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LGBTQ Filipino American culture refers to the culture ofLGBTQ Americans ofFilipino descent.
Due to a lack of literature, research primarily focuses on gay Filipino men and, to a lesser extent, lesbian Filipino women. As such, bisexual, and transgender Filipino Americans are not well-studied.[1]
Over the first decade of the period the Philippines was a United States colony, no regulations were put in place regarding cross-dressing with only "oblique" regulations regarding same-sex acts. In 1870 theSpanish Penal Code, which had been used as a guideline for criminal law by the Spanish colonialists, began to be used by the United States in the Philippines and was used until the 1930s. This, too, did not formally regulate sodomy, though it was informally policed despite a lack of legislation. In its place, laws against vagrancy were introduced and linked certain public spaces, such as gambling houses or cockpits, with immorality. These laws resulted in greater amounts of prosecutions of United States veterans in the Philippines than Philippine natives. Regulation of same-sex acts (e.g.sodomy) occurred only in a "limited and oblique fashion" as opposed to the manner in which it was managed in the United States mainland.[3]
First-generation Filipino LGBTQ immigrants, even those who immigrated at an early age, may face certain challenges as a result of their immigrant status, such as contention with the concept ofcoming out or of political activism. Success and "making it" in America is considered to be more important than the idea of coming out.[4]
Second-generation Filipino LGBTQ immigrants may clash with their first-generation Filipino parents, resulting in adverse effects on their life in such dimensions as educational achievement. In contrast to first-generation immigrants, second-generation immigrants may have greater desire to come out.[5]
Although there are prominent LGBTQ Filipino American activists, such as Richard Adams, some Filipino Americans — particularly first-generation immigrants — report a disavowing of activism or certain LGBT community events, such asgay pride parades, which are described asbaklang karnabal (or carnivalbakla).[4] Cultural attitudes encouraging rapid assimilation into American society contribute to expectations contrary to activism. However, groups like the Union of Democratic Filipinos (Katipunan ng mga Demokratikong Pilipino, or the KDP) formed in 1972, have existed nonetheless.[6]
Coming out may be seen as "desirable" among second-generation immigrants,[5] but for first-generation immigrants it poses potential legal trouble, particularly for undocumented immigrants. Coming out is not a cultural tenet in the Filipino American LGBT community as it is in the "mainstream" gay community and verbal declaration of one's identity is considered to be less important thanpakiramdaman, or "feeling out" one's identity.[4]
Several LGBTQ Filipino American organizations exist, some of which serve solely Filipino Americans and some of which serve Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders as a whole:
Gay Asian Pacific Support Network
Barangay
Filipino American Foundation of New Mexico
National Queer Asian Pacific Islander Alliance
API Equality (with branches in Northern California and Los Angeles)
Bakla is a word meaning "homosexual" inTagalog. It is embodied by the stereotype of theparlorista, a cross-dresser who works in a beauty salon[7] and typically denotes effeminate or cross-dressing men.[8] Like the wordfaggot in the United States, it is a controversial term that may be considered offensive.[9] In Filipino LGBTQ culture,tomboy does not refer only to a masculine girl, but can also take on the specific connotation of "lesbian."[10]
Gay beauty pageants are found across the Filipino diaspora and are important sources of revenue for event organizers; entertainment for attendees; and opportunities to present one's strengths for pageant contestants.[11]
Some LGBTQ Filipino American immigrants modify or adapt traditional Catholicism as it is practiced in the Philippines to be congruent with their new American lifestyle, with some shifting to a more agnostic or atheistic view (perhaps a manifestation of their separation from their families). Irreligion like agnosticism and atheism is highly taboo in Filipino culture.[4]
Gay and lesbian Asian Americans are often targeted byracism or stigmatization in the LGBTQ community.[15][16] Gay Latino Americans similarly face racial stigmatization.[15][17] Filipino Americans racially or ethnically are sometimes considered to fall into either or both categories, and they experience higher rates of racial discrimination than East Asian Americans with types of racial discrimination experienced comparable to Black or Latino Americans. LGBTQ Filipino Americans also report such issues as managing identifying as Asian American versus Filipino American, dealing with stereotypes due to their race and racial gender roles, and difficulties in having to "shift" identities across reference groups (such as ethnicity, sexual orientation, and gender) that they may identify with.[10]
In 2015,same-sex marriage waslegalized nationwide in the United States. Although the upheaval of theDefense of Marriage Act allowed for gay and lesbian couples to legally marry, the benefits of same-sex marriage often do not extend to Filipino/a immigrants who may be undocumented, and mainly benefit documented, middle-class White Americans.[18]
Some scholars of LGBTQ Filipino American culture include:
Martin F. Manalansan IV: Professor at the University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign. His research includes Filipino immigration and queer people of color.[19] He is the author ofGlobal Divas[20] and has received numerous awards, such as theAssociation for Asian American Studies Award for excellence in mentoring.[21]
Kevin Nadal: Scholar, activist, and professor. Nadal is considered to be a leading expert in the field of Filipino American mental health and his research encompasses "multicultural issues in psychology," including LGBT people of color.[22] He founded the LGBTQ Scholars of Color network in 2015, and his areas of expertise include Filipino American identity and American LGBT issues.[23] His publications include works likeFilipino American Psychology: A Handbook of Theory, Research, and Clinical Practice andThat's So Gay!: Microaggressions and the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Community.[24][25]
Anthony Ocampo: Sociologist and professor at California State Polytechnic University.[26] He focuses on issues such as immigration, race, ethnicity, sexuality, and gender within Filipino, Latin, and Asian Americans in Los Angeles, California.[27] He is the author ofThe Latinos of Asia: How Filipino Americans Break the Rules of Race,[28] and he has contributed to other works on race and ethnicity.[29]
^Nadal, Kevin L. (2011).Filipino American psychology a handbook of theory, research, and clinical practice. Hoboken, N.J.: Wiley.ISBN9781118019771.
^David, E.J.R.; Nadal, Kevin, L. (2013). "The colonial context of Filipino American immigrants' psychological experiences".Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology.19 (3):298–309.doi:10.1037/a0032903.PMID23875854.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
^Mendoza, Victor Roman (2015).Metroimperial Intimacies : fantasy, racial-sexual governance, and the Philippines in U.S. imperialism, 1899-1913. Durham: Duke University Press. pp. 34–43.
^abcdManalansan, Martin, F. (2003).Global divas: Filipino gay men in the diaspora. Durham: Duke University Press.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
^abOcampo, Anthony C. (7 November 2013). "The Gay Second Generation: Sexual Identity and Family Relations of Filipino and Latino Gay Men".Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.40 (1):155–173.doi:10.1080/1369183X.2013.849567.S2CID144748707.
^Benedicto, B. (1 January 2008). "The Haunting of Gay Manila: Global Space-Time and the Specter of Kabaklaan".GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies.14 (2–3):317–338.doi:10.1215/10642684-2007-035.S2CID143735570.
^Perillo, J. Lorenzo (2011). ""If I was not in prison, I would not be famous": Discipline, Choreography, and Mimicry in the Philippines".Theatre Journal.63 (4):607–621.doi:10.1353/tj.2011.0128.S2CID144861214.
^abcNadal, Kevin L.; Corpus, Melissa J. H. (2013). ""Tomboys" and "baklas": Experiences of lesbian and gay Filipino Americans".Asian American Journal of Psychology.4 (3):166–175.doi:10.1037/a0030168.
^abHan, Chong-suk; Proctor, Kristopher; Choi, Kyung-Hee (10 May 2013). "I Know a Lot of Gay Asian Men who Are Actually Tops: Managing and Negotiating Gay Racial Stigma".Sexuality & Culture.18 (2):219–234.doi:10.1007/s12119-013-9183-4.S2CID145758850.
^Chan, Connie S. (10 September 1989). "Issues of Identity Development Among Asian-American Lesbians and Gay Men".Journal of Counseling & Development.68 (1):16–20.doi:10.1002/j.1556-6676.1989.tb02485.x.
^Ibanez, Gladys E.; Van Oss Marin, Barbara; Flores, Stephen A.; Mlilett, Gregorio; Diaz, Rafael M. (2009). "General and gay-related racism experienced by Latino gay men".Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology.15 (3):215–222.doi:10.1037/a0014613.PMID19594250.
^Velasco, Gina (November 2013). "Performing the Filipina "mail-order bride": Queer neoliberalism, affective labor, and homonationalism".Women & Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory.23 (3):350–372.doi:10.1080/0740770X.2013.849064.S2CID144237660.
^Nadal, Ph D. Kevin L. (12 June 2009).Filipino American Psychology: A Handbook of Theory, Research, and Clinical Practice. AuthorHouse.ISBN978-1438971186.
^"Faculty & Staff".Cal Poly Pomona. California State Polytechnic University, Pomona. Retrieved23 April 2017.