The PCF was founded in 1920 byMarxist–Leninist members of theFrench Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) who supported theBolsheviks in the 1917Russian Revolution. It became a member of theCommunist International, and followed a Marxist-Leninist line under the leadership ofMaurice Thorez. In response to the threat offascism, the PCF joined the socialistPopular Front which won the 1936 election, but it did not participate in government. DuringWorld War II, it was outlawed by the occupying Germans and became a key element of theResistance. The PCF participated in the provisional government of theLiberation from 1944 to 1947, but for the next 30 years was excluded from government despite consistently winning more than 20 percent of the vote in elections. It fell behind theSocialist Party in the 1970s, though entered government early inFrançois Mitterrand's presidency (1981–1984) and participated in thePlural Left cabinet led byLionel Jospin (1997–2002).
From 2009, the PCF was a leading member of theLeft Front (Front de gauche), alongsideJean-Luc Mélenchon'sLeft Party (PG). During the2017 presidential election, the PCF supported Mélenchon's candidature; however, tensions between the PCF and Mélenchon's movement,La France Insoumise, have led the two parties to campaign separately for the general elections.[12] Although itselectoral support has declined in recent decades, the PCF retains a strong influence in French politics, especially at the local level. In 2012, the PCF claimed to have had 138,000 members, 70,000 of whom had paid their membership fees.[13]
The French Communist Party (PCF) originated in 1920, when a majority of members resigned from the socialistFrench Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) party to set up theFrench Section of the Communist International (SFIC) withLudovic-Oscar Frossard as its first secretary-general, with the involvement ofHo Chi Minh as one of the notable agitators participating in its creation.[14] The new SFIC defined itself asrevolutionary anddemocratic centralist. The 1920s saw a number of splits within the party over relations with other left-wing parties and over adherence toComintern's dictates. The party entered theFrench parliament, but also promoted strike action and opposedcolonialism, a position that was isolated in the French political landscape at the time. The Intercolonial Union, created in 1922, brought together activists from the French colonies around demands for political equality (the right to vote) and social equality ("equal pay for equal work"). The communists thus called for fraternization with the Moroccan insurgents during theRif War (1925–1926) and to the evacuation of Morocco by the French army, they called for an end to the fighting and the independence of French Syria during theGreat Syrian Revolt of 1925–1927, and denounced the festivities of the centenary of the colonization of Algeria, organizing in particular a campaign to boycott theParis Colonial Exposition (1931).[15]
The party was organized around leaders who were mostly from the working class, setting up training and promotion schemes and encouraging the presentation of working-class candidates in elections. TheMaurice Thorez,Jacques Duclos andBenoît Frachon team, who had been miners, metalworkers and pastry cooks respectively, had an exceptional longevity and led the French party for almost three decades. The railroad workerPierre Semard had been secretary general of the party from 1924 to 1929.[16]
Semard sought party unity and alliances with other parties; but leaders includingThorez (party leader from 1930 to 1964) imposed a Marxist-Leninist line from the late 1920s. With the rise offascism after 1934 the PCF supported thePopular Front, which came to power underLéon Blum in 1936.[17] The party supported theSecond Spanish Republic and opposed the 1938Munich Agreement with Hitler. It was the only political party in France to denounce this agreement.[18]
By the time theGerman occupation ended in 1944, the party had become a powerful force in many parts of France. It was among the leading parties in elections in 1945 and 1946, and entered into the governingTripartite alliance, which pursued social reforms andstatism. However, amid concerns within France and abroad over the extent of communist influence, the PCF wasexcluded from government in May 1947.[20] Under pressure from Moscow, the PCF thereafter distanced itself from other parties and focused on agitation within its trade union base. For the rest of theFourth Republic period the PCF, led byThorez and Jacques Duclos, remained politically isolated, still taking a Marxist-Leninist line, though retaining substantial electoral support.[21]
Although the PCF opposed de Gaulle's formation of theFifth Republic in 1958, the following years saw arapprochement with other left-wing forces and an increased strength in parliament.
By the middle of the 1960s, the PF lost members and sympathizers due to its ambivalent positions during theAlgerian war and its perceived excessive focus on class and inadequate focus onimperialism and race.[22]: 226
WithWaldeck Rochet as its new secretary-general, the party supportedFrançois Mitterrand's unsuccessful presidential bid in 1965. During the student riots and strikes ofMay 1968, the party supported the strikes while denouncing the revolutionary student movements. After heavy losses in the ensuing parliamentary elections, the party adoptedGeorges Marchais as leader and in 1973 entered into a "Common Programme" alliance with Mitterrand's reconstitutedSocialist Party (PS). It provided for an increase in wages and social benefits, a reduction in working hours, a retirement age of 60 for men and 55 for women, the expansion of workers' rights and freedoms, theabolition of the death penalty andnuclear disarmament.[23] In 1979 it was proposed by revisionists in France that party documents should omit Marxism–Leninism and usescientific socialism in its place.[24] Under the Common Programme, however, the PCF steadily lost ground to the PS, a process that continued after Mitterrand's victory in 1981.
Initially allotted a minor share in Mitterrand's government, the PCF resigned in 1984 as the government turned towards fiscal orthodoxy. Under Marchais the party largely maintained its traditional communist doctrines and structure. Extensive reform was undertaken after 1994, whenRobert Hue became leader. This did little to stem the party's declining popularity, although it entered government again in 1997 as part of thePlural Left coalition. Elections in 2002 gave worse results than ever for the PCF. UnderMarie-George Buffet, the PCF turned away from parliamentary strategy and sought broader social alliances. To maintain a presence in parliament after 2007 the party's few remaining deputies had to join others in theDemocratic and Republican Left group (GDR). Subsequently, a broader electoral coalition, theLeft Front (FG), was formed including the PCF, theLeft Party (PG),Unitary Left, and others. The FG has brought the French communists somewhat better electoral results.Pierre Laurent was leader from 2010 to 2018, being succeeded byFabien Roussel who stood as the party's candidate at the2022 French presidential election. Roussel received 2.28% of votes cast, coming in eighth place.[25]
The PCF, in contrast to weaker and more marginalcommunist parties in Europe, is usually seen as aleft wing, rather than far-left, party in the French context. While the French far-left (LCR/NPA,LO) has refused to participate in government or engage in electoral alliances with centre-left parties such as the PS, the PCF has participated in governments in the past, and still enjoys ade facto electoral agreement with the PS (mutual withdrawals, the common practice since 1962 and in 1934–1939). Nonetheless, some observers and analysts classify the PCF as a far-left party, noting their political proximity to other far-left parties.
In the 1980s, underGeorges Marchais, the PCF mixed a partial acceptance of "bourgeois" democracy and individual liberties with more traditionalMarxist–Leninist ideas. During this same period the PCF was run ondemocratic centralist lines and structured itself as a revolutionary party in theLeninist sense and rejected criticism of theSoviet Union. UnderRobert Hue's leadership after 1994, the PCF's ideology and internal organization underwent major changes.[26]: 174 Hue clearly rejected the Soviet model, and reserved very harsh criticism for Soviet leaders who had "rejected, for years, human rights and 'bourgeois' democracy" and had oppressed individual liberties and aspirations.[26]: 174 Today, the PCF considers the Soviet Union as a 'perversion' of the communist model and unambiguously rejectsStalinism. It has not attributed the failure of the Soviet Union as being that ofcommunism, rather stating that the failure of Soviet socialism was the failure of one model "among others", including thecapitalist orsocial democratic models.[26]: 176–177 It also tried to downplay the PCF's historic attachment to Moscow and the Soviet Union.[26]: 176–177
Since then, the PCF's ideology has been marked by significant ideological evolution on some topics, but consistency on other issues. Some of the most marked changes have come on individual rights and immigration. After having vilifiedhomosexuality and feminism as "the rubbish of capitalism" in the 1970s, the PCF now supports gay rights and feminism.[26]: 174 In the 1980s, the PCF supported reducing the age of consent for homosexual relationships, and opposed attempts to re-penalize homosexuality. In 1998, the PCF voted in favour of thecivil solidarity pact (PACS), civil unions, including for homosexual couples. The PCF supports bothsame-sex marriage andsame-sex adoption. On 12 February 2013, PCF deputies voted in favour of same-sex marriage and adoption rights in the National Assembly,[27] though PCF deputyPatrice Carvalho voted against.[28] The PCF also supports feminist movements, and supports policies to further promote gender equality and parity.[29][30][31]
Despite its moral conservatism in the 1930s and 1960s, in 1946, it elected seventeen of the first thirty-three women deputies. In 1956, there were only nineteen women in the National Assembly, but fifteen were Communists.[16]
On the issue of immigration, the PCF's positions have also evolved significantly since the 1980s. In the1981 presidential election, Georges Marchais ran a controversial campaign on immigration which was harshly criticized by anti-racism organizations at the time.[32] In 1980, the PCF's leadership voted in favour of limiting immigration. The same year, Marchais supported the PCF mayor ofVitry-sur-Seine who had destroyed a home for Malian migrant workers;[33] the PCF claimed that the right-wing government was trying to push immigrants into ghettos in Communist working-class cities.[34] TheLibération newspaper also alleged that PCF municipal administrations had been working to limit the number of immigrants in housing projects. However, today the PCF supports the regularization ofillegal immigrants.[citation needed]
One historical consistency in the PCF's ideology has been its staunchopposition to capitalism, which must be "overcome" because according to the PCF the capitalist system is "exhausted" and "on the verge of collapse".[26]: 177 The PCF has interpreted the current course ofglobalization as a confirmation ofKarl Marx andFriedrich Engels's view on the future evolution of capitalism. The party position is that the2008 financial crisis and theGreat Recession have further justified its calls to overcome capitalism.[26]: 177 However, the PCF has remained somewhat vague on how capitalism will be 'overcome' and what will replace it, placing heavy emphasis on utopic models or values.[26]: 178
The text adopted at the XXXVI Congress in February 2013 reiterated the party's call on the need to "overcome" capitalism, fiercely denounced by the PCF as having led to "savage competition", "the devastation of the planet" and "barbarism".[35] It contrasts its vision of capitalism with its proposed alternative, described as anegalitarian,humanist, anddemocratic alternative. It emphasizes human emancipation, the development of "each and every one", the right to happiness and the equal dignity of each human being regardless of gender, race or sexual orientation.[35] The party further posits that such an egalitarian society is impossible within capitalism, which "unleashes domination and hatred".[35]
Jean-Luc Mélenchon and the FG's platform in the 2012 presidential election was broken up into nine overarching themes.[38]
"Sharing the wealth and abolishing social insecurity" – banning market-based layoffs (licenciements boursiers) for companies which make profits, raise theminimum wage (SMIC) to €1,700, setting a maximum wage differential of 1 to 20 in all businesses, right to retirement with a full pension at 60, defending public services, stopping public sector spending cuts (RGPP), setting amaximum wage at €360,000 and a35-hour workweek.
"Reclaiming power from banks and financial markets" – changing theEuropean Central Bank's policy to favour job creation and public services, controlling financial speculation, raising thecapital gains tax and thesolidarity tax on wealth (ISF), abolishing fiscal loopholes and privileges, taxing corporations' financial revenues and creating a "public financial pole" to reorient credit towards jobs, innovation and sustainable development.
"Ecological planning" –nationalizingÉlectricité de France,Gaz de France andAreva to create a publicly owned energy sector, creating a national public water service, a new transportation policy promoting public transportation and taxing the transportation of non-vital merchandise.
"Producing differently" – a new model of development andeconomic growth which respects the environment and individuals, redefining industrial priorities, new rights for employees and creating agross national happiness indicator.
"Convene a constituent assembly for theSixth Republic" – convening a constituent assembly, repealing the 2010 local and regional government reform,proportional representation in all elections, reducing presidential powers and strengthening parliamentary powers, and guaranteeing judicial and press freedom.
"Repealing the Lisbon Treaty and creating another Europe" – repealing theTreaty of Lisbon, opposition to theEuropean Fiscal Compact, proposing and adopting a new European treaty which would "prioritize social progress and democracy" and reforming the statutes of theEuropean Central Bank.
"To change the course of globalization" – withdrawing French troops from thewar in Afghanistan, French withdrawal fromNATO, recognizing the independence of aPalestinian state within1967 borders, creation of aTobin tax to finance international development and cooperation,debt forgiveness for low-income countries.
"Prioritizing human emancipation" – creating jobs in public education, spending 1% of GDP on arts and culture, and doubling investment in research.
The French Communist Party inherited from theJacobins the concept of France as a centralised,French-speaking, unitary state, with a unitary culture and it is opposed to the separatism and regional identity of other European minority groups native to the area of what consists the French Republic. For instance in 1984, the Soviet ethnographer Solomon Bruk (who had worked underSergey Tolstov) published a study on France and mentioned the existence of other ethnic groups in the state such asBretons,Corsicans,Alsatians,Basques,Catalans,Flemish and others. In response to this work, General SecretaryGeorges Marchais wrote a letter of protest in February 1984, complaining bitterly to theSecretariat of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[39]
France is one country, one nation, one people. We protest indignantly against such ridiculous and odious allegations. For us, as for all the citizens of our country, every man and woman of French nationality is French. Every attempt using hazardous criteria which borders on racism in an ill-defined way, seeking to define as not purely French such and such members of the French community, is offensive to the national consciousness. Nobody here can accept that, our Party least of all.
— George Marchais,Letter to the Secretariat of the Communist Party of the USSR, February 1984.[40]
The PCF has traditionally been a "mass party", althoughMaurice Duverger had differentiated it from other mass parties because the PCF kept a tight control over membership and regularly expelled unsuitable members. In its heyday, the PCF maintained a large base of members and the party's political and electoral actions were supported in society by atrade union, theGeneral Confederation of Labour (CGT); anewspaper,L'Humanité; and a large number offront organizations or associations in civil society which organized a large number of political or non-political social activities for PCF members.[26]: 166 One such activity which still exists today is the annualFête de l'Humanité organized by theL'Humanité. French and foreign left-wing parties, organizations or movements are represented and the activities feature musical performances.
Since the PCF's decline began in the 1970s, however, it has seen its membership base slowly dry up and its allied organizations disappear or distance themselves from the party. The PCF claimed 520,000 members in 1978; 330,000 in 1987; 270,000 in 1996; and 133,000 in 2002.[26]: 166 In 2008, the party claimed that it had 134,000 members of which 79,000 were up to date on their membership fees.[26]: 166 In the 2011 internal primary, 69,277 members were registered to vote and 48,631 (70.2%) did so.[26]: 166 The party likely has about 70,000 members as of today, but only about 40 to 50 thousand seem to actively participate in the party's organization and political activities.
According to studies by the CEVIPOF in 1979 and 1997, the makeup of the PCF's membership has also changed significantly since 1979. The most marked change was a major decline in the share of manual workers (ouvriers) in the party's membership, with a larger number of employees and middle-classes, especially those who work in thepublic sector.[26]: 175 The form of political action taken by members has also changed, with less emphasis on direct political or electoral action but a greater emphasis on social work and protests.
The party's structures were democratized at the 1994 Congress, droppingdemocratic centralism and allowing for the public expression of disapproval or dissent with the party line or leadership. The party's top posts, like that of 'secretary-general', were renamed (secretary-general became national-secretary). The party, since 2000, is now led by a national council, which serves as the leadership between congresses; and the executive committee, which is charged with applying the national council's decisions. The national-secretary is elected by delegates at the congress. Likewise, the national council is elected by list voting at every congress. A reform of statutes in 2001 has allowed "alternative texts" – dissent from the text proposed by the PCF leadership – to be presented and voted on; dissident lists to those backed by the leadership may also run for the national council.[26]: 170–171
TheGeneral Confederation of Labour (CGT) was dominated by the PCF after 1946, with almost all its leaders between 1947 and 1996 (Benoît Frachon,Georges Séguy,Henri Krasucki,Louis Viannet) also serving in the PCF's national leadership structures. For years, the CGT and the PCF were close and almost indissociable allies – notably in May 1968 when both the CGT and PCF were eager for a restoration of social order and welcomed theGrenelle agreements. While the CGT has remained the largest trade union in France, it has taken its independence vis-à-vis the PCF. Louis Viannet spectacularly quit the national bureau of the PCF in 1996 andBernard Thibault, the CGT's leader between 1999 and 2013, left the PCF's national council in 2001.
L'Humanité has retained closer ties with the PCF. The newspaper was founded byJean Jaurès in 1904 as the socialist movement's mouthpiece, and it followed the communist majority following the split in 1920. After having been the official newspaper of the PCF, with a readership of up to 100,000 in 1945, the newspaper's readership and sales declined substantially partly due to the PCF's concomitant decline. In 1999, the mention of the newspaper's link to the PCF was dropped and the PCF no longer determines its editorial stance. It sold an average of 46,929 newspapers per day in 2012; down from 53,530 in 2007.[41]
There are no formal organized factions or political groupings within the PCF. This was originally due to the practice of democratic centralism, but even after the democratization of the PCF structure after 1994 the ban on the organization of formal factions within the party remained. According to party statutes, the PCF supports the "pluralism of ideas" but the right to pluralism "may not be translated into an organizations of tendencies".[42] Nevertheless, certain factions and groups are easily identifiable within the PCF and they arede facto expressed officially by different orientation texts or lists for leadership elections at party congresses.
Majority: the current leadership of the PCF since 2003 is aroundMarie-George Buffet andPierre Laurent and supports the continued existence of the PCF, but with the need for internal transformations. Vis-à-vis the PS, the PCF leadership has taken a more autonomous stance but it still sees the PS as a potential electoral partner (in runoff elections or in local elections) and even as a potential governing partner. The leadership has been generally strongly supportive of theLeft Front alliance with other parties, which it sees as a "new Popular Front" as a culmination of its attempts, undertaken since 2003, to broaden the PCF's base to social movements, associations, unions and other left-wing or far-left parties.
Orthodox: the heterogeneous faction of PCF "orthodox" refers to those traditionalist members who opposed themutation of the 1990s and wish to return toMarxist–Leninist fundamentals. The orthodox faction opposes electoral alliances or governing coalitions with the PS, and it has also proven fairly lukewarm to the Left Front and has often been critical ofJean-Luc Mélenchon's influence over the FG and his 2012 candidacy. Unlike the majority which supports European integration under the form "social Europe" or "another Europe", the orthodox wish to withdraw from theEuropean Union and theEurozone. Prominent orthodox factions and leaders include Jean-Jacques Karman's Communist Left, Emmanuel Dang Tran's PCF section in the15th arrondissement of Paris,André Gerin,Alain Bocquet, and Patrice Carvalho. The PCF orthodox factions has strong support in the old PCF federations in northern France (Nord-Pas-de-Calais,Somme,Seine-Maritime) or other federations such as theMeurthe-et-Moselle, theHaute-Saône,Aisne andTarn.
Some orthodox communists have chosen to leave the PCF. In 2004, the FNARC group around Georges Hage founded the smallPole of Communist Revival in France (PRCF).Maxime Gremetz was sidelined from the PCF in 2006, after major disagreements with the leadership, and has since founded a small political movement (Anger and Hope,Colère et espoir) active only in his native Picardy. A group of hardline orthodox around former PCF senatorRolande Perlican [fr] founded theCommunistes party.
Novateurs, also known as conservatives: a small faction led by supporters ofGeorges Marchais' old political line (i.e. traditional Marxism adapted to modern circumstances) as developed by PCF economist and historian Paul Boccara, who developed the idea ofstate monopoly capitalism. Leaders of the faction include Nicolas Marchand and Yves Dimicoli.[43]
La Riposte: a political association within the PCF which was the French section of theInternational Marxist Tendency, aTrotskyistentryist organization, until 2014.[44] They are ideologically close to the orthodox faction on rejecting alliances with the PS or a return to Marxist fundamentals but they differ significantly from the orthodox faction in their severe condemnations ofStalinism and the laterSoviet Union. They also support the Left Front.
Huistes: the allies of former secretary-generalRobert Hue (1994–2001) have mostly left the PCF. Hue's leadership was marked by internal democratizations as part of hismutation, but also close cooperation and alliances with the PS. TheHuistes tend to be the most supportive of electoral and government alliances with the PS. Hue remains, technically, a member of the PCF; but he has broken with the current leadership. As a senator, he sits in theEuropean Democratic and Social Rally (RDSE) and leads a small political movement, theProgressive Unitary Movement (MUP) which has one deputy elected in 2012 with PS support and who sits with theRadical Party of the Left (PRG) group in the National Assembly. The MUP supports the creation of a broad alliance with the PS, the Greens (EELV), the PRG and even some centrists. Besides Hue, some of prominent followers includeJean-Claude Gayssot,Jack Ralite orIvan Renar.
Refondateurs/Rénovateurs: the reformist faction of the PCF, known either asrefondateurs orrénovateurs, has mostly left the PCF today, but they played an important role in the PCF's internal politics for decades and they continue to be closely associated to the PCF through the Left Front. The reformist faction, ideologically aligned with theNew Left,Eurocommunism,ecosocialism,feminism anddemocratic socialism, has long been at odds with the PCF's leadership. Under Marchais, they opposed the traditionalist Marxist and pro-Soviet direction of the party and chafed at the party's democratic centralism.
Reformists who remained within the PCF, such asPatrick Braouezec,François Asensi andJacqueline Fraysse, opposed Hue and Buffet's leadership: they did not support the PCF's presidential candidates in 2002 and 2007, and they clamored for the re-foundation of the PCF as part of a broader left-wing movements including left-wing Greens, ecosocialists, the far-left, social movements and left-wing associations. Despite the creation of the Left Front, the reformists led by Braouezec left the PCF in 2010 and joined the small Federation for a Social and Ecological Alternative (FASE) which is now a component of the Left Front.
At the XXXIV Congress in 2008, for the election of the national council, the majority's list won 67.73% from the congress' delegates against 16.38% for Marie-Pierre Vieu'shuiste list backed by therefondateurs, 10.26% for André Gerin's orthodox list and 5.64% for Nicolas Marchand'snovateur list.[45]
Currently, the PCF retains some strength in suburban Paris, in theNord section of the old coal mining area in theNord-Pas-de-Calais, the industrial harbours ofLe Havre andDieppe, in some departments of central France, such asAllier andCher (where a form ofsharecropping existed, in addition to mining and small industrial-mining centres such asCommentry andMontceau-les-Mines), the industrial mining region of northernMeurthe-et-Moselle (Longwy) and in some cities of the south, such as the industrial areas ofMarseille and nearby towns, as well as the working-class suburbs surrounding Paris (theceinture rouge),Lyon,Saint-Étienne,Alès andGrenoble.[49] The PCF is also strong in theCévennes mountains, a left-wing rural anti-clerical stronghold with a strongHuguenot minority.
Communist traditions in the "RedLimousin", thePas-de-Calais, Paris proper,Nièvre, Finistère,Alpes-Maritimes andVar have been hurt significantly by demographic changes (Var, Alpes-Maritimes, Finistère), a loss of voters to theSocialist Party due to good local Socialist infrastructure or strongmen (Nièvre, Pas-de-Calais, Paris) or due to the emergence of rival parties on the radical left (theConvention for a Progressive Alternative, a party of reformist communists, in theLimousin andVal-de-Marne).
There exist isolated Communist bases in the rural anti-clerical areas of southwesternCôtes-d'Armor and northwesternMorbihan; in the industrial areas ofLe Mans; in the shipbuilding cities ofSaint-Nazaire,La Seyne-sur-Mer (there are no more ships built in La Seyne); and in isolated industrial centres built along the old Paris-Lyon railway (the urban core ofRomilly-sur-Seine, Aube has elected a Communist general councillor since 1958).
During the course of the 20th century, the French communists were considered to be pioneers in local government, providing not only efficient street lighting and clean streets, but also public entertainment, public housing, municipal swimming pools, day nurseries, children's playgrounds, and public lavatories.[50] In 1976, for instance, the communist mayor of Sarcelles, Henry Canacos, was named "best mayor in the Paris region" by Vie Publique (a trade periodical for urban planners and administrators) for enriching Sarcelles' public spaces with new restaurants, movie theatres, cafes, more parks, a large shopping mall, and better transportation.[51] Education also became, in the words of one text, an "identifiable characteristic of Communist government at the local level". A study of municipal budgets that was completed in 1975 (but using data from 1968) found that while Communist local government spent 34% less than non-Communist Left governments and 36% less than moderate-Right governments for maintenance, it nevertheless spent 49% more than moderate Right governments and 36% more than non-Communist Left governments for education and educational support.[52]
Traditionally, it was also the owner of the French dailyL'Humanité (Humanity), founded byJean Jaurès. Although the newspaper is now independent, it remains close to the PCF. The paper is sustained by the annualFête de L'Humanité festival, held inLa Courneuve, a working class suburb of Paris. This event remains the biggest festival in France, with 600,000 attendees during a three-day period.
During the 1970s, the PCF registered success with the children's magazine it founded,Pif gadget.
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^"Enver Hoxha: 'Eurocommunism' is Anti-Communism - pt. 1".The French revisionist leaders proposed to their 23rd Congress, held in May 1979, that they should give up referring to Marxism-Leninism in the documents of their party and use the term "scientific socialism" instead.
^Escalona, Fabien; Keith, Daniel; March, Luke (17 April 2023).The Palgrave Handbook of Radical Left Parties in Europe.Springer Nature. p. 98, 204.ISBN978-1137562647. Retrieved15 August 2025.=In the 1970s, it became a Eurocommunist party, alongside the PCI, the PCF and the PCE. [...] and joined the Eurocommunist gatherings with the Italian and Spanish communist parties.
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