During his reign there was much internal turmoil as a result ofJapan'sfirst major contact with theUnited States, which occurred underMatthew C. Perry in 1853 and 1854, and the subsequent forcedre-opening of Japan to Western nations, ending a 220-yearperiod of national seclusion. Emperor Kōmei did not care much for anything foreign, and he opposed opening Japan to Western powers. His reign would continue to be dominated by insurrection and partisan conflicts, eventually culminating shortly after his death in thecollapse of theTokugawa shogunate and theMeiji Restoration in the beginning of thereign of his son and successorEmperor Meiji.[4]
Before Kōmei's accession to theChrysanthemum Throne, his personal name (imina) wasOsahito (統仁) and his title wasHiro-no-miya (煕宮).[5] Osahito was born on 22 July 1831 and was the fourth son ofEmperor Ninkō and his consort Ōgimachi Naoko (正親町雅子). Osahito's Imperial Family lived with him in theDairi of theHeian Palace.[citation needed]
Genpuku (元服) ceremony of crown prince Osahito (right) at theShishinden,Emperor Ninkō on throne (left) in 1st year of Kōka (1845).Enthronement ceremony of Emperor Kōmei at theShishinden.Emperor Komei receives court officials at theSeiryōden (清涼殿).
Prince Osahito was enthroned as Emperor on 10 March 1846 upon the death of his father. The succession was considered to have been received by the new monarch; and shortly thereafter, Emperor Kōmei is said to have acceded the throne.[6] The years of Kōmei's reign correspond with a period in whichTokugawa Ieyoshi,Tokugawa Iesada,Tokugawa Iemochi, andTokugawa Yoshinobu were leaders at the pinnacle of theTokugawa shogunate. On 8 July 1853 US CommodoreMatthew Perry arrived with his "Black Ships" to force trade with Japan. The Tokugawa shogunate, which had controlled military and civil affairs in Japan's feudal provinces for some three centuries, proved unable to meet the new challenge of open trade with the West. At the time, Emperor Kōmei still retained only symbolic power at his court inKyoto. As the shogunate, divided by internal disputes, gradually surrendered sovereignty to the foreign powers under threat of military force, Emperor Kōmei began to assert himself and regain many of the powers his ancestors had conceded to theTokugawa clan at the close of theSengoku ("warring states") period.[7] The Emperor's younger sister, Imperial princessKazu-no-Miya Chikako (和宮親子内親王), was married to theTokugawashōgunTokugawa Iemochi as part of theMovement to Unite Court and Bakufu.[8] Both the Emperor and his sister were against the marriage, even though he realized the gains to be had from such familial connections with the true ruler of Japan. Emperor Kōmei did not care much for anything foreign, and he opposed opening Japan to Western powers, even as the shogun continued to accept foreign demands.
On 22 January 1858,Daigaku-no-kamiHayashi Akira headed the bakufu delegation which sought advice from Emperor Kōmei in deciding how to deal with newly assertive foreign powers.[9] This would have been the first time the Emperor's counsel was actively sought since the establishment of the Tokugawa shogunate. The most easily identified consequence of this transitional overture would be the increased numbers of messengers streaming back and forth betweenEdo and Kyoto during the next decade.[10] Concerning these difficult Imperial audiences in Kyoto, it is somewhat remarkable that the shogun and his bakufu were represented by Hayashi Akira, a 19th-centuryneo-Confucian scholar/bureaucrat who might have been somewhat surprised to find himself at a crucial nexus of managing political change—moving arguably "by the book" through uncharted waters with well-settled theories and history as the only reliable guide.[11] Hayashi Akira was dispatched fromEdo to Kyoto in October 1858 to explain the terms of theTreaty of Amity and Commerce (日米修好通商条約,Nichibei Shūkō Tsūshō Jōyaku), also known as theHarris Treaty. Hayashi's twofold task was to both explain the terms to a sceptical Emperor and gain the sovereign's assent to it. Kōmei did ultimately acquiesce in February 1859 when he came to understand that there was no alternative.[12]
The pilgrimage of the 14th shogunTokugawa Iemochi to Kyoto in 1863 was a defining moment not only in 19th century relations between the military bakufu and the Imperial Court, but also in what history would come to call theMeiji Restoration. The reception by Emperor Kōmei of the shogun in theKyoto palace can be seen as a moment at which the political realm was thoroughly redefined, becoming a transitional imperial realm. This impression was enforced by the ensuing pilgrimage by Emperor Kōmei to theKamo shrine, with the shogun in tow. This public demonstration showed that a new order had now emerged in the realm.[13]
After reluctantly accepting the Harris Treaty, Japan quickly signed similar treaties, called theAnsei Treaties (also known as the Ansei Five-Power Treaties, withRussia,France,Great Britain, and theNetherlands).[14] The treaties stipulated that the citizens of those foreign nations would be allowed to reside and trade at will in the cities of Edo,Nagasaki,Niigata,Kobe andYokohama. Those five cities were to be opened to foreign trade with the four Western nations in the treaties. In addition, the treaties stipulated that a system ofextraterritoriality would provide for the subjugation of foreign residents to the laws of their ownconsular courts instead of the Japanese legal system.[15]
An 1861 image expressing theJoi (攘夷; "Expel the Barbarians") sentiment
Emperor Kōmei was infuriated with nearly every development during his reign as Emperor, and during his lifetime he never saw any foreigners nor did he know much about them. Unequal trade treaties with the Western powers, such as theTreaty of Kanagawa and theHarris Treaty were signed without Imperial sanction and in spite of the Emperor's refusal to approve them. He twice expressed his will to abdicate in protest. During his reign he started to gain more power as the Tokugawa shogunate declined, though this was limited to consultation and other forms of deference according to protocol. Emperor Kōmei generally agreed withanti-Western sentiments, and, breaking with centuries of imperial tradition, began to take an active role in matters of state. As opportunities arose, he fulminated against the treaties and attempted to interfere in the shogunal succession. His efforts culminated in 1863 with his "Order to expel barbarians". Although the Shogunate had no intention of enforcing the order, it nevertheless inspired attacks against the Shogunate itself and against foreigners in Japan: the most famous incident wasthe killing of British traderCharles Lennox Richardson, for which the Tokugawa government paid an indemnity of 100,000pound sterling.[16] Other incidents includedthe bombardments of Shimonoseki andKagoshima, and the destruction of Japanese warships, coastal guns, and assorted military infrastructure throughout the country. These incidents showed that Japan could not match the military might of the Western powers at the time, and that military confrontation could not prove to be a diplomatic solution.[17]
In January 1867, the Emperor was diagnosed withsmallpox, which caused surprise because Kōmei had allegedly never been ill before. On 30 January 1867, he suffered a fatal violent bout of vomiting and diarrhea, and had purple spots on his face. Emperor Kōmei's death was distinctly convenient for the anti-bakufu forces whom Kōmei had consistently opposed. It was rumored at the time that he was assassinated either by radicals from Choshu, or radical officials in the court. British diplomatSir Ernest Satow wrote, "it is impossible to deny that [the Emperor Kōmei's] disappearance from the political scene, leaving as his successor a boy of fifteen or sixteen [actually fourteen], was most opportune".[18] However, there is no evidence of this and it is generally believed that he was simply one more victim of what was a worldwide pandemic at the time.[19] Nevertheless, by the time of Emperor Kōmei's death the government was faced with bankruptcy and near collapse. Japan was also surrounded by colonial powers, who stood poised to gain considerable influence with substantial investments in Japanese trade. Kōmei's son, Imperial Prince Mutsuhito, was crowned asEmperor Meiji on 12 September 1868 and these issues were put to rest under theMeiji Restoration.[citation needed]
Emperor Kōmei was the last Emperor to be given aposthumous name chosen after his death. Beginning with the reign of his son,Emperor Meiji, posthumous names were chosen in advance, being the same as their reign names.[citation needed]
Kugyō (公卿) is a collective term for the very few most powerful men attached to the court of the Emperor of Japan in pre-Meiji eras. Even during those years in which the court's actual influence outside the palace walls was minimal, the hierarchic organization persisted.
In general, this elite group included only three to four men at a time. These were hereditary courtiers whose experience and background would have brought them to the pinnacle of a life's career. During Kōmei's reign, this apex of theDaijō-kan included:
Emperor Kōmei was the last Japanese Emperor who had more than oneera name (nengō) during a single ruling term. Beginning with his successor,Emperor Meiji, a single era name (identical to the Emperor's eventualposthumous name) was selected and did not change until his death. There were sevennengō during Kōmei's reign.[22]
The family included six children, four daughters and two sons; but the futureEmperor Meiji was the only one to survive to adulthood.[23] Kōmei's principal consort was Asako Kujō (九条夙子).[24] After Kōmei's death in 1867, Asako was given the titleEmpress Dowager Eishō (英照皇太后) byEmperor Meiji.[25]
^Ponsonby-Fane, p. 123. A distinct act ofsenso is unrecognized prior toEmperor Tenji; and all sovereigns exceptJitō,Yōzei,Go-Toba, andFushimi havesenso andsokui in the same year until the reign ofEmperor Go-Murakami –see Varley, H. Paul. (1980).Jinnō Shōtōki, p. 44.