The party contested elections for the first time in the2014 South African general election, garnering 6.35% of the national vote and securing 25 seats in the National Assembly.[21]
The parties primarily political position, is that South Africa is still under an economic system which benefits white people over black people and that significant reform based upon Marxist principles must be instituted.[22][23][24][25] The party has been a notable advocate for Pan-Africanism.[26][27][28]
Since its founding the EFF has been embroiled in several controversies in which they have been described of having rhetoric which is divisive, violent and racist.[29][30][31] Julius Malema has been taken to court several times for hate speech. He has been found guilty of hate speech twice.[5][32] The party has been implicated in multiple corruption scandals.[33][34][35][36]The party has been described as violent. According to a judge in the South African Equality court, Malema has "call[ed] for [racists] to be killed". Malema has been convicted on a gun charge.[37][38][39][40]
At a 26 July 2013 press briefing inSoweto, Malema announced that the new party had over 1000 members, double the 500 required for registration with theIndependent Electoral Commission (IEC).[41] The EFF is now registered with the IEC, after an objection to its registration by theFreedom Front Plus (FF+) was dismissed in September 2013.[42]
In 2015, the EFF suspendedMP Lucky Twala and expelled three MPs, Mpho Ramakatsa,Andile Mngxitama andKhanyisile Litchfield-Tshabalala.[43] Mngxitama formed his own party, namedBlack First Land First (BLF),[44] while Litchfield-Tshabalala joined theUnited Democratic Movement.[45] Malema has been chiefly accused by former members of purging his critics to consolidate his power, thus ruling the party with an iron fist.[46] Malema acknowledged this criticism in a press conference and went on to say that the party should have expelled more ill-disciplined members.
On 6 August 2015, the EFF announced that it has secured aConstitutional Court case for its "#PayBackTheMoney" campaign againstJacob Zuma. The case was heard on 9 February 2016. The judgement was released by Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng and stated that the then-President had violated the Constitution of South Africa, along with theSpeaker of the National AssemblyBaleka Mbete.[47] The President was given 60 days to fulfill the requirements of the Public ProtectorThuli Madonsela.[48]
On 27 February 2018, the EFF tabled a motion in the National Assembly to amend the Constitution so as to allow for the expropriation of land without compensation. The motion, brought by the EFF leaderJulius Malema, was adopted with a vote of 241 in support, and 83 against. The only parties who did not support the motion were theDemocratic Alliance,Freedom Front Plus,Congress of the People and theACDP.[49] Land expropriation is one of the EFF's seven cardinal pillars.[50]
In June 2024, the EFF refused to join the ANC-led Government of National Unity (GNU), because of theDemocratic Alliance (DA) andFreedom Front Plus (FF+) participation in the coalition.[61]
According to its constitution, the EFF "subscribes to the Marxist-Leninist and Fanonian schools of thought on its analysis of the State, imperialism, class and race contradictions in every society."[3][4] The EFF states that it takes inspiration from Burkinabé PresidentThomas Sankara in terms of both style and Marxist ideology.[63] Prominent EFF member Jackie Shandu declared the party a "proudlySankarist formation".[5]
The party’s Seven Cardinal Pillars were first articulated in its Founding Manifesto (2013)[64] and remain central to the party's political agenda and included in its constitution. They are:
2. Nationalization of Mines, Banks, and Strategic Sectors: The EFF calls for state ownership of thecountry's mines,banks and other strategic economic sectors. The party argues this would breakwhite economic dominance and ensure national wealth benefits all South Africans.[66]
3. Building State and Government Capacity: This pillar emphasizes strengthening state institutions, developing government service delivery capacity and creating adevelopmental state model.[68][69]
4. Free Quality Education, Healthcare, and Essential Services: Key demands include the fully subsidized education from basic to tertiary level, the implementation ofNational Health Insurance[70] and free basic services (water, electricity). The EFF has been instrumental in student protests likeFeesMustFall.[71]
5. Massive Protected Industrial Development: The party advocates for local industrialization, trade protectionism and job creation through state-led industrial policy[64]
6. Development of the African Economy: This pillar promotes thePan-African economic integration, the resistance toneo-colonial economic practices and African economic self-sufficiency[64]
7. Open, Accountable, and Corruption-Free Government: The EFF demands government transparency, and strong anti-corruption measures and accountability for public officials.[72]
At the launch of the EFF in 2013, party leader Julius Malema called for a referendum on re-introducing the death penalty,[73] but by 2019 he had reversed this position.[74][75]
The party promised to tackle corruption, provide quality social housing, and provide free primary healthcare and education for all, as well as proposing toexpropriatewhite-owned farmland, nationalise the mining and banking sectors, double welfare grants and the minimum wage, and end the proposedtoll system for highways.[76] It has criticised both the dominantAfrican National Congress and the primary opposition party, theDemocratic Alliance, for enacting policies that it claims have sold out the black people of South Africa to capitalism as cheap labour. However, after the2016 local elections in South Africa, Malema suggested that the EFF would back the Democratic Alliance in hung-metro areas,[clarification needed] while reiterating that it would not form a coalition with any political party.[77]
The EFF has vocally criticised black business owners, particularly in South Africa's mining sector. In an address at theOxford Union in November 2015, Malema spoke out against billionaire mining company ownerPatrice Motsepe.[78][79] During further protests in 2015, the EFF delivered demands that included the socialisation of the mining sector and called for more explicit targets for the 26% BEE ownership required by law.[80] The EFF is a vocal proponent of expanding the role ofSouth African state-owned enterprises in the national economy.[81][82] In a public address at Marikana in the Rustenburg area, near the site of theMarikana massacre, Malema blamed mining companies for poverty in the region and called out platinum mining companyLonmin in particular.[83]
The EFF was the only parliamentary party that opposed the 2018 political party funding bill, a funding transparency law that requires political parties to publish their sources of funding.[84]
The EFF has been strongly critical of the government ofEswatini, one of the lastabsolute monarchies in the world, advocating for democratic reforms in the country and the removal of borders between it and South Africa.[91] The party has supported a number of efforts to support change in Eswatini ranging from trying to shutdown theEswatini-South Africa border with protest action[92][93] to criticizing the electoral process in the country.[94]
The EFF is critical ofFrance's presence in Africa; in 2022 the party picketed outside of and ultimately barricaded the country's embassy in Pretoria.[95] The French ambassador to South Africa criticised the EFF forscapegoating France as the supposed source of all Africa's problems.[96] Followingthe death of Queen Elizabeth the EFF announced that they would not mourn her passing instead stating that "she never once acknowledged the atrocities her family inflicted on native people that Britain invaded across the world."[97]
The EFF officially supportsRussia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine, commending what they refer to as Russia's "anti-imperialist programme" againstNATO.[88] During theLady R incident the party stated their support for any prospect of South African exports of military equipment to Russia that might assist in its invasion of Ukraine.[103]
The party supports closer bilateral relations between South Africa andChina whilst consideringTaiwan to be an "integral part" of the People's Republic of China; it has referred to theChinese Communist Party as the "torch-bearer for all Marxist–Leninist formations in the world".[104]
The EFF supports the rights of theLGBT+ community in Africa and officially condemns laws that seek to ban homosexuality.[105] The party was critical ofUganda's 2023Anti-Homosexuality Bill and led a protest outside of the Ugandan embassy in South Africa urging Uganda's president not to sign it into law.[106][107][108] Later in 2023, the party was strongly criticized by members of the South African LGBT+ community for invitingPatrick Lumumba, a Kenyan professor known for making homophobic statements and who is publicly supportive of Uganda's 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Bill, to deliver the party's 10th anniversary lecture at the University of Cape Town.[109][110][111][112]
According to a November 2013Ipsos survey, the party's supporters are younger than average, with 49% being younger than 24, overwhelmingly black (99%) and mostly male, with women representing only 33% of the support base. A disproportionate number of supporters live in Malema's home province ofLimpopo (28%), while only 1% live inKwaZulu-Natal, a more populous province.[113] A 2018 survey conducted by social research company Citizen Surveys found that around 70% of EFF supporters were between the ages of 18 and 34, overwhelmingly black (97%), mostly based in major metropolitan cities (48%), predominantly male (62%) with 43% of their support base located inGauteng Province.[114] The party was expected to make an impact in the2014 general election, taking between 4 per cent and 8 per cent of the national vote. This was potentially enough for the party to holdthe balance of power in provinces where the governing African National Congress was in danger of losing its absolute majority.[76] The ANC retained its absolute majority whilst the EFF got 6.35% of the vote in the 2014 election.[115]
High-profile members of the Central Command Team includeFana Mokoena and former memberMbuyiseni Ndlozi (National Spokesperson) who resigned in February 2025.[116][117][118]Controversial businessmanKenny Kunene joined the Central Command Team in July 2013 before resigning from the Central Command Team on 20 August 2013 and from the organisation on 26 August 2013.[119][120] On 4 November 2013, it was announced thatDali Mpofu had left theAfrican National Congress (ANC) after 33 years of membership and joined the EFF.[121] In December 2023, former ANC member andAreta leaderCarl Niehaus joined the EFF.[122] On 19 August 2024 EFF leader Julius Malema announced to the party supporters in Soweto thatSinawo Tambo will be replacing former deputy and member of parliament Floyd Shivambu in parliament.[123]
The Economic Freedom Fighters Students Command (EFFSC) was the party's student wing, founded on 16 June 2015.[124][125] It campaigns forfree education,[126]universal access to education and the elimination of registration fees,[127] It was officially disbanded in February 2025 and replaced with a newly formed youth command following a resolution passed at the party's elective conference in December 2024.[128]
Following electoral losses in the2024 general election the party experienced a number of high profile defections to the newly formeduMkhonto weSizwe party (MK) which weakened the party further.[129][130] The party's former Limpopo chairperson, Jossey Buthane, defected to the ANC three weeks before the election whilst claiming that further defections would happen in the future.[131] Three months after the election, in August, party co-founder and deputy leader, Floyd Shivambu, defected to MK[130][132] as didMzwanele Manyi.[133] This was followed byBusisiwe Mkhwebane in October,[134] and the party's former chairperson, Dali Mpofu, in November 2024.[135]
In 2019, President Cyril Ramaphosa stated during a debate in Parliament that he had received numerous intelligence reports that the EFF "is anMI6 project" (a project of the foreign arm of British intelligence agencies).[137] The party's chairperson, Dali Mpofu, said he would shut down the EFF if the claims turned out to be true but he was removed as chairman in the same year.[138]
A number of articles published by investigative journalists have accused the party of using their influence to earn improper payments from government suppliers in cities where the EFF has significant representative power.[36] An investigation by theamaBhungane centre for investigative journalism stated that the EFF received R500,000 in kickbacks from a company in return for a R1.26 billion contract to manage a fleet of vehicles used by theCity of Johannesburg with tacit acquiescence of the Democratic Alliance.[139][140] Another investigation alleges that the party improperly benefited from the awarding of a fuel supply contract for theCity of Tshwane netting the party R15 million from successful contractors.[141]
Following the publication of aSouth African Reserve Bank report[142] into the collapse ofVBS Mutual Bank implicating former EFF deputy president Floyd Shivambu's brother media reports came out alleging that Shivambu, who joinedJacob Zuma'sUMkhonto weSizwe (political party) in August 2024, received R10 million in illicit payments from VBS prior to it being placed undercuratorship in March 2018.[143][144] Prior to the publication of the Reserve Bank's report the EFF criticised the Reserve Bank for placing VBS under curatorship and accused it of victimising VBS on racial grounds.[145] The EFF stated that it had seen no evidence that Shivambu received the R10 million[146] and called for government to recapitalise VBS Mutual Bank[147] whilst also taking legal action against those mentioned in the Reserve Bank report.[148] A follow-up investigation by theDaily Maverick alleged that the EFF illicitly received R1.8 million of VBS money through a network of proxy companies with the party's leadership (notably Shivambu and Malema) also illicitly receiving money though this network.[149] After being approached by theMail & Guardian for comment on his personal financial expenses Floyd Shivambu admitted that money from VBS, channeled through his brother, was used to buy hisRange Rover Sport valued at R680,000.[150] By June 2021 Shivambu's brother had repaid R4.55 million and admitted to taking VBS money.[151]
A follow-up investigation by theDaily Maverick found that R454,000 of VBS money was used to pay for the 2017 EFF birthday celebration.[152] It also found that a total of R16.1 million was channeled through a Shivambu associated company largely for the benefit of the EFF.[152] An additional investigation traced financial statements from an account that received VBS funds and allegedly controlled by Julius Malema; leading the author of the investigation to estimate that Malema received and directly benefited from R5.3-million illegally taken from VBS.[153] Additional media reports in October 2019, alleged that the party received R4 million of VBS funds into a slush fund that was channeled to Malema via a company named Santaclara Trading.[34][154][35]
A former member of the EFF's leadership accused the party leadership of accepting donations from VBS Mutual Bank prior to its collapse.[155] The South African Parliament’s joint ethics committee found that Shivambu had received at least R180,000, in three payments, of VBS money from his brother's company Sgameka Projects Pty Ltd in 2017; but found no evidence that Malema received any VBS related funds.[156][157]
Malema has forwarded aconspiracy theory that the VBS collapse was part of a plot intended to damage the EFF.[158]
After former VBS chairman Tshifhiwa Matodzi was sentenced to 15 years in prison in July 2024, theDemocratic Alliance andActionSA demanded that police conduct a fresh investigation of Malema and Shivambu.[159]
In October 2018, a group of seventeen former EFF members and councillors in theNorthern Cape accused the party's senior leadership of corruption and sexual exploitation of more junior female party members.[160] Four months later, two former female employees of the EFF claimed that party leadership had intimidated and engaged in acts of bullying behaviour towards them and other party staff members.[161]
Following the temporary removal of eight EFF provincial MPs[162] from Gauteng Provincial Legislature, a large number of EFF members protesting against the ruling stormed the provincial legislature building.[163]
Duringviolent university protests characterized by arson and vandalism, EFF Youth leader Omphile Seleke posted instructions on how to make petrol bombs on social media.[164]
AVodacom store inPolokwane was damaged and looted by EFF members following a presentation byCorruption Watch at the 2018 Vodacom Awards, which included an image depicting EFF leaders Malema and Shivambu as "abusers of Democracy".[165][166]
Following the 2019 State of the Nation address in parliament by President Ramaphosa, EFF MPMarshall Dlamini physically assaulted a member of the presidential security team after a disagreement between EFF MPs and security.[167]
During an October 2022 speech to members of the Western Cape EFF branch, Malema stated that party members should "never be scared to kill" in pursuit of what Malema described as the party's revolution.[168][169] TheSouth African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) ruled that the statement—along with seven others made by the EFF, such as "a revolutionary must become a cold killing machine motivated by pure hate"[170]—constituted hate speech.[170][171] The EFF disputed the SAHRC's ruling.[170]
Journalist Ranjeni Munusamy lodged an affidavit in December 2018 detailing threatening remarks, intimidation, harassment, and personal attacks made by party members, including Malema, towards her and other journalists[172] targeted by the party. The affidavit was supported by the South African National Editors Forum and other notable South African journalists such asMax du Preez, Pauli VanWyk, Adriaan Jurgens Basson, and Barry Bateman.[172] The EFF denied any involvement in attacks on Munusamy and other journalists.[173]
"We need to ask theIEC how such a party can be on the ballot box. It threatens journalists. It encourages its supporters to make rape threats and sexual assault threats. It wants to dictate what I can do as a journalist." —Karima Brown[174]
South African political journalistKarima Brown was the target of verbal abuse and threats of violence by EFF supporters following the EFF's publication of her personal contact details. This led to charges being laid by the police and Equity Court against the party, amid speculation that the instance might be in breach of South Africa's Electoral Code of Conduct. Parties in breach of the code risk having their registration to run in elections revoked.[175] Regarding the incident, Malema stated that journalists have no privileges, accused Brown of being a state agent, and denied that EFF supporters were making threatening remarks.[176] The court found in favour of Brown and ruled that the EFF had contravened the South African electoral code by inciting its supporters to harass Brown.[177]
Following the publication of an article by the amaBhungane Centre for investigative journalism looking into allegations of corruption by the EFF, the party controversially announced that it would be banning both amaBhungane and theDaily Maverick from its public events[36][178][179] and that they would be treated as enemies of the party.[180]
In 2018, the party's former deputy president, Floyd Shivambu, was filmed and charged with assaulting Netwerk24 journalist Adrian de Kock in Parliament.[181][182] In January 2020, the EFF was forced to publicly apologize and pay damages following a Gauteng High Court judgment that the party had made and spread false allegations that two journalists, Thandeka Gqubule and Anton Harber, had been apartheid-era U.S. 'StratCom' agents.[183][184]
In May 2019, the EFF was found guilty ofdefamation of character by the South Gauteng High Court and ordered to pay R500,000 in damages to former Finance MinisterTrevor Manuel.[185] Manuel brought the EFF and its leader Malema to court after they had alleged that the appointment of Edward Kieswetter as commissioner of SARS by Manuel was the result of nepotism.[185][186] Following the judgement, Manuel stated that he would be donating the R500,000 in damages to victims of theVBS Mutual Bank scandal in which the EFF is alleged to have participated.[187]
Following a string of court-case losses for inciting supporters to commit acts of intimidation (against journalist Brown), land invasion (which case was brought byAfriForum), or defamation of character (against ANC politician Manuel), the party was left with combined court costs amounting to almost R1 million.[188]
The judicial monitoring organisationJudges Matter[189] and the South African Ministry of Justice[190] have condemned the EFF and its leader Malema for making unsubstantiated comments[189] that, according to Judges Matter, are "an attack on the judiciary, a threat to judicial independence, and almost certainly a violation of the Constitution".[191] This followed accusations Malema made in a criminal case against him forillegally discharging a firearm in a stadium.[191][189][190] Malema accused the magistrate of incompetence and corruption when the magistrate refused to dismiss the case. Malema went on to make unsubstantiated accusations that the judgement was part of a conspiracy against him or his party.[191][192][193] In addition to Malema, other senior EFF members—such as Dali Mpofu andGriffiths Madonsela—have made accusations, without evidence, against the judiciary and attacked the character of individual judges.[192][194]
Since its establishment, the EFF has made a number of controversial racially- or ethnically-based statements about a number of South African minority groups, particularlywhite South Africans andAsian South Africans. The party has been criticized for adopting a biological interpretation of race that allows the EFF to easily generalize and attribute racism to particular groups or individuals based on their demographic classification; they are in turn targeted for racial prejudice by the party.[195] This has had a polarizing and radicalizing impact on South African politics.[195] Leaders of the party have targeted a number of public servants, journalists, and communities based on their race.[195]
During a 2016 political rally, EFF leader Julius Malema stated, "We are not calling for the slaughter of white people, at least for now." When asked for comment by a news agency, the ANC spokesperson, Zizi Kodwa, stated that there would be no comment from the ANC, as "[Malema] was addressing his own party supporters".[196] While still the ANCYL leader, Malema was taken to theEquality Court by AfriForum for repeatedly singing "dubul' ibhunu", meaning "shoot theBoer". The ANC supported Malema, though AfriForum and the ANC reached a settlement before the appeal case was due to be argued in theSupreme Court of Appeal.[197] A later 2022 hate-speech case brought against Malema by AfriForum for singing the same song found that the song was not hate speech.[32][198]
South Africa'sIndependent Electoral Commission disqualified EFF councillor Thabo Mabotja from the 2016 local elections due to atweet by Mabotja calling for the hacking and killing of white South Africans.[199][200] The EFF formally welcomed the commission's decision and renounced Mabotja.[201][202]
Speaking at a political rally in 2018, Malema told supporters to "go after a white man", a reference toNelson Mandela Bay mayorAthol Trollip, adding that "we are cutting the throat of whiteness".[203] This led to the Democratic Alliance accusing the EFF's leader ofracism and not sharing the more tolerant views of South Africans broadly.[204] The EFF later stated that the reference to the "throat of whiteness" was "a metaphorical reference to destroyingwhite privilege" and was "not referring or advocating harm to white people".[205]
Following the death of former Zimbabwean PresidentRobert Mugabe, Malema tweeted a number of controversial quotes from the late Mugabe that were malicious towards white people, most notably "The only white man you can trust is a dead white man."[206][207] The SAHRC condemned the quote and stated that it would be taking Malema to court for spreadinghate speech.[208]
The South African Minority Rights Equality Movement initiated a court case against Malema for inciting racial sentiment after he stated that a "majority ofIndians are racist" at an EFF Youth Day rally in 2018.[209]
The EFF was criticized by theSouth African Council of Churches, theAhmed Kathrada Foundation,[210] and the ANC[211] for comparing Public Enterprises MinisterPravin Gordhan to a "dog" while protesting against theZondo Commission inquiry into government corruption. The EFF also accused the anti-corruption investigators of being members of an "Indiancabal", in reference to Indian South Africans making up the investigative team.[212][213] The EFF also retaliated against Gordhan by accusing him and his daughter of corruption.[214] These accusations were proven false[215][216] and Gordhan laid charges of defamation against Malema, stating that the EFF's "determined defence of corruption and the corrupt, using personal attacks, racism and alleged hate speech is not acceptable and must be challenged".[217] The Equality Court declared that the EFF was not guilty of hate speech in its statements relating to Gordhan.[218][219] The EFF leadership and its supporters have been criticized for using Gordhan's second name, Jamnadas, as a racialdog whistle to highlight his Indian ethnicity in apejorative way and question his status as a South African on social media.[220]
ANC member and government minister, the lateJackson Mthembu, accused the EFF of being racist and having a "deep-seated hatred" for Indian South Africans when he criticized the party's pursuit of Gordhan during a parliamentary debate.[221][222]
In 2013, theNational Union of Metalworkers of South Africa criticized the EFF's "military command structure" and its failure to clarify who should take ownership over nationalized sections of the economy.[223] In April 2019, a former member of the EFF's central command, Thembinkosi Rawula, accused senior party leaders of dictatorial leadership practices.[155] The EFF denied Rawula's accusation and stated that it would sue him for defamation as well as make the party's financial information public.[224]
The party's practices and racial views have been widely defined as "fascist" by journalists,[225][226][227] commentators,[228][229][230][231] academics,[232][233][234] and other political parties.[235][236] Some commentators have compared its leaderJulius Malema, and the party'scult of personality surrounding him, toAdolf Hitler[237][238][239] andBenito Mussolini.[240][237][241] The ANC’sNational Executive Committee has described the EFF as a "proto-fascist party run dictatorially".[242]Gareth van Onselen, who worked for theDemocratic Alliance for twelve years,[243] accused the party of being "fascist" due to its legacy of racial prejudice in a 2018 article.[230] In mid-June 2016, a group calling themselves "Anonymous Africa", claiming to be associated with thehacktivist groupAnonymous, condemned the party and perpetrated aDDoS attack on the EFF's website, stating the reason to be the party's "nationalist socialist rhetoric".[244] South African academic Vishwas Satgar has argued that the EFF is not comparable to fascist parties of the twentieth century, but that it is instead a blackneo-fascist party based on the ideologies of centralized state ownership and control along with Africannativism.[195] According to Satgar, its appeals to "race baiting, nativist nationalism,hypermasculinity, and disposition to violence are similar in these respects to the new fascisms rising in Europe, the United States, and India."[195]
The EFF's leader has been criticized in the media for the party's lack of focus onfeminist politics and the prevalence ofsexism andmisogyny among leading members such as Malema.[245] Feminists have argued that the party's militaristic language undermines its commitment to women's rights, while disaffected female party members have criticized the EFF for having apatriarchal power structure.[246][247]
^ab"EFF Constitution"(PDF). Economic Freedom Fighters.The EFF subscribes to the Marxist-Leninist and Fanonian schools of thought on its analysis of the State, imperialism, class and race contradictions in every society.
^ab"About Us". Economic Freedom Fighters.Archived from the original on 13 July 2020. Retrieved16 April 2020.
^Satgar, Vishwas (November 2019). "Black Neofascism? The Economic Freedom Fighters in South Africa".Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue Canadienne de Sociologie.56 (4):580–605.doi:10.1111/cars.12265.PMID31692263.S2CID207894048.
^Nyathi, Mandisa; Masuabi, Queenin (25 November 2019)."Malema faces an EFF rebellion".CityPress.Archived from the original on 21 December 2019. Retrieved20 April 2020.
^Ndlozi, Mbuyiseni Quintin (11 March 2018)."EFF STATEMENT ON VBS CURATORSHIP".Economic Freedom Fighters.Archived from the original on 13 October 2018. Retrieved13 October 2018.
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