Domitian (/dəˈmɪʃən,-iən/də-MISH-ən, -ee-ən;Latin:Domitianus; 24 October 51 – 18 September 96) wasRoman emperor from 81 to 96. The son ofVespasian and the younger brother ofTitus, his two predecessors on the throne, he was the last member of theFlavian dynasty. Described as "a ruthless but efficient autocrat",[6] his authoritarian style of ruling put him at sharp odds with theSenate, whose powers he drastically curtailed.
Domitian had a minor and largely ceremonial role during the reigns of his father and brother. After the death of his brother, Domitian was declared emperor by thePraetorian Guard. His 15-year reign was the longest sinceTiberius.[b] As emperor, Domitian strengthened the economy by revaluing theRoman coinage, expanded the border defenses of the empire, and initiated a massive building program to restore the damaged city of Rome. Significant wars were fought in Britain, where his generalAgricola made significant gains in his attempt to conquerCaledonia (Scotland), and inDacia (Modern-day Romania), where Domitian was unable to achieve a decisive victory against KingDecebalus. Domitian's government exhibited strong authoritarian characteristics. Religious, military, and cultural propaganda fostered acult of personality, and by nominating himself as perpetualcensor, he sought to control public and private morals.
As a consequence, Domitian was popular with the people andthe army, but considered a tyrant by members of the Roman Senate. Domitian's reign came to an end in 96 when he was assassinated by court officials. He was succeeded the same day by his advisorNerva. After his death, Domitian's memory wascondemned to oblivion by the Senate, while senatorial andequestrian authors such asTacitus,Pliny the Younger, andSuetonius propagated the view of Domitian as a cruel and paranoid tyrant. Modern revisionists have instead characterized Domitian as a ruthless but efficient autocrat whose cultural, economic, and political programs provided the foundation of the peaceful second century.
Domitian was born in Rome on 24 October 51,[7] the youngest son ofTitus Flavius Vespasianus—commonly known as Vespasian—andFlavia Domitilla Major.[8] He had an older sister,Domitilla the Younger, and brother, also namedTitus Flavius Vespasianus.[9] Decades of civil war during the 1st century BC had contributed greatly to the demise of the old aristocracy of Rome, which a new Italian nobility gradually replaced in prominence during the early part of the 1st century.[10] One such family, the Flavians, orFlavia gens, rose from relative obscurity to prominence in just four generations, acquiring wealth and status under the emperors of theJulio-Claudian dynasty.[8]
Domitian's great-grandfather,Titus Flavius Petro, had served as acenturion underPompey duringCaesar's civil war. His military career ended in disgrace when he fled the battlefield at theBattle of Pharsalus in 48 BC.[8] Nevertheless, Petro managed to improve his status by marrying the extremely wealthy Tertulla, whose fortune guaranteed the upward mobility of Petro's sonTitus Flavius Sabinus, Domitian's grandfather.[11] Sabinus himself amassed further wealth and possibleequestrian status through his services astax collector in Asia and banker inHelvetia (modern Switzerland). By marryingVespasia Polla he allied the Flavian family to the more prestigiousgens Vespasia, ensuring the elevation of his sonsTitus Flavius Sabinus and Vespasian tosenatorial rank.[11]
Adenarius of Domitian. Inscription: CAES. DOMIT. AVG. GERM. P. M., TR. P. XIIII.
Thepolitical career of Vespasian included the offices ofquaestor,aedile, andpraetor, and culminated in aconsulship in 51, the year of Domitian's birth. As a military commander, Vespasian gained early renown by participating in theRoman invasion of Britain in 43.[12] Nevertheless, ancient sources allege poverty for the Flavian family at the time of Domitian's upbringing,[7] even claiming Vespasian had fallen into disrepute under the emperorsCaligula (37–41) andNero (54–68).[13] Modern history has refuted these claims, suggesting these stories later circulated under Flavian rule as part of apropaganda campaign to diminish success under the less reputable Emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty and to maximize achievements under EmperorClaudius (41–54) and his sonBritannicus.[14]
By all appearances, the Flavians enjoyed high imperial favour throughout the 40s and 60s. While Titus received a court education in the company of Britannicus, Vespasian pursued a successful political and military career. Following a prolonged period of retirement during the 50s, he returned to public office under Nero, serving asproconsul of theAfrica Province in 63, and accompanying the emperor Nero during an official tour of Greece in 66.[15] That same year Jews from theProvince of Judaea revolted against the Roman Empire, sparking what is now known as theFirst Jewish–Roman War. Vespasian was assigned to lead theRoman army against the insurgents, with Titus—who had completed his military education by this time—in charge of a legion.[16]
Of the three Flavian emperors, Domitian would rule the longest, despite the fact that his youth and early career were largely spent in the shadow of his older brother.Titus had gained military renown during the First Jewish–Roman War. After their fatherVespasian became emperor in 69 following thecivil war known as theYear of the Four Emperors, Titus held a great many offices, while Domitian received honours, but no responsibilities.[17] By the time he was 16 years old, Domitian's mother and sister had long since died,[18] while his father and brother were continuously active in the Roman military, commanding armies inGermania and Judaea. For Domitian, this meant that a significant part of his adolescence was spent in the absence of his near relatives.[19]
During the Jewish–Roman wars, he was likely taken under the care of his uncleTitus Flavius Sabinus II, at the time serving ascity prefect of Rome; or possibly evenMarcus Cocceius Nerva, a loyal friend of the Flavians and the future successor to Domitian.[19][20] He received the education of a young man of the privileged senatorial class, studyingrhetoric andliterature. In his biography in theLives of the Twelve Caesars,Suetonius attests to Domitian's ability to quote the important poets and writers such asHomer orVirgil on appropriate occasions,[21][22] and describes him as a learned and educated adolescent, with elegant conversation.[23] Among his first published works werepoetry, as well as writings on law and administration.[19] Unlike his brother Titus, Domitian was not educated at court. Whether he received formal military training is not recorded, but according to Suetonius, he displayed considerable marksmanship with the bow and arrow.[24][25] A detailed description of Domitian's appearance and character is provided by Suetonius, who devotes a substantial part of his biography to his personality:
He was tall of stature, with a modest expression and a high colour. His eyes were large, but his sight was somewhat dim. He was handsome and graceful too, especially when a young man, and indeed in his whole body with the exception of his feet, the toes of which were somewhat cramped. In later life he had the further disfigurement of baldness, a protruding belly, and spindling legs, though the latter had become thin from a long illness.[26]
Domitian was allegedly extremely sensitive regarding his baldness, which he disguised in later life by wearing wigs.[27] According to Suetonius, he even wrote a book on the subject ofhair care.[28] With regard to Domitian's personality, however, the account of Suetonius alternates sharply between portraying Domitian as the emperor-tyrant, a man both physically and intellectually lazy, and the intelligent, refined personality drawn elsewhere.[29] Historian Brian Jones concludes inThe Emperor Domitian that assessing the true nature of Domitian's personality is inherently complicated by the bias of the surviving sources.[29] Common threads nonetheless emerge from the available evidence. He appears to have lacked the natural charisma of his brother and father. He was prone to suspicion, displayed an odd, sometimesself-deprecating sense of humour,[30][31] and often communicated in cryptic ways. This ambiguity of character was further exacerbated by his remoteness, and as he grew older, he increasingly displayed a preference for solitude, which may have stemmed from his isolated upbringing.[19] Indeed, by the age of eighteen nearly all of his closest relatives had died by war or disease. Having spent the greater part of his early life in the twilight of Nero's reign, Domitian's formative years would have been strongly influenced by the political turmoil of the 60s, culminating with the civil war of 69, which brought his family to power.[32]
On 9 June 68, amid growing opposition of the Senate and the army, Nero committedsuicide and with him the Julio-Claudian dynasty came to an end. Chaos ensued, leading to a year of brutal civil war known as the Year of the Four Emperors, during which the four most influential generals in theRoman Empire—Galba,Otho,Vitellius andVespasian—successively vied for imperial power.[33] News of Nero's death reached Vespasian as he was preparing to besiege the city ofJerusalem. Almost simultaneously the Senate had declared Galba, then governor ofHispania Tarraconensis (modern northern Spain), as Emperor of Rome. Rather than continue his campaign, Vespasian decided to await further orders and send Titus to greet the new Emperor.[33] Before reaching Italy, Titus learnt that Galba had been murdered and replaced by Otho, the governor ofLusitania (modern Portugal). At the same time Vitellius and his armies in Germania had risen in revolt and prepared to march on Rome, intent on overthrowing Otho. Not wanting to risk being taken hostage by one side or the other, Titus abandoned the journey to Rome and rejoined his father in Judaea.[34]
Otho and Vitellius realized the potential threat posed by the Flavian faction. With four legions at his disposal, Vespasian commanded a strength of nearly 80,000 soldiers. His position in Judaea further granted him the advantage of being nearest to the vitalprovince of Egypt, which controlled thegrain supply to Rome. His brother Titus Flavius Sabinus II, as city prefect, commanded the entirecity garrison of Rome.[16] Tensions among the Flavian troops ran high but so long as either Galba or Otho remained in power, Vespasian refused to take action.[35] When Otho was defeated by Vitellius at theFirst Battle of Bedriacum, the armies in Judaea and Egypt took matters into their own hands and declared Vespasian emperor on 1 July 69.[36] Vespasian accepted and entered an alliance withGaius Licinius Mucianus, the governor of Syria, against Vitellius.[36] A strong force drawn from the Judaean and Syrian legions marched on Rome under the command of Mucianus, while Vespasian travelled toAlexandria, leaving Titus in charge of ending the Jewish rebellion.[37]
In Rome, Domitian was placed underhouse arrest by Vitellius, as a safeguard against Flavian aggression.[32] Support for the old emperor waned as more legions around the empire pledged their allegiance to Vespasian. On 24 October 69, the forces of Vitellius and Vespasian (under Marcus Antonius Primus) met at theSecond Battle of Bedriacum, which ended in a crushing defeat for the armies of Vitellius.[38] In despair, Vitellius attempted to negotiate a surrender. Terms of peace, including a voluntary abdication, were agreed upon with Titus Flavius Sabinus II but the soldiers of thePraetorian Guard—the imperialbodyguard—considered such a resignation disgraceful and prevented Vitellius from carrying out the treaty.[39] On the morning of 18 December, the emperor appeared to deposit the imperial insignia at theTemple of Concord but at the last minute retraced his steps to the Imperial palace. In the confusion, the leading men of the state gathered at Sabinus' house, proclaiming Vespasian as Emperor, but the multitude dispersed when Vitellian cohorts clashed with the armed escort of Sabinus, who was forced to retreat to theCapitoline Hill.[40]
During the night, he was joined by his relatives, including Domitian. The armies of Mucianus were nearing Rome but the besieged Flavian party did not hold out for longer than a day. On 19 December, Vitellianists burst onto the Capitol and in a skirmish, Sabinus was captured and executed. Domitian managed to escape by disguising himself as a worshipper ofIsis and spent the night in safety with one of his father's supporters, Cornelius Primus.[40] By the afternoon of 20 December, Vitellius was dead, his armies having been defeated by the Flavian legions. With nothing more to be feared, Domitian came forward to meet the invading forces; he was universally saluted by the title ofCaesar and the mass of troops conducted him to his father's house.[40] The following day, 21 December, the Senate proclaimed Vespasian emperor of the Roman Empire.[41]
Although the war had officially ended, a state ofanarchy and lawlessness pervaded in the first days following the demise of Vitellius. Order was properly restored byMucianus in early 70 but Vespasian did not enter Rome until September of that year.[40] In the meantime, Domitian acted as the representative of the Flavian family in the Roman Senate. He received the title ofCaesar and was appointed praetor with consular power.[42] The ancient historianTacitus describes Domitian's first speech in the Senate as brief and measured, at the same time noting his ability to elude awkward questions.[43] Domitian's authority was merelynominal, foreshadowing what was to be his role for at least ten more years. By all accounts, Mucianus held the real power in Vespasian's absence and he was careful to ensure that Domitian, still only eighteen years old, did not overstep the boundaries of his function.[42]
Strict control was also maintained over the young Caesar'sentourage, promoting away Flavian generals such asArrius Varus andAntonius Primus and replacing them with more reliable men such asArrecinus Clemens.[42] Equally curtailed by Mucianus were Domitian's military ambitions. The civil war of 69 had severely destabilized the provinces, leading to several local uprisings such as theBatavian revolt inGaul.Batavian auxiliaries of theRhine legions, led byGaius Julius Civilis, had rebelled with the aid of a faction ofTreveri under the command ofJulius Classicus. Seven legions were sent from Rome, led by Vespasian's brother-in-lawQuintus Petillius Cerialis.[24]
Although the revolt was quickly suppressed, exaggerated reports of disaster prompted Mucianus to depart the capital with reinforcements of his own. Domitian eagerly sought the opportunity to attain military glory and joined the other officers with the intention of commanding a legion of his own. According to Tacitus, Mucianus was not keen on this prospect but since he considered Domitian a liability in any capacity that was entrusted to him, he preferred to keep him close at hand rather than in Rome.[44] When news arrived of Cerialis' victory over Civilis, Mucianus tactfully dissuaded Domitian from pursuing further military endeavours.[24] Domitian then wrote to Cerialis personally, suggesting he hand over command of his army but, once again, he was snubbed.[24] With the return of Vespasian in late September, his political role was rendered all but obsolete and Domitian withdrew from government devoting his time to arts and literature.[45]
Where his political and military career had ended in disappointment, Domitian's private affairs were more successful. In 70 Vespasian attempted to arrange a dynastic marriage between his youngest son and the daughter of Titus,Julia Flavia,[46] but Domitian was adamant in his love forDomitia Longina, going so far as to persuade her husband,Lucius Aelius Lamia Plautius Aelianus, to divorce her so that Domitian could marry her himself.[46] Despite its initial recklessness, the alliance was very prestigious for both families. Domitia Longina was the younger daughter ofGnaeus Domitius Corbulo, a respected general and honoured politician who had distinguished himself for his leadership in Armenia. Following the failedPisonian conspiracy against Nero in 65, he had been forced to commit suicide. She was also a granddaughter ofJunia Lepida, a descendant of EmperorAugustus. The new marriage not only re-established ties to senatorial opposition, but also served the broader Flavian propaganda of the time, which sought to diminish Vespasian's political success under Nero. Instead, connections toClaudius andBritannicus were emphasised, and Nero's victims, or those otherwise disadvantaged by him, rehabilitated.[47]
In 80, Domitia and Domitian's only attested son was born. It is not known what the boy's name was, but he died in childhood in 83.[48] Shortly following his accession as emperor, Domitian bestowed the honorific title ofAugusta upon Domitia, while their son wasdeified, appearing as such on thereverse of coin types from this period.[49] Nevertheless, the marriage appears to have faced a significant crisis in 83. For reasons unknown, Domitian brieflyexiled Domitia, and then soon recalled her, either out of love or due to rumours that he was carrying on a relationship with his niece Julia Flavia.[50] Jones argues that most likely he did so for her failure to produce an heir.[48] By 84, Domitia had returned to the palace,[51] where she lived for the remainder of Domitian's reign without incident.[52] Little is known of Domitia's activities as empress, or how much influence she wielded in Domitian's government, but it seems her role was limited. From Suetonius, we know that she at least accompanied the Emperor to theamphitheatre, while the Jewish writerJosephus speaks of benefits he received from her.[53] It is not known whether Domitian had other children, but he did not marry again. Despite allegations by Roman sources of adultery and divorce, the marriage appears to have been happy.[54]
The Triumph of Titus, by SirLawrence Alma-Tadema (1885), depicting the Flavian family during the triumphal procession of 71.Vespasian proceeds at the head of the family, dressed aspontifex maximus, followed by Domitian withDomitia Longina, and finallyTitus, also dressed in religious regalia. An exchange of glances between Titus and Domitia suggests an affair upon which historians have speculated.[48] Alma-Tadema was known for his meticulous historical research on the ancient world.[55]
Before becoming Emperor, Domitian's role in the Flavian government was largely ceremonial. In June 71, Titus returned triumphant from the war in Judaea. Ultimately, the rebellion had claimed the lives of tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, a majority of whom were Jewish.[56][57] The city andtemple of Jerusalem were completely destroyed, its most valuable treasures carried off by the Roman army, and nearly 100,000 people were captured and enslaved.[58] For his victory, the Senate awarded Titus aRoman triumph. On the day of the festivities, the Flavian family rode into the capital, preceded by a lavish parade that displayed the spoils of the war.[59] The family procession was headed by Vespasian and Titus, while Domitian, riding a magnificentwhite horse, followed with the remaining Flavian relatives.[60]
Leaders of the Jewish resistance were executed in theForum Romanum, after which the procession closed with religious sacrifices at theTemple of Jupiter.[59] Atriumphal arch, theArch of Titus, was eventually erected at the south-east entrance to the Forum to commemorate the successful end of the war.[61] Yet the return of Titus further highlighted the comparative insignificance of Domitian, both militarily and politically. As the eldest and most experienced of Vespasian's sons, Titus sharedtribunician power with his father, received seven consulships, thecensorship, and was givencommand of the Praetorian Guard; powers that left no doubt he was the designated heir to the Empire.[62] As a second son, Domitian held honorary titles, such asCaesar orPrinceps Iuventutis, and several priesthoods, including those ofaugur,pontifex,frater arvalis,magister frater arvalium, andsacerdos collegiorum omnium,[63] but no office withimperium. He held six consulships during Vespasian's reign but only one of these, in 73, was an ordinary consulship. The other five were less prestigioussuffect consulships, which he held in 71, 75, 76, 77 and 79 respectively, usually replacing his father or brother in mid-January.[62]
While ceremonial, these offices no doubt gained Domitian valuable experience in the Roman Senate, and may have contributed to his later reservations about its relevance.[63] Under Vespasian and Titus, non-Flavians were virtually excluded from the important public offices. Mucianus himself all but disappeared from historical records during this time, and it is believed he died sometime between 75 and 77.[64] Real power was unmistakably concentrated in the hands of the Flavian faction; the weakened Senate only maintained the facade ofdemocracy.[65] Because Titus effectively acted as co-emperor with his father, no abrupt change in Flavian policy occurred when Vespasian died on 24 June 79. Titus assured Domitian that full partnership in the government would soon be his, but neither tribunician power norimperium of any kind was conferred upon him during Titus' brief reign.[66]
Two major disasters struck during 79 and 80. In October/November 79,Mount Vesuvius erupted,[67] burying the surrounding cities ofPompeii andHerculaneum under metres of ash and lava; the following year, a fire broke out in Rome that lasted three days and destroyed a number of important public buildings.[68] Consequently, Titus spent much of his reign coordinating relief efforts and restoring damaged property. On 13 September 81, after barely two years in office, he unexpectedly died of fever during a trip to theSabine territories.[66] Ancient authors have implicated Domitian in the death of his brother, either by directly accusing him of murder,[69] or implying he left the ailing Titus for dead,[60][70] even alleging that during his lifetime, Domitian was openly plotting against his brother.[70] It is difficult to assess the factual veracity of these statements given the knownbias of the surviving sources. Brotherly affection was likely at a minimum, but this was hardly surprising, considering that Domitian had barely seen Titus after the age of seven.[66] Whatever the nature of their relationship, Domitian seems to have displayed little sympathy when his brother lay dying, instead making for thePraetorian camp where he was proclaimed emperor. The following day, 14 September,[71] the Senate confirmed Domitian's powers, granting tribunician power, the office ofpontifex maximus, and the titles ofAugustus ("venerable"), andPater Patriae ("father of the country").[72]
A silver tetradrachm of Domitian from the Antioch Mint in Syria. c. 91–92 AD.[c]
As emperor, Domitian quickly dispensed with the republican facade his father and brother had maintained during their reign.[73] By moving the centre of government to the imperialcourt, Domitian openly rendered the Senate's powers obsolete.[74] According to Pliny the Younger, Domitian believed that the Roman Empire was to be governed as adivine monarchy with himself as thebenevolent despot at its head.[75] In addition to exercising absolute political power, Domitian believed the emperor's role encompassed every aspect of daily life, guiding the Roman people as a cultural andmoral authority.[76] To usher in the new era, he embarked on ambitious economic, military, and cultural programs with the intention of restoring the Empire to the splendour it had seen under the EmperorAugustus.[77]
Despite these grand designs, Domitian was determined to govern the Empire conscientiously and scrupulously. He became personally involved in all branches of the administration:edicts were issued governing the smallest details of everyday life and law, while taxation and public morals were rigidly enforced.[78] According to Suetonius, the imperialbureaucracy never ran more efficiently than under Domitian, whose exacting standards and suspicious nature maintained historically low corruption amongprovincial governors and elected officials.[79][80] Although he made no pretence regarding the significance of the Senate under his absolute rule, those senators he deemed unworthy were expelled from the Senate, and in the distribution of public offices he rarely favoured family members, a policy that stood in contrast to thenepotism practiced by Vespasian and Titus.[81]
Above all, however, Domitian valued loyalty and malleability in those he assigned to strategic posts, qualities he found more often in men of the equestrian order than in members of the Senate or his own family, whom he regarded with suspicion, and promptly removed from office if they disagreed with imperial policy.[82] The reality of Domitian's autocracy was further highlighted by the fact that, more than any emperor sinceTiberius, he spent significant periods of time away from the capital.[83] Although the Senate's power had been in decline since the fall of the Republic[citation needed], under Domitian the seat of power was no longer even in Rome, but rather wherever the Emperor was.[73] Until the completion of theFlavian Palace on thePalatine Hill, the imperial court was situated atAlba orCirceii, and sometimes even farther afield. Domitian toured the European provinces extensively, and spent at least three years of his reign in Germania andIllyricum, conducting military campaigns on the frontiers of the Empire.[84]
At the time of Domitian's accession the city was still suffering from the damage caused by the civil war of 69 and the fire in 80.[87] Much more than a renovation project, Domitian's building program was intended to be the crowning achievement of an Empire-wide cultural renaissance. Around fifty structures were erected, restored or completed, achievements second only to those of Augustus.[87] Among the most important new structures were theStadium of Domitian (today occupied by thePiazza Navona) and the neighbouringOdeon of Domitian, Rome's first permanent venues for Greek-style athletics and artistic competitions which he reintroduced with theCapitoline Games.[88]
"Even the gilding alone of this temple’s roof, costing more than 12,000 talents, is beyond the means of the richest private citizen in Rome today."[89]
His expansive and sumptuous palace on the Palatine Hill known as theFlavian Palace was designed by Domitian's master architectRabirius.[90]
In Egypt too, Domitian was active in constructing buildings and decorating them. He appears, together withTrajan, in offering scenes on the propylon of theTemple of Hathor atDendera. Hiscartouche also appears in the column shafts of the Temple ofKhnum atEsna.[91][92]
For his personal use, he was active in constructing many monumental buildings, including theVilla of Domitian, a vast and sumptuous palace situated 20 km outside Rome in the Alban Hills. In Rome itself, he built the sumptuousPalace of Domitian on thePalatine Hill.[93]
"...if anyone who is amazed at the costliness of the Capitol had seen a single colonnade in the palace of Domitian.....he would have been moved to say to Domitian:Tis not pious, nor nobly ambitious that thou art; thou art diseased; thy mania is to build; like the famous Midas, thou desirest that every thing become gold and stone at thy touch."[94]
Upon his accession, Domitian revalued the Roman currency by increasing the silver content of thedenarius by 8.88%. This coin commemorates thedeification of Domitian's son.[d]
Domitian's tendency towardsmicromanagement was nowhere more evident than in his financial policy. The question of whether Domitian left the Roman Empire in debt or with a surplus at the time of his death has been fiercely debated. The evidence points to a balanced economy for the greater part of Domitian's reign.[98] Upon his accession he revalued theRoman currency dramatically. He increased the silver purity of thedenarius from 90% to 98% – the actual silver weight increasing from 2.87 grams to 3.26 grams. A financial crisis in 85 forced adevaluation of the silver purity and weight to 93.5% and 3.04 grams respectively.[99][100] Nevertheless, the new values were still higher than the levels that Vespasian and Titus had maintained during their reigns. Domitian's rigorous taxation policy ensured that this standard was sustained for the following eleven years.[100] Coinage from this era displays a highly consistent degree of quality including meticulous attention to Domitian's titulature and refined artwork on the reverse portraits.[100]
Jones estimates Domitian's annual income at more than 1.2 billionsestertii, of which over one-third would presumably have been spent maintaining the Roman army.[98]
In order to appease the people of Rome an estimated 135 million sestertii was spent on donatives, orcongiaria, throughout Domitian's reign.[101] The Emperor also revived the practice of public banquets, which had been reduced to a simple distribution of food under Nero, while he invested large sums on entertainment and games. In 86 he founded theCapitoline Games in his stadium, a quadrennial contest comprisingathletic displays,chariot racing, and competitions fororatory, music and acting.[102]
The military campaigns undertaken during Domitian's reign were generally defensive in nature, as the Emperor rejected the idea of expansionist warfare.[103] His most significant military contribution was the development of theLimes Germanicus, which encompassed a vast network of roads, forts and watchtowers constructed along the Rhine river to defend the Empire.[104] Nevertheless, several important wars were fought in Gaul, against theChatti, and across theDanube frontier against theSuebi, theSarmatians, and theDacians.[105]
The conquest of Britain continued under the command ofGnaeus Julius Agricola, who expanded the Roman Empire as far asCaledonia, or modern dayScotland. Domitian also founded a newlegion in 82, theLegio I Minervia, to fight against the Chatti.[105] Domitian is also credited on the easternmost evidence of Roman military presence,[106] the rock inscription near Boyukdash mountain, in present-dayAzerbaijan. As judged by the carved titles of Caesar, Augustus and Germanicus, the related march took place between 84 and 96 AD.
Domitian's administration of the Roman army was characterized by the same fastidious involvement he exhibited in other branches of the government. His competence as a military strategist was criticized by his contemporaries however.[103] Although he claimed several triumphs, these were largely propaganda manoeuvres. Tacitus derided Domitian's victory against the Chatti as a "mock triumph", and criticized his decision to retreat in Britain following the conquests of Agricola.[107][108] Nevertheless, Domitian appears to have been very popular among the soldiers, spending an estimated three years of his reign among the army on campaigns—more than any emperor since Augustus—and raising their pay by one-third.[104][109] While the army command may have disapproved of his tactical and strategic decisions, the loyalty of the common soldier was unquestioned.[110]
Once Emperor, Domitian immediately sought to attain his long delayed military glory. As early as 82, or possibly 83, he went to Gaul, ostensibly to conduct acensus, and suddenly ordered an attack on theChatti.[111] For this purpose, a new legion was founded, Legio I Minervia, which constructed some 75 kilometres (46 mi) of roads through Chattan territory to uncover the enemy's hiding places.[105] Although little information survives of the battles fought, enough early victories were apparently achieved for Domitian to be back in Rome by the end of 83, where he celebrated an elaborate triumph and conferred upon himself the title ofGermanicus.[112] Domitian's supposed victory was much scorned by ancient authors, who described the campaign as "uncalled for",[113] and a "mock triumph".[107] The evidence lends some credence to these claims, as the Chatti would later play a significant role during the revolt of Saturninus in 89.[104]
One of the most detailed reports of military activity under the Flavian dynasty was written by Tacitus, whose biography of his father-in-lawGnaeus Julius Agricola largely concerns the conquest of northern Britain between 77 and 84.[104] Agricola arrivedc. 77 as governor ofRoman Britain, immediately launching campaigns into Caledonia (modernScotland). In 82, Agricola crossed an unidentified body of water and defeated peoples unknown to the Romans until then.[114] Tacitus recalls that his father-in-law often claimed the island could be conquered with a single legion and a fewauxiliaries.[115] He had given refuge to an exiled Irish king whom he hoped he might use as the excuse for conquest. This conquest never happened, but some historians believe that the crossing referred to was in fact a small-scale exploratory or punitive expedition to Ireland.[116]
Turning his attention from Ireland, the following year Agricola raised a fleet and pushed beyond theRiver Forth into Caledonia. To aid the advance, a large legionary fortress was constructed atInchtuthil.[115] In the summer of 84, Agricola faced the armies of the Caledonians, led byCalgacus, at theBattle of Mons Graupius.[117] Although the Romans inflicted heavy losses on the enemy, two-thirds of the Caledonian army escaped and hid in the Scottish marshes andHighlands, ultimately preventing Agricola from bringing the entire British island under his control.[115] In 85, Agricola was recalled to Rome by Domitian, having served for more than six years as governor, longer than normal for consular legates during the Flavian era.[115]
Tacitus claims that Domitian ordered his recall because Agricola's successes outshone the Emperor's own modest victories in Germania.[107] The relationship between Agricola and the Emperor is unclear: on the one hand, Agricola was awarded triumphal decorations and a statue, on the other, Agricola never again held a civil or military post in spite of his experience and renown. He was offered the governorship of theprovince of Africa but declined it, either due to ill health or, as Tacitus claims, the machinations of Domitian.[118] Not long after Agricola's recall from Britain, the Roman Empire entered into war with theKingdom of Dacia in the East. Reinforcements were needed, and in 87 or 88, Domitian ordered a large-scale strategicwithdrawal of troops in the British province. The fortress at Inchtuthil was dismantled and the Caledonian forts and watchtowers abandoned, moving the Roman frontier some 120 kilometres (75 mi) further south.[119] The army command may have resented Domitian's decision to retreat, but to him the Caledonian territories never represented anything more than a loss to the Roman treasury.[104]
The most significant threat the Roman Empire faced during the reign of Domitian arose from the northern provinces of Illyricum, where the Suebi, the Sarmatians and the Dacians continuously harassed Roman settlements along theDanube river. Of these, the Sarmatians and the Dacians posed the most formidable threat. In approximately 84 or 85 the Dacians, led by KingDecebalus, crossed the Danube into the province ofMoesia, wreaking havoc and killing the Moesian governorOppius Sabinus.[120] Domitian quickly launched acounteroffensive, personally travelling to the region accompanied by a large force commanded by his praetorian prefectCornelius Fuscus. Fuscus successfully drove the Dacians back across the border in mid-85, prompting Domitian to return to Rome and celebrate his second triumph.[121]
The victory proved short-lived, however: as early in 86 Fuscus embarked on an ill-fated expedition into Dacia. Fuscus was killed, and thebattle standard of the Praetorian Guard was lost.[120] The loss of the battle standard, oraquila, was indicative of a crushing defeat and a serious affront to Roman national pride. Domitian returned to Moesia in August 86. He divided the province into Lower Moesia and Upper Moesia, and transferred three additional legions to the Danube. In 87, the Romans invaded Dacia once more, this time under the command ofTettius Julianus, and finally defeatedDecebalus in late 88 at the same site where Fuscus had previously perished.[122] An attack on the Dacian capitalSarmizegetusa was forestalled when new troubles arose on the Germanic frontier in 89.[83]
In order to avert having to conduct a war on two fronts, Domitian agreed to terms of peace with Decebalus, negotiating free access of Roman troops through the Dacian region while granting Decebalus an annual subsidy of 8 million sesterces.[83] Contemporary authors severely criticized this treaty, which was considered shameful to the Romans and left the deaths of Sabinus and Fuscus unavenged.[123] For the remainder of Domitian's reign Dacia remained a relatively peacefulclient kingdom, but Decebalus used the Roman money to fortify his defenses.[124] Domitian probably wanted a new war against the Dacians, and reinforced Upper Moesia with two more cavalry units brought from Syria and with at least five cohorts brought from Pannonia. Trajan continued Domitian's policy and added two more units to the auxiliary forces of Upper Moesia, and then he used the build up of troops for his Dacian wars.[125][126] Eventually the Romans achieved a decisive victory against Decebalus in 106. Again, the Roman army sustained heavy losses, but Trajan succeeded in capturing Sarmizegetusa and, importantly, annexed the Dacian gold and silver mines.[124]
Domitian firmly believed in the traditionalRoman religion, and personally saw to it that ancient customs and morals were observed throughout his reign. In order to justify the divine nature of the Flavian rule, Domitian emphasized connections with the chief deityJupiter,[76] perhaps most significantly through the impressive restoration of the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill. A smallchapel dedicated toJupiter Conservator was also constructed near the house where Domitian had fled to safety on 20 December 69. Later in his reign, he replaced it with a more expansivebuilding, dedicated to Jupiter Custos.[127] The goddess he worshipped the most zealously, however, wasMinerva. Not only did he keep a personal shrine dedicated to her in his bedroom, she regularly appeared on his coinage—in four different attested reverse types—and he founded a legion,Legio I Minervia, in her name.[128]
Domitian also revived the practice of theimperial cult, which had fallen somewhat out of use under Vespasian. Significantly, his first act as emperor was the deification of his brother Titus. Upon their deaths, his infant son, and niece, Julia Flavia, were likewise enrolled among the gods. With regards to the emperor himself as a religious figure, both Suetonius andCassius Dio allege that Domitian officially gave himself the title ofDominus et Deus ("Lord and God").[129][130] However, not only did he reject the title ofDominus during his reign,[131][132] but since he issued no official documentation or coinage to this effect, historians such as Brian Jones contend that such phrases were addressed to Domitian by flatterers who wished to earn favors from him.[79] To foster the worship of the imperial family, he erected a dynasticmausoleum on the site of Vespasian's former house on theQuirinal,[133] and completed theTemple of Vespasian and Titus, a shrine dedicated to the worship of his deified father and brother.[61] To memorialize the military triumphs of the Flavian family, he ordered the construction of the Templum Divorum and the Templum Fortuna Redux, and completed the Arch of Titus.
Construction projects such as these constituted only the most visible part of Domitian's religious policy, which also concerned itself with the fulfilment of religious law and public morals. In 85, he nominated himself perpetual censor, the office that held the task of supervising Roman morals and conduct.[134] Once again, Domitian acquitted himself of this task dutifully, and with care. He renewed theLex Iulia de Adulteriis Coercendis, under which adultery was punishable by exile. From the list of jurors he struck an equestrian who had divorced his wife and taken her back, while an ex-quaestor was expelled from the Senate for acting and dancing.[78] Aseunuchs were popularly used as servants, Domitian punished people who castrated others[135] and wanted to ban the eunuchs themselves.[136] Subsequent emperors made similar prohibitions, but Domitian may have been the first to do so.[137] Despite his moralizing, Domitian had his own favorite eunuch boy,Earinus,[138][139] who was commemorated by the contemporary court poetsMartial andStatius.[140]
Domitian also heavily prosecuted corruption among public officials, removing jurors if they accepted bribes and rescinding legislation when aconflict of interest was suspected.[78] He ensured thatlibellous writings, especially those directed against himself, were punishable by exile or death.[78] Actors were likewise regarded with suspicion.[141] Consequently, he forbademimes from appearing on stage in public. Philosophers did not fare much better.Epictetus, who had set himself up in Rome as a professor of philosophy, remarked that philosophers were able to "look tyrants steadily in the face",[142] and it was Domitian's decree of 94, expelling all philosophers from Rome, that caused Epictetus to shift his base to the recently founded Roman city ofNicopolis, inEpirus, Greece, where he lived simply, worked safely and died of old age.[142] In 87,Vestal Virgins were found to have broken their sacred vows of lifelong public chastity. As the Vestals were regarded as daughters of the community, this offense essentially constitutedincest. Accordingly, those found guilty of any such transgression were condemned to death, either by a manner of their choosing, or according to the ancient fashion, which dictated that Vestals should beburied alive.[143]
Foreign religions were tolerated insofar as they did not interfere with public order, or could be assimilated with the traditional Roman religion. The worship of Egyptian deities in particular flourished under the Flavian dynasty, to an extent not seen again until the reign ofCommodus. Veneration ofSerapis andIsis, who were identified with Jupiter and Minerva respectively, was especially prominent.[128] Fourth century writings byEusebius maintain that Jews andChristians were heavilypersecuted toward the end of Domitian's reign.[144][145] TheBook of Revelation andFirst Epistle of Clement are thought by some to have been written during this period, the latter making mention of "sudden and repeated misfortunes", which are assumed to refer to persecutions under Domitian.[146] Although Jews were heavily taxed, no contemporary authors give specific details of trials or executions based onreligious offenses other than those within the Roman religion.[147] Suetonius mentions having seen in his youth a nonagenarian being stripped by aprocurator to see if he was circumcised.[148]
On 1 January 89, the governor ofGermania Superior,Lucius Antonius Saturninus, and his two legions atMainz,Legio XIV Gemina andLegio XXI Rapax, revolted against the Roman Empire with the aid of the Germanic Chatti people.[110] The precise cause for the rebellion is uncertain, although it appears to have been planned well in advance. The Senatorial officers may have disapproved of Domitian's military strategies, such as his decision to fortify the German frontier rather than attack, as well as his recent retreat from Britain, and finally the disgraceful policy ofappeasement toward Decebalus.[149] At any rate, the uprising was strictly confined to Saturninus' province, and quickly detected once the rumour spread across the neighbouring provinces. Thegovernor of Germania Inferior,Aulus Bucius Lappius Maximus, moved to the region at once, assisted byTitus Flavius Norbanus, the procurator ofRhaetia. From Spain, Trajan was summoned, while Domitian himself came from Rome with the Praetorian Guard.[150]
By a stroke of luck, a thaw prevented the Chatti from crossing the Rhine and coming to Saturninus' aid.[150] Within twenty-four days the rebellion was crushed, and its leaders at Mainz savagely punished. The mutinous legions were sent to the front in Illyricum, while those who had assisted in their defeat were duly rewarded.[151] Lappius Maximus received the governorship of theprovince of Syria, a second consulship in May 95, and finally a priesthood, which he still held in 102. Titus Flavius Norbanus may have been appointed to the prefecture of Egypt, but almost certainly became prefect of the Praetorian Guard by 94, withTitus Petronius Secundus as his colleague.[152] Domitian opened the year following the revolt by sharing the consulship withMarcus Cocceius Nerva, suggesting the latter had played a part in uncovering the conspiracy, perhaps in a fashion similar to the one he played during thePisonian conspiracy under Nero.[153] Although little is known about the life and career of Nerva before his accession as Emperor in 96, he appears to have been a highly adaptable diplomat, surviving multiple regime changes and emerging as one of the Flavians' most trusted advisors.[153] His consulship may therefore have been intended to emphasize the stability and status quo of the regime.[154] The revolt had been suppressed and the Empire returned to order.
Since the fall of theRepublic, the authority of the Roman Senate had largely eroded under the quasi-monarchical system of government established by Augustus, known as thePrincipate. The Principate allowed the existence of ade facto dictatorial regime, while maintaining the formal framework of the Roman Republic.[155] Most Emperors upheld the public facade of democracy, and in return the Senate implicitly acknowledged the Emperor's status as ade facto monarch.[156][additional citation(s) needed] Some rulers handled this arrangement with less subtlety than others. Domitian was not so subtle, often coming to the Senate as a triumpher and conqueror to show his disdain for them. From the outset of his reign, he stressed the reality of hisautocracy.[156] He dislikedaristocrats and had no fear of showing it, withdrawing every decision-making power from the Senate to reduce its control to an administrative one, and instead relying on a small set of friends and equestrians to control the important offices of state.[157][158]
The dislike was mutual. After Domitian's assassination, the senators of Rome rushed to the Senate house, where they immediately passed a motioncondemning his memory to oblivion.[159] Under the rulers of the Nervan-Antonian dynasty, senatorial authors published histories that elaborated on the view of Domitian as a tyrant.[156] Nevertheless, the evidence suggests that Domitian did make concessions toward senatorial opinion. Whereas his father and brother had concentrated consular power largely in the hands of the Flavian family, Domitian admitted a surprisingly large number of provincials and potential opponents to the consulship, allowing them to head the official calendar by opening the year as an ordinary consul.[160] Whether this was a genuine attempt to reconcile with hostile factions in the Senate cannot be ascertained. By offering the consulship to potential opponents, Domitian may have wanted to compromise these senators in the eyes of their supporters. When their conduct proved unsatisfactory, they were almost invariably brought to trial and exiled or executed, and their property was confiscated.[157]
Both Tacitus and Suetonius speak of escalating persecutions toward the end of Domitian's reign, identifying a point of sharp increase around 93, or sometime after the failed revolt of Saturninus in 89.[161][162] At least twenty senatorial opponents were executed,[163] including Domitia Longina's former husbandLucius Aelius Lamia Plautius Aelianus and three of Domitian's own family members,Titus Flavius Sabinus,Titus Flavius Clemens andMarcus Arrecinus Clemens.[164] Flavius Clemens was a cousin of Domitian, and the emperor had even designated Clemens' two young sons as his successors, calling them as "Vespasian" and "Domitian".[165] Some of these men were executed as early as 83 or 85, however, lending little credit to Tacitus' notion of a "reign of terror" late in Domitian's reign. According to Suetonius, some were convicted for corruption or treason, others on trivial charges, which Domitian justified through his suspicion:
He used to say that the lot of Emperors was most unfortunate, since when they discovered a conspiracy, no one believed them unless they had been murdered.[166]
Jones compares the executions of Domitian to those under EmperorClaudius (41–54), noting that Claudius executed around 35 senators and 300 equestrians, and yet was still deified by the Senate and regarded as one of the good Emperors of history.[167] Domitian was apparently unable to gain support among the aristocracy, despite attempts to appease hostile factions with consular appointments. His autocratic style of government accentuated the Senate's loss of power, while his policy of treating patricians and even family members as equals to all Romans earned him their contempt.[167]
According to Suetonius, Domitian worshippedMinerva as his protector goddess with superstitious veneration. In a dream, she is said to have abandoned the emperor prior to theassassination.
Domitian was assassinated on 18 September 96 in a conspiracy by court officials.[168] A highly detailed account of the plot and the assassination is provided by Suetonius. He alleges that Domitian's chamberlain Parthenius played the main role in the plot, and historian John Grainger cites Parthenius' likely fear over Domitian's recent execution of Nero's former secretaryEpaphroditus as a possible motive.[169][170] The act itself was carried out by a freedman of Parthenius named Maximus, and a steward of Domitian's nieceFlavia Domitilla, named Stephanus.[171] According to Suetonius, a number ofomens had foretold Domitian's death.
According to anauspice he had received, the Emperor believed that his death would be at midday. As a result, he was always restless around that time. On the day of the assassination, Domitian was distressed and repeatedly asked a servant to tell him what time it was. The servant, who was himself one of the plotters, lied to the emperor, telling him that it was already late in the afternoon.[172] Apparently put at ease, the Emperor went to his desk to sign some decrees. Stephanus, who had been feigning an injury to his arm for several days and wearing a bandage to allow him to carry a concealed dagger, suddenly appeared:
...he pretended that he had discovered a plot, and was for that reason granted an audience: whereupon, as the amazed Domitian perused a document he had handed him, Stephanus stabbed him in the groin. The wounded Emperor put up a fight, but succumbed to seven further stabs, his assailants being a subaltern named Clodianus, Parthenius's freedman Maximus, Satur, a head-chamberlain and one of the imperial gladiators.[173]
During the attack, Stephanus and Domitian had struggled on the floor. Dio Cassius states that Stephanus was killed when those who were not part of the assassination rushed upon him.[174] Domitian's body was carried away on a commonbier and unceremoniouslycremated by his nurse Phyllis. Later, she took the emperor's ashes to the Flavian Temple and mingled them with those of his niece, Julia. He was 44 years old. As had been foretold, his death came at midday.[175] Cassius Dio, writing nearly a hundred years later, suggests that the assassination was improvised, while Suetonius implies it was a well-organized conspiracy,[176] citing Stephanus' feigned injury and claiming that the doors to the servants' quarters had been locked prior to the attack and that a sword Domitian kept concealed beneath his pillow as a last line of personal protection against a would-be assassin, had also been removed beforehand.[177][172] Dio included Domitia Longina among the conspirators, but in light of her attested devotion to Domitian—even years after her husband had died—her involvement in the plot seems highly unlikely.[53] The precise involvement of the Praetorian Guard is unclear. One of the guard's commanders,Titus Petronius Secundus, was almost certainly aware of the plot. The other, Titus Flavius Norbanus, the former governor ofRaetia, was a member of Domitian's family.[178][171]
Upon the death of Domitian,Nerva was proclaimed Emperor by theSenate.
TheFasti Ostienses, the Ostian Calendar, records that on the same day as Domitian's assassination, the Senate proclaimed Marcus Cocceius Nerva emperor.[179] Despite his political experience, this was a remarkable choice. Nerva was old and childless, and had spent much of his career out of the public light, prompting both ancient and modern authors to speculate on his involvement in Domitian's assassination.[180][181] According to Cassius Dio, the conspirators approached Nerva as a potential successor prior to the assassination, suggesting that he was at least aware of the plot.[182][183] He does not appear in Suetonius' version of the events, but this may be understandable, since his works were published under Nerva's direct descendants Trajan and Hadrian. To suggest the dynasty owed its accession to murder would have been less than sensitive.[182] On the other hand, Nerva lacked widespread support in the Empire, and as a known Flavian loyalist, his track record would not have recommended him to the conspirators. The precise facts have been obscured by history,[184] but modern historians believe Nerva was proclaimed Emperor solely on the initiative of the Senate, within hours after the news of the assassination broke.[179]
The decision may have been hasty so as to avoid civil war, but neither appears to have been involved in the conspiracy.[185] The Senate nonetheless rejoiced at the death of Domitian, and immediately following Nerva's accession as Emperor, passeddamnatio memoriae on Domitian's memory; his coins and statues were melted, his arches were torn down and his name was erased from all public records.[186] Domitian and, over a century later,Publius Septimius Geta were the only emperors known to have officially received adamnatio memoriae, though others may have receivedde facto ones. In many instances, existing portraits of Domitian, such as those found on theCancelleria Reliefs, were simply recarved to fit the likeness of Nerva, which allowed quick production of new images and recycling of previous material.[187] Yet the order of the Senate was only partially executed in Rome, and wholly disregarded in most of the provinces outside Italy.[186]
According to Suetonius, the people of Rome met the news of Domitian's death with indifference, but the army was much grieved, calling for his deification immediately after the assassination, and in several provinces rioting.[188] As a compensation measure, the Praetorian Guard demanded the execution of Domitian's assassins, which Nerva refused. Instead he merely dismissed Titus Petronius Secundus, and replaced him with a former commander,Casperius Aelianus.[189] Dissatisfaction with this state of affairs continued to loom over Nerva's reign, and ultimately erupted into a crisis in October 97, when members of the Praetorian Guard, led by Casperius Aelianus, laidsiege to the Imperial Palace and took Nerva hostage.[190] He was forced to submit to their demands, agreeing to hand over those responsible for Domitian's death and even giving a speech thanking the rebellious Praetorians.[190] Titus Petronius Secundus and Parthenius were sought out and killed. Nerva was unharmed in this assault, but his authority was damaged beyond repair. Shortly thereafter he announced the adoption of Trajan as his successor, and with this decision nearlyabdicated.[191]
Domitian as Emperor (Vatican Museums), likely recut from a statue of NeroA sestertius of Domitian. Caption: IMP. CAES. DOMIT. AVG. GERM. CO[N]S. IV, CENS. PERP. P. / IOVI VICTORI.
The classic view of Domitian is usually negative, since most of the antique sources were related to the Senatorial or aristocratic class, with which Domitian had notoriously difficult relations.[159] Furthermore, contemporary historians such asPliny the Younger, Tacitus and Suetonius all wrote after his reign when his memory had been condemned to oblivion by the Senate. The work of Domitian's court poetsMartial andStatius constitutes virtually the only literary evidence concurrent with his reign. Perhaps as unsurprising as the attitude of post-Domitianic historians, the poems of Martial and Statius are highly adulatory, praising Domitian's achievements as equalling those of the gods.[192] The most extensive account of the life of Domitian to survive was written by the historian Suetonius, who was born during the reign of Vespasian, and published his works under EmperorHadrian (117–138). HisDe vita Caesarum is the source of much of what is known of Domitian. Although his text is predominantly negative, it neither exclusively condemns nor praises Domitian, and asserts that his rule started well, but gradually declined into terror.[193] The biography is problematic, however, in that it appears to contradict itself with regards to Domitian's rule and personality, at the same time presenting him as a conscientious, moderate man, and as a decadentlibertine.[29]
According to Suetonius, Domitian wholly feigned his interest in arts and literature, and never bothered to acquaint himself with classic authors. Other passages, alluding to Domitian's love ofepigrammatic expression, suggest that he was in fact familiar with classic writers, while he also patronized poets and architects, founded artistic Olympics, and personally restored the library of Rome at great expense after it had burned down.[29]De Vita Caesarum is also the source of several outrageous stories regarding Domitian's married life. According to Suetonius, Domitia Longina was exiled in 83 because of an affair with a famous actor namedParis. When Domitian found out, he allegedly murdered Paris in the street and promptly divorced his wife, with Suetonius further adding that once Domitia was exiled, Domitian took Julia as his mistress, who later died during a failedabortion.[54][194] Modern historians consider this highly implausible however, noting that malicious rumours such as those concerning Domitia's alleged infidelity were eagerly repeated by post-Domitianic authors, and used to highlight the hypocrisy of a ruler publicly preaching a return to Augustan morals, while privately indulging in excesses and presiding over a corrupt court.[195]
Nevertheless, the account of Suetonius has dominated imperial historiography for centuries. Although Tacitus is usually considered to be the most reliable author of this era, his views on Domitian are complicated by the fact that his father-in-law, Gnaeus Julius Agricola, may have been a personal enemy of the Emperor.[196] In his biographical workAgricola, Tacitus maintains that Agricola was forced into retirement because his triumph over the Caledonians highlighted Domitian's own inadequacy as a military commander. Several modern authors such as Dorey have argued the opposite: that Agricola was in fact a close friend of Domitian, and that Tacitus merely sought to distance his family from the fallen dynasty once Nerva was in power.[196][197]
Tacitus' major historical works, includingThe Histories and Agricola's biography, were all written and published under Domitian's successors, Nerva (96–98) and Trajan (98–117). Unfortunately, the part of Tacitus'Histories dealing with the reign of the Flavian dynasty is almost entirely lost. His views on Domitian survive through brief comments in its first five books, and the short but highly negative characterization inAgricola in which he severely criticizes Domitian's military endeavours. Nevertheless, Tacitus admits his debt to the Flavians with regard to his own public career.[198] Other influential 2nd century authors includeJuvenal and Pliny the Younger, the latter of whom was a friend of Tacitus and in 100 delivered his famousPanegyricus Traiani before Trajan and the Roman Senate, exalting the new era of restored freedom while condemning Domitian as a tyrant. Juvenal savagely satirized the Domitianic court in hisSatires, depicting the Emperor and his entourage as corrupt, violent and unjust. As a consequence, the anti-Domitianic tradition was already well established by the end of the 2nd century, and by the 3rd century, even expanded upon by early Church historians, who identified Domitian as an early persecutor of Christians, such as in theActs of John.
Over the course of the 20th century, Domitian's military, administrative and economic policies were re-evaluated. Hostile views of Domitian had been propagated untilarcheological andnumismatic advances brought renewed attention to his reign, and necessitated a revision of the literary tradition established by Tacitus and Pliny. It would be nearly a hundred years afterStéphane Gsell's 1894Essai sur le règne de l'empereur Domitien however, before any new, book-length studies were published.[6] The first of these was Jones' 1992The Emperor Domitian. He concludes that Domitian was a ruthless but efficient autocrat.[6] For the majority of his reign, there was no widespread dissatisfaction with his policies. His harshness was limited to a highly vocal minority, who exaggerated his despotism in favor of theNervan-Antonian dynasty that followed.[6] His foreign policy was realistic, rejecting expansionist warfare and negotiating peace at a time when Roman military tradition dictated aggressive conquest. Persecution of religious minorities, such as Jews and Christians, was non-existent.[199]
In 1930,Ronald Syme argued for a complete reassessment of Domitian's financial policy, which had been largely viewed as a disaster.[200] His economic program, which was rigorously efficient, maintained the Roman currency at a standard it would never again achieve. Domitian's government nonetheless exhibitedtotalitarian characteristics. As Emperor, he saw himself as the new Augustus, an enlightened despot destined to guide the Roman Empire into a new era of Flavian renaissance.[77] Using religious, military and cultural propaganda, he fostered acult of personality. He deified three of his family members and erected massive structures to commemorate the Flavian achievements. Elaborate triumphs were celebrated in order to boost his image as a warrior-emperor, but many of these were either unearned or premature.[103] By nominating himself perpetual censor, he sought to control public and private morals.[134] He started several major construction projects in Rome including theAqua Traiana and theBaths of Trajan.[201]
He became personally involved in all branches of the government and successfully prosecuted corruption among public officials. The dark side of his censorial power involved a restriction in freedom of speech, and an increasingly oppressive attitude toward the Roman Senate. He punished libel with exile or death and, due to his suspicious nature, increasingly accepted information frominformers to bring false charges of treason if necessary.[202] Despite his vilification by contemporary historians, Domitian's administration provided the foundation for the Principate of the peaceful 2nd century. His successors Nerva and Trajan were less restrictive, but in reality their policies differed little from his. Much more than a "gloomy coda to the...1st century", the Roman Empire prospered between 81 and 96, in a reign thatTheodor Mommsen described as a somber but intelligent despotism.[6][203]
^The closest reigns to 15 years wereClaudius' andNero's, and it was soon to be surpassed byTrajan's 19 years.
^Obverse: Laureate bust of Emperor Domitian facing right, Classical Medusa at the nick of Domitians neck. Legend reads: AYTO. KAIΣAP ΔOMITIANOΣ ΣEB. ΓEPM. (imp. caesar Domitianus Avg. Germ.) Reverse: Eagle standing on a thunderbolt, palm before, wings open, head facing right, holding wreath in its beak. Legend reads: ETOYΣ NEOY ΙEPOY ENΔEKATOY (new sacred year eleventh) Size: 27mm, 14.8g Reference: Prieur p. 22, no. 147S
^Caption: IMP. CAES. DOMITIANVS AVG. P. M. / DIVUS CAESAR IMP. DOMITIANI F.
^Garzetti, Albino (2014).From Tiberius to the Antonines: A History of the Roman Empire AD 14–192. Routledge Revivals.Routledge. pp. 266, 833.ISBN978-1-317-69844-9.
^Deroux, Carl (2010).Studies in Latin Literature and Roman History. Vol. 323. Latomus. p. 283.
^Vagi, David L. (2012).Coinage and History of the Roman Empire, C. 82 B.C. – A.D. 480: History. Taylor & Francis. p. 212.ISBN978-1-57958-316-3.
^This is a date found in theActa Fratrum Arvalium. The text readsXV(...) ob imperium Caes..s divi f... Domitiani Aug..., whereXVIII is the earliest possible date.
^"Trajan was, in fact, quite active in Egypt. Separate scenes of Domitian and Trajan making offerings to the gods appear on reliefs on the propylon of the Temple of Hathor at Dendera. There are cartouches of Domitian and Trajan on the column shafts of the Temple of Knum at Esna, and on the exterior a frieze text mentions Domitian, Trajan, and Hadrian"Stadter, Philip A.; Stockt, L. Van der (2002).Sage and Emperor: Plutarch, Greek Intellectuals, and Roman Power in the Time of Trajan (98–117 A.D.). Leuven University Press. p. 75.ISBN978-90-5867-239-1.
^Millar, Fergus (2002).Rome, the Greek World, and the East: The Roman Republic and the Augustan revolution. UNC Press Books. p. 51.ISBN978-0-8078-4990-3.
^abSalmon, Edward Togo (1936). "Trajan's Conquest of Dacia".Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association.67:83–105.doi:10.2307/283229.JSTOR283229.
^Knight, D. J. (1991). "The Movements of the Auxilia from Augustus to Hadrian".Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik.85:189–208.
^Matei-Popescu, Florian (2006–2007). "The Auxiliary Units from Moesia Superior in Domitian's Time and the Problem of CIL XVI 41".Ephemeris Napocensis.16–17:31–48.
^Ranke-Heinemann, Uta (1990).Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven: Women, Sexuality, and the Catholic Church. Translated by Heinegg, Peter. New York: Doubleday. p. 46.
^Murray, Stephen O. (2000).Homosexualities. University of Chicago Press. p. 299.
^Werner Eck – Andreas Pangerl, Titus Flavius Norbanus, praefectus praetorio Domitians, als Statthalter Rätiens in einem neuen Militärdiplom, ZPE 163, 2007, 239–251
^His article begins with "The work of the spade and the use of common sense have done much to mitigate the influence of Tacitus and Pliny and redeem the memory of Domitian from infamy or oblivion. But much remains to be done."Imperial Finances p. 55
^Anderson, J. C. 1985. "The Date of the Thermae Traiani and the Topography of the Oppius Mons". American Journal of Archaeology 89, 507
Morgan, Llewelyn (1997). "Achilleae Comae: Hair and Heroism According to Domitian".The Classical Quarterly. New Series.47 (1):209–214.doi:10.1093/cq/47.1.209.JSTOR639608.
Murison, Charles Leslie (2003). "M. Cocceius Nerva and the Flavians".Transactions of the American Philological Association.133 (1):147–157.doi:10.1353/apa.2003.0008.S2CID162211747.
Jones, Brian W. (1984).The Emperor Titus. London: Palgrave Macmillan.ISBN978-0-312-24443-9.
Levick, Barbara (1999).Vespasian (Roman Imperial Biographies). London: Routledge.ISBN978-0-415-16618-8.
(in French) Minaud, Gérard,Les vies de 12 femmes d'empereur romain – Devoirs, Intrigues & Voluptés, Paris, L'Harmattan, 2012, ch. 5, La vie de Domitia Longina, femme de Domitien, pp. 121–146.ISBN978-2-336-00291-0.
Southern, Pat (1997).Domitian: Tragic Tyrant. London: Routledge.ISBN978-0-415-16525-9.
Donahue, John (10 October 1997)."Titus Flavius Domitianus (A.D. 81–96)".De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families. Retrieved10 February 2007.
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