TheFalisci[a] were anItalic tribe who lived in what is now northernLazio, on the Etruscan side of theTiber River.[1] They spoke anItalic language,Faliscan, closely related toLatin. Originally a sovereign state, politically and socially they supported theEtruscans, joining the Etruscan League. This conviction and affiliation led to their ultimate near destruction and total subjugation byRome.
Only one instance of their ownendonym has been found to date: an inscription from Falerii Novi from the late 2nd century AD refers to thefalesce quei in Sardinia sunt, "the Faliscans who are inSardinia", wherefalesce is the nominative plural case. An Etruscan inscription calls them thefeluskeś. The Latin cannot be far different from the original name. The -sc- suffix is "distinctive of the Italic ethnonyms".[2]
The Falisci resided in a region called by the Romans theAger Faliscus, "Faliscan Country", located on the right bank of theTiber River between and including Grotta Porciosa in the north andCapena in the south. The 1st-century Roman writerPliny the Elder and the 1st-century BCE Latin poetHorace both state that theMonte Soratte was within Faliscan territory;[3][4] it likely functioned as the border between Faliscan country andCapenate territory. The land between Monte Soratte and the Tiber is of unclear ownership; although nearly all the 4th-3rd century BCE inscriptions from the area east of Monte Soratte are Faliscan, most scholars consider the land to have been part of theager Capenas.[5] To the west, the corners of the roughly square area were on the slopes of theMonti Sabatini in the south and theMonti Cimini in the north. Pollen samples fromLake Bracciano, Lake Monterosi andLake Vico reveal that the montane forests, formed by oaks, were very dense until the 2nd century BC.[6] According to the 1st-century BCE Roman historianLivy, the forest by Monti Cimini was dangerous for foreigners as of the 4th-century BCE; he claims that "not a single trader had, up to that time, ventured through it."[6][7]
The arable land was contained within an enclosure of volcanic highlands and theTiber River. The northern border of the enclosure went along the ridge of theMonti Cimini, the southern along the ridge connecting theMonti Sabatini andMonte Soratte, the western along the highlands connecting the two large volcanic lakes. The inner slopes are drained by streams pointing at the Tiber, which collect into converging canyons and finally into the canyon of the Treja river, which empties into the Tiber. These streams required an extensive network of bridges.
Most of the through traffic went along theVia Tiburtina on the west bank of the river, which could only be crossed south of Capena or at Grotta Porciosa in the north. There theVia Flaminia, earlier theVia Amerina, led inland into the country of theSabines via the valley of the Nar River. On the western side, theVia Cassia or its predecessor led to the coast overSutri gap. The Falisci therefore prospered by being on a protected crossroad.
The primary urban center in Faliscan territory was the city ofFalerii, now the modern settlement ofCivita Castellana. Falerii was situated at the conjunction of several small rivers fromMonti Sabatini and the largerTreia river. Following the Roman conquest of 241 BCE, the city of Falerii was destroyed and the inhabitants were moved to the less defensible position ofFalerii Novi.[5] Another major city mentioned in ancient literature isFescennium,[8] which is said by Festus to be the origin site of theRoman wedding tradition known as theFescennine verses.[9] Other Faliscan cities unmentioned by the ancient sources includeCorchiano,Vignanello,Gallese and Grotta Porciosa.[10]
The Falisci, often allied with the Etruscans, resistedRome for a long time. They were allied withVeii when it was defeated in 396 BC. In the aftermath, Falerii was occupied by the victorious Romans.[11] When, in 358,Tarquinia rebelled, the Falisci again took arms against Rome, but were again crushed c. 351 BC. This time an alliance was signed between the contenders, and a Roman garrison was settled in Falerii.[12]
The Falisci took advantage of theFirst Punic War to declare their independence, but their revolt ended in 241 BC with the death of 15,000 Falisci[13] and the destruction of Falerii; the survivors were moved to a new city,Falerii Novi.[14]
It is unclear precisely how the Faliscans saw themselves and what characteristics they believed separated them from neighboring cultures. The only instance of the Falisci referring to their own ethnicity comes from a 2nd-century Latin inscription from Falerii Novi describing Faliscans inSardinia: "falesce·quei·in·Sardinia·sunt."[2] Ancient Roman authors sometimes equate the Falisci and theEtruscans; the 4th-century Latin writerServius the Grammarian calls the city of Falerii a Tuscan city and Livy calls the Falisci an Etruscan people.[15][16] The 1st-century BCE historianDionysus of Halicarnassus claimed that Faliscan culture developed from earlier, supposedlyPelasgian, inhabitants of the region.[17] However, the 1st-century BCE geographerStrabo notes that the Falisci differed from the Etruscans in numerous ways: "Some say that the inhabitants of Falerii are not Etruscans, but Faliscans, a distinct people; and some, too, that the Faliscans are apolis with a distinct tongue."[18][19]
Dionysius describes Faliscan weaponry in his works, stating that theirspears andbucklers resembledGreek equipment used inArgos. Dionysius likely intended this description to further support his proposed connection between Argos and the Falisci. He further claims that whenever the Faliscan army left their borders, they sent unarmed holy men ahead of the rest of the army carrying the terms of peace.[20]Cato the Elder, a 3rd-century BCE Roman politician, mentions a type ofcattle-stall called thepraesepe Faliscum,[21] although such a device was possibly not exclusive to theager Faliscus.[22]
The Faliscans earned large quantities ofblack andred-figure pottery from trade with theAttic parts of Greece and immigration of Attic artisans.[23][24][25] By the 4th-century BCE, the red-figure style became the predominant type of pottery in theager Faliscus.[23] During this same century, the city of Falerii experienced significant artistic development; 4th-century BCE pottery from Falerii demonstrates standardized design and highly technical craftsmanship.[26]Vincent Jolviet studied Faliscan tombs and divided Faliscan red-figure pottery into two categories: the "Style ancien," which comprises pottery produced around 380 BCE, and the "Style récent," consisting of pottery made from 340-280 BCE.[27] The ancient Faliscan style contained distinctly Faliscan characteristics such as the decorations under the handles, although it remained strongly influenced by its Attic origins. In contrast, the recent style shows greater evidence of technical differences from Attic pottery: decorations in the recent style were painted without relief-lines, using thin, rushed, and watery paint lines instead.[28] Late Faliscan pottery containedvolutes, tongue-decorations on the shoulders, andpalmettes beneath the handles. Dionysian imagery,[28] such as depictions ofsatyrs andmaenads alongside birds, also became staples of late Faliscan pottery. Winged figures were used to fill up blank spaces easily, expediting the production process.[29]
The exact political mechanisms underpinning Faliscan society remain unclear due to limited archaeological evidence. Middle Faliscan inscriptions mention the political position ofefiles, a term that may have emerged as acalque on the Latin wordaedilis. Late Faliscan inscriptions from Falerii Novi (dated to after the Roman conquest) mention acuestod (quaestor), acensor, severalduouiri (Duumviri), and apretod (praetor) that served a—possibly local—senate. The termrex, meaning "king," appears on thecursus honorum in a Middle Faliscan text. It is possible that this position performed religious duties, similar to the RomanRex sacrorum. The title appears at the end of thecursus, indicating that these magistrates may have served for a limited duration of time or served periodically. Another possible explanation for this placement is that the office was not a part of the traditional Romancursus honorum.[30]
The usage ofpatronymic instead ofmatronymicfiliations indicates that Faliscan society may have been somewhatpatriarchal.[31] There are several examples of Faliscan praenomina which are seemingly unique to Faliscan culture or are rare outside of theager Faliscus; the namesIuna andVolta are included within this category, they are especially unique as they are masculine names with the ending -a. Other names such asGaius andGaia are much more common in Faliscan inscriptions than in other cultures. Instances of doublegentillicum are found in a Middle Faliscan inscription containing the nameuel[ · ]uisni · olna and in a Middle or Late Faliscan text containing the namem · tito · tulio · uoltilio · hescuna. In Etruscan culture, this naming convention was used to mark an individual as afreedman. One Middle Faliscan inscription from Falerii mentions a freedwoman namedloụṛia who was inhumed in the sameloculus as the freebornfasies : c[ai]sia.[32]
Faliscan impasto pottery from the 7th-century BCE sometimes bear the signatures of their creators, a mark that possibly signified that the works were commissioned by individuals of high social-standing. Inscriptions such as those found on pottery, alongside the numerous other examples of Faliscan writing, suggest that some segments of the population wereliterate. Although, levels of literacy amongst the Faliscan people likely varied significantly between different social classes.[33] The 1st-century BCE Roman historianLivy provides information on Faliscan schooling practices; he states that, like the Greeks, they placed several boys under the tutorship of one man who functioned as both the teacher and companion of the children. Livy recites a specific incidence of a well-educated schoolmaster who was entrusted with teaching the children of the local leaders. According to Livy, this man took his students outside the walls of the city of Falerii for play and exercise. During the war with the Romans, the teacher was said by Livy to have taken the students further and further from the walls each day, until he saw the opportunity to flee to the Roman camp with the children and surrendered them to the Roman generalCamillus. Livy states that Camillus refused to accept the hostages, instead declaring that Falerii shall be conquered through Roman bravery and strategy; Camillus is said to have given the children rods and instructed them to lead the schoolmaster back to the city whilst beating him. Livy concluded by stating that the local Faliscan magistrates were so impressed by this display of Roman virtue, that they voluntarily surrendered themselves believing that they would live better under the Romans than their own laws.[34][35] There is some evidence of a distinctly Faliscan literature; the Fescennine verses are attributed to the Faliscans and themetrum Faliscum (Faliscanmeter) may also have been created by the Falisci, although themetrum Faliscum is attributed to an unknown author named Serenus by the 2nd-centuryLatin grammarianTerentianus.[36] Servius states that several laws in theTwelve Tables derive from the Faliscans, however no original Faliscan laws have survived.[37]
Possibly the most uniquely Faliscan aspect of Faliscan material culture was their funerary rites. During the beginning of the 8th-century BCE, around the earliest periods of Faliscan history, theycremated their dead and stored theashes in stonecists. By the last quarter of the 8th-century BCE, burial became more common for upper-class women while cremation remained common for upper-class men.[38] Throughout the rest of the century, Faliscan burial practices evolved towards inhumation in trench or pit tombs and then the usage ofsarcophagi. Sarcophagi were replaced with wooden caskets typically made from a hollowedtree trunk by the end of the century.[38]Loculi—a specific type of burialniche—began to be incorporated into Faliscan funerary sites around this time, becoming grave sites themselves by the end of the century.[39] Loculus tombs can be divided into two distinct categories depending upon the number of loculi: theNarce type, containing one loculus, and the Montarano type, containing two. Another loculus tomb discovered in the Celle necropolis uniquely does not contain two loculi placed on opposite walls, but instead on adjacent walls in an L-shaped formation.[40][41] In the first quarter of the 7th-century BCE, the Faliscans began to userock-cutchamber tombs.[42][43] In the northern and southern regions of Faliscan territory, it is common for the chamber tombs to be carved around apilaster. Faliscan chamber tombs often contain multiple loculi closed withtiles, a layout unlike other contemporary cultures.[40]
In Narce, a 2.8 by 1.55meter Faliscan sarcophagus was uncovered buried within a 1.45-meter-deep hole in 2012. The sarcophagus was contained inside a recess at the bottom of a trench filled withsand. At the long ends of the sarcophagus, a layer of compactedtufa fragments held the coffin in place. It was enclosed with a layer of irregularly placed rocks, which are then placed beneath separate layers ofcoal mixed withclay underneath a layer of sand andpozzolana. The final layer, covering all previous strata, consists of large tufa blocks mixed with clay. On the bottom of the sarcophagus, a drainage channel roughly shaped like the letter "Y" ending in a circular hole likely functioned to removeslurry and naturaltissuesliquified as part of the process ofdecomposition. This drainage system potentially motivated the unique sloped position of the sarcophagus; the placement on a slope allowed the fluids the flow out of the tomb. Collectively, these practices served to protect the tomb from damage and to preserve the body; in particular, the drainage of fluids helped to delay the rotting of the corpse and possibly to ritualistically purify the body. The grave goods were likely stolen prior to excavation, although remnants of a cup and a bronzefusiformpendant were uncovered.[44]
Faliscanfunerary goods varied depending upon the social status of the deceased; the graves of elites had more ostentatious collections of objects while the graves of lower-class persons stored few offerings.[45] One of the most common burial items in Faliscan society was a type of Etruscanvase called aholmos; the number ofholmoi in a grave is often equivalent to the number of burials.[46] In many circumstances, the grave goods of Faliscan burials were heavily influenced by the material culture of nearby pre-Roman societies. For instance, abronze bowl with acuneiform inscription was found in a grave in Falerii.[42]Trade routes connecting various civilizations from across theMediterranean likely brought material goods from various distinct cultures to theager Faliscus. It is likely that these trade routes, in particular commercial routes with the Etruscans, are responsible for the numerous foreign objects found in Faliscan burials.[47] During the 5th and 6th centuries BCE, the Faliscans traded with theAttic parts of Greece, resulting in large quantities of black and red-figure pottery appearing in Faliscan sites.[23]
Adult Faliscans were buried with grave goods reflecting their role within society; men were often buried with spears andswords on the left side of their corpse while women were often buried with tools forspinning orweaving such asspindle whorls, woodenspindles, a weaving comb pendant, anddistaffs. Bronze distaffs occupy the same position in the tombs of women as weaponry occupies in the graves of men. These distaffs were often ornately decorated withinlay of amber andgold. They likely did not serve a utilitarian function for spinning like regular distaffs; instead, they probably served a ceremonial purpose.[48]Linen is mentioned as a characteristic feature of the Faliscan people by the 1st-century CE Roman writerSilius Italicus.[48][49] Although weapons such as swords and spears are most often found in male graves, ritualaxes have been uncovered in female graves. In one burial, a 30–40-year-old woman was buried with a miniature axe covering herforehead. This grave good likely reflected the significance of women or priestesses for religioussacrifice; it possibly reflects a more specific connection between women and the division of the meat of sacrificed animals.[48]
The graves of femaleadolescents or children uniquely contain smaller, scaled down burial goods that lack any reference to work-related activities and are sometimes connected to childhood play; they also usually, although not always, lack any reference to the funerarysymposium. It was common for the clothing of young girls to be covered in metal plates sometimes adorned withswastikas. Within a Faliscan tomb on the slopes ofMonte Greco are the bodies of a mother and daughter, both buried in a trench tomb. Both women worejewelry, although mother has larger amounts of jewelry and the highest-quality jewelry.[50] The mother was buried withamber pendants that possibly functioned to protectfertility, one of which depicts a woman with their bare hands grasping their belly and the other portrays amonkey.[51] Another, likely fertility-related, pendant from a tomb inPizzo Piede depicts a woman placing both her hands on herhips, drawing attention to thepubis. This same tomb contains a two-wheeledchariot as a grave good, possibly symbolic of the wedding and funeral rituals as well as the journey into theafterlife.[52]
Archaeological analysis of a cremated Faliscan woman from Narce, who either had recently given birth or was in the late stages ofpregnancy, revealed that anecklace ofglass paste andamberbeads was placed inside theolla following the cremation. Beads placed next to objects relating to the mother are similarly found in other structures identified as the graves of infants or female children.[53] Amber is common throughout upper-class Faliscan graves in Narce, likely reflecting a high demand for exotic products. However, amber decorations and full-sizedfibulae are primarily found in the graves of women over 30. The material was used to make complex necklaces, embellish tools or the parts of clothing, and—primarily in Narce—to make figurines. Amber figurines are almost exclusively found in female graves, although male graves sometimes contain several amber beads or some amber in fibulae.[51]
Faliscan burial goods contain evidence for Faliscan fashion styles andcosmetics, Figures depicting heads of women found in female—likely high-class—burials that potentially served as wedding gifts, also provide archaeologists with depictions of Faliscanhairstyles; they suggest that Faliscan women may have used asnood to cover their hear. Further evidence for this piece of headgear derives from a mid-4th-century BCE tomb inCoste di Manone; the tomb contains a female skeleton with the remains of hair and fabric, possibly once a component of a snoodembroidered with a purple or blue thread.[54] Women are also found buried withcosmetic goods such as—from the 6th-century BCE onwards—bronzemirrors. Oneglazed black cup from the 3rd-century BCE, contains evidence of a red powder possibly used aslipstick or arouge.[52] Ancient Faliscan women may have used cylindrical cases to store cosmetic products. Evidence for this is found in a Faliscankrater made in the mid-4th-century BCE, although the usage of these objects for this purpose was likely not as common as in other regions such asLatium.[54] The Faliscans had a tradition of decorating thecinerary urns of women with clothing and garments. Funeraryollae belonging to women from theTufi necropolis were richly ornamented with clothing designs, one urn was wrapped in a belt that likely symbolically represented the body of the deceased. In Narce, the necks of cinerary urns were covered in fibulae and pendants.[48]
Several Faliscan deities are attested in Faliscan writings. The "Ceres inscription," a Faliscan text dated to the 7th or 6th centuries BCE mentioning the name of the goddess Ceres,[55] reads "ceres ⁝ farme[ ]tom ⁝ louf[ ]rui[ ]m: [ ]kad." The name "ceres" is closely connected to the word "far," meaninggrain; Ceres, an agricultural goddess, is closely connected to grain inRoman religion. It is also possible that the inscription mentions the nameloụfir, potentially referring to the godLiber—a Romanviticulture deity—in connection to the Faliscan worduinom, meaning wine.[56] However, this interpretation of the text is rejected as "epigraphically impossible" by the Faliscan scholar Gabriël Bakkum.[57]
According to the 1st-century BCE Roman writerOvid, Faliscan culture heavily emphasized the worship of the goddessJuno: Ovid refers to the Faliscans as "Iunonicolae" in his poemFasti.[58] Ovid described a Faliscan temple of Juno he visited, stating that it resembledHellenistic structures and reached placed in a clearing surrounded by dark woods reached via a steep road.[59] Another sanctuary at Falerii likely dedicated to Juno contains votive offerings such as axes, spear heads, and a bronze statuette depicting a warrior.[60] Dionysius believed that the Faliscan civilization originated fromArgos, citing the supposed similarities between the temple of Juno in Falerii and the temple ofHera at Argos.[61] Dionysius and Ovid both state that the cult of Juno at Falerii continued into their lifetime.[62] Archaeological evidence corroborates this narrative; ancient Roman inscriptions suggest that the cult ofJuno Curritis was active during the reign ofEmperor Trajan (r. 98–117).[63][64] However, the religious practices of the cult under Roman occupation may not accurately reflect the traditional Faliscan practices.[65]
Various Roman authors mention another popular Faliscan cult called theHirpi Sorani who were said to have conducted ceremonies at Monte Sorratte. This ritual is entirely unmentioned in the epigraphical record, save for one inscription possibly containing the wordsorex ("priest") that is potentially connected to this practice.[66] Roman authors largely connect theHirpi Sorani to the godApollo, an account that is supported by Faliscan inscriptions mentioning cult sites of Apollo.[66] The Faliscans may have worshipped a deity unique to their culture calledTitus Mercus, a god possibly related to OscanMercus or the RomanMercury.Jupiter is possibly attested in a broken Middle Faliscan inscription reading "[...]s pater." The inscription can be restored as something resembling "dies pater," an archaic name for Jupiter.[67] Further evidence for Jupiter worship in Faliscan culture comes a statue possibly depicting Jupiter found in a temple inCivita Castellana.[68]Minerva is attested for in the same Middle Faliscan text, which contains the word "menerua."[69] Ovid proposes that the goddess Minerva earned theepithetCapta due to anevocatio from the Faliscans.[70] Italian archaeologistMario Torelli argued that the Roman cult of Minerva Capta predated the conquest of the Faliscans and that theevocatio merely referred to the capture of the Faliscan statue of Minerva.[59] Similarly, the Roman writersMacrobius and Servius both claim that the cult ofJanus Quadrifons was brought to Rome after the conquest of theager Faliscus.[71][72][55]
Faliscan legends and tales are almost exclusively attested on through artwork depicting mythological scenes, often events fromEtruscan mythology. However, one Middle Faliscan inscription mentions the namecanumede, implying that the Faliscans shared the story ofGanymede with other cultures.[73] Ganymede is possibly depicted in a headless statue of a naked young boy holding anoenochoe found in a Faliscan temple. If this statue does portray Ganymede, then it possibly indicates that the deity was involved in ceremonialrites of passage for young men in the city.[74] Few Faliscan religious positions are described in the sources; one inscription mentions aharuspex, another mentions arex possibly connected to the Rex sacrorum, and Servius claims thefetiales priesthood originated from the Faliscans.[37] Two Faliscan festivals, theStruppearia anddecimatrus are described by the 2nd-century Roman grammarianFestus.[55] According to Dionysius, holy women had an important religious function at the temple of Juno in Falerii; he writes that an unmarried girl, called the "canephorus" or the "basket-bearer," performed the initial sacrificial rites and that anensemble of virgins sung songs in praise of the goddess.[20]
The Faliscan language, attested by the 7th century BC is anIndo-European language. Together withLatin, it forms theLatino-Faliscan languages group of the Italic languages. It seems probable that the language persisted, being gradually permeated with Latin, until at least 150 BC.[75]