiations began in the spring of 299, with both Diocletian and Galerius presiding. Theirmagister memoriae (secretary) Sicorius Probus was sent to Narseh to present terms.[32]
The conditions of thePeace of Nisibis were heavy:[29] Persia would give up territory to Rome, making the Tigris the boundary between the two empires. Further terms specified that Armenia was returned to Roman domination with the fort of Ziatha as its border;Caucasian Iberia would pay allegiance to Rome under a Roman appointee; Nisibis, now under Roman rule, would become the sole conduit for trade between Persia and Rome; and Rome would exercise control over the five satrapies between the Tigris and Armenia:Ingilene, Sophanene (Sophene), Arzanene (Aghdznik),Corduene, andZabdicene (near modernHakkâri, Turkey). These regions included the passage of the Tigris through theAnti-Taurus range; theBitlis pass, the quickest southerly route into Persian Armenia; and access to theTur Abdin plateau. With these territories, Rome would have an advance station north of Ctesiphon, and would be able to slow any future advance of Persian forces through the region.[36] Under the terms of the peace, Tiridates would regain both his throne and the entirety of his ancestral claim, and Rome would secure a wide zone of cultural influence in the region.[32] Because the empire was able to sustain such constant warfare on so many fronts, it has been taken as a sign of the essential efficacy of the Diocletianic system and the goodwill of the army towards the tetrarchic enterprise.[34]
Aureus of Galerius asCaesar. The reverse depicts the godJupiter.[k]
After the abdication ofDiocletian in 305 and the elevation ofConstantius I and Galerius to the rank ofAugustus, two newCaesars were required to take their place. Seeking to enhance his authority, Galerius gave the positions to men who were very much his creatures.[38]Maximinus Daza, a nephew of Galerius with little experience or formal education, was assigned the command of Egypt and Syria.Valerius Severus, Galerius' comrade in arms, was sent to govern Italy and Africa from a base inMediolanum. Officially Severus reported to the western emperor, but he was absolutely devoted to the commands of his benefactor Galerius, whose power was thus established over three-quarters of the empire.[38]
Constantius died atEboracum in 306 and the legions elevated his sonConstantine to the position ofAugustus. Galerius only discovered this when he received a letter from Constantine, who apologized for the informal nature of his promotion but nonetheless treated it as valid. The first emotions of Galerius were surprise, disappointment, and rage, and as he could seldom restrain his passions, he threatened to burn both the letter and the messenger.[39][40][41][42] Calmer consideration made him reluctant to open a civil war: Constantine had the devotion of Constantius' legions, and the young man's character had impressed Galerius during an encounter atNicomedia.[38] Galerius decided on a compromise position, allowing Constantine to rule the provinces beyond the Alps but giving him only the title ofCaesar and the fourth rank among the Tetrarchs. Severus received the title ofAugustus.
Soon afterward,Maxentius, son of Maximian and husband of Galerius' daughterValeria Maximilla, rebelled in Italy.[43] A need for additional revenue had caused Galerius to disregard Italy's traditional exemption from any form of taxation, and Maxentius exploited local indignation to declare himself emperor. An army led by Severus hastened to Rome, hoping to catch the usurper by surprise,[38] but Maximian, who had previously commanded many of the invading troops, came out of retirement in support of his son. The army switched sides, and Severus was arrested and later executed.
Leaving his long-time friend and military companionLicinius to guard the Danube, Galerius personally invaded Italy with a powerful army collected fromIllyricum and the East. He forced his way as far asNarni, within sixty miles of Rome, but skillful preparations by Maximian prevented him from capturing any territory along the way.
The strength of the enemy's position made Galerius send peace overtures to Rome, professing his fatherly affection for Maxentius and promising to be generous if the rebels cooperated. Maxentius refused the offer, and meanwhile compromised the loyalty of the invasion force by sending bribes to the Illyrian legions. Galerius was compelled to began a withdrawal from Italy, and it was only with great difficulty that he managed to stop his veterans deserting him.[38] In frustration, Galerius allowed his legions to ravage the countryside as they passed northwards. Maxentius declined to make a general engagement.
With so many emperors now in existence, in 308 Galerius, together with the retired emperor Diocletian and the now active Maximian, called animperial conference atCarnuntum on the River Danube to rectify the situation and bring some order back into the government. Here it was agreed that Licinius would becomeAugustus in the West, with Constantine as hisCaesar. In the East, Galerius remainedAugustus and Maximinus remained hisCaesar. Maximian was to retire, and Maxentius was declared a usurper.
Galerius' plan soon failed. Envious of Licinius' promotion, Maximinus also claimed the title ofAugustus.[38] Maximian, still not willing to retire, declared himself emperor inArles in opposition to Constantine, who was campaigning against theFranks. An additional usurper,Domitius Alexander, arose in Africa, bringing the number of claimants of imperial power up to seven. Galerius maintained his seniority and ceased trying to encroach on the other emperors' domains; he spent his later years in recreation and in public works, such as an extensive logging and drainage project at Lake Pelso (modernLake Balaton).[38]
Christians had lived pleasantly during most of the rule of Diocletian. The persecutions that began with an edict of 24 February 303, were credited by Christians to Galerius' work, as he was a fierce advocate of the old ways and old gods. Christian houses of assembly were destroyed, for fear of sedition in secret gatherings.Diocletian was not anti-Christian during the first part of his reign, and historians have claimed that Galerius decided to prod him into persecuting them by secretly burning the Imperial Palace and blaming it on Christian saboteurs. Regardless of who was at fault for the fire, Diocletian's rage was aroused and he began one of the last and greatest Christian persecutions in the history of theRoman Empire.[citation needed]
It was at the insistence of Galerius that the last edicts of persecution against theChristians were published, beginning in 303, and this policy of repression was maintained by him until the appearance of the general edict of toleration, issued inSerdica[44][45][46] in April 311, apparently during his last bout of illness (seeEdict of Toleration by Galerius). Galerius's last request was that Christians should pray for him as he suffered with a painful and fatal illness.[47]
Initially one of the leading figures in the persecutions, Galerius later admitted that the policy of trying to eradicate Christianity had failed, saying: "wherefore, for this our indulgence, they ought to pray to their God for our safety, for that of the republic, and for their own, that the republic may continue uninjured on every side, and that they may be able to live securely in their homes."Lactantius gives the text of the edict in his moralized chronicle of the bad ends to which all the persecutors came,De Mortibus Persecutorum.[48] This marked the end of official persecution of Christians, which was officially legalized two years later by Constantine andLicinius in theEdict of Milan.
Galerius was buried in hismausoleum atGamzigrad-Romuliana, which was part of the palace he built at his birthplace, today'sZaječar inSerbia. Several lumps composed of corroded iron ring mail (lorica hamata) have been found at the site. This mail armour may have been worn by the wax figure of the emperor that was burned during the imperial funeral andapotheosis ceremony.[54] The entire site has been inscribed into theWorld Heritage List in June 2007.
According toLactantius, a Christian and adviser to Constantine, Galerius affirmed his Dacian identity and avowed himself the enemy of the Roman name once made emperor, even proposing that the empire should be called, not the Roman, but the Dacian Empire, much to the horror of the patricians and senators. Lactantius further states that Galerius exhibited anti-Roman attitude as soon as he had attained the highest power, treating the Roman citizens with ruthless cruelty, like the conquerors treated the conquered, all in the name of the same treatment that the victoriousTrajan had applied to theconquered Dacians, forefathers of Galerius, two centuries before.[55]
^Timothy Barnes (New Empire, 33–34) questions the parentage of Theodora shown here. He proposes that Maximian is her natural father (and that her mother is possibly a daughter of Afranius Hannibalianus). Substituting Afranicus Hannibalianus and switching the positions of Maximian and Eutropia would produce a diagram that matches the alternative lineage.
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Barnes, Timothy D.The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982.ISBN0-7837-2221-4
^The earlier dates for Galerius' appointment have been argued for based on the suggestion that the appointments of Constantius and Galerius were timed to coincide (Barnes 1981, 8–9; Southern 1999, 146). Barnes (1982, 62) argues against a dating of 21 May 293 in Nicomedia originating in Seston,Dioclétien, 88ff., stating that the evidence adduced (the 7th-centuryPaschal ChronicleOl.268 and the contemporaryLactantius,DMP 19.2) is invalid and confused. Lactantius is commenting on Diocletian and the place where Diocletian was acclaimed, and that the "Maximianus" in the text is therefore a later gloss; the Paschal Chronicle is not authoritative for this period for events outside Egypt, and may simply be commenting on the day when the laureled image of the new emperors arrived in Alexandria. Moreover, Lactantius (DMP 35) explicitly states that Galerius'dies imperii fell on 1 March. Potter (2004, 650) agrees that locating the acclamation to Nicomedia is false, but believes that Seston's other evidence makes a strong case for a temporal lag between the two Caesars' acclamations.
^Sometimes called "Maximian II" ,[11][12] since ancient sources often call him "Galerius Maximianus".
^EmperorMaximian apparently never issued any coinage when he wasCaesar, so coins with the name "Maximianus Caesar" must represent Galerius. The only source that refers to Maximian as having beenCaesar isEutropius.[37]
^abLactantius,de Mortibus Persecutorum, 18. "Now Galerius had lately bestowed part of his own name on that youth [Daia], and called him Maximin, in like manner as Diocletian formerly bestowed on Galerius the name of Maximian".
^Lactantius,DMP 35.4. "This edict was promulgated at Nicomedia on the day preceding the kalends of May [30 April]... In a few days after he was consumed by the horrible disease that had brought on a universal putrefaction [...] This event was known at Nicomedia before the end of the month.".
^Lactantius (DMP 9.6) derides Diocletian for his absence from the front; Southern (1999, 151, 335–336), on the basis of a dating of the African campaigns one year earlier than that given by Barnes, places him at Galerius' southern flank. Southern sees the Persian campaign progressing along the lines ofMarcus Aurelius' (r. 161–180) earlier, unsuccessfulParthian campaign, which also had an emperor manning the southern flank.
^The acceptance of these terms by the Persians also meant that Syriac culture would earn long-term influence in the region on both sides of the Tigris. With the heavily Christian Syriac peoples so near their border, Armenia would also become susceptible to Christian influence in later years, leading to its eventual conversion under Tiridates. Potter,The Roman Empire at Bay, p. 293.
^DiMaio, Michael Jr."Maxentius (306–312 A.D.)".De Imperatoribus Romanis. Archived from the original on 4 March 2022. Retrieved20 July 2013.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
^RING MAIL FROM GALERIUS' BURIAL RITE AT GAMZIGRAD (ROMULIANA), ANTE PORTAM AUREAM : STUDIA IN HONOREM PROFESSORIS ALEKSANDAR JOVANOVIĆ, Belgrade 2017, 239–250. MIROSLAV B. VUJOVIĆ.
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