| Dirty War | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of theCold War andOperation Condor | |||||||
.jpg) An image ofJorge Rafael Videla inside a dossier by theU.S. Government | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
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| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
| Various guerrilla leaders and civil society leaders | |||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
| 539 military and police forces killed[1] 1,355 civilians killed by guerrillas[2] |  5,000 members killed[3] ERP 5,000 members killed and captured.[4]RL 8 killed[5] | ||||||
| 22,000–30,000 killed or disappeared[6][7][8] | |||||||
| Operation Condor |
|---|
Archives and reports |
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TheDirty War (Spanish:Guerra sucia) is the name used by themilitary junta orcivic-military dictatorship of Argentina (Spanish:dictadura cívico-militar de Argentina) for its period ofstate terrorism[9][7][10] inArgentina[11][12] from 1974 to 1983. During this campaign, military and security forces anddeath squads in the form of theArgentine Anticommunist Alliance (AAA, or Triple A)[13] hunted down any political dissidents and anyone believed to be associated withsocialism, left-wingPeronism, or theMontoneros movement.[14][15][16][17]
It is estimated that between 22,000 and 30,000 people were killed ordisappeared, many of whom were impossible to formally document;[18][9][7] however, Argentine military intelligence at the time estimated that 22,000 people had been murdered or disappeared by 1978.[19] The primary targets were communist guerrillas and sympathisers but also included students, militants, trade unionists, writers, journalists, artists and any citizens suspected of being left-wing activists who were thought to be a political or ideological threat to the junta.[20][14][15][16] According to human rights organisations in Argentina, the victims included 1,900 and 3,000 Jews, between 5–12% of those targeted despite Argentinian Jews comprising only 1% of the population.[21][22] The killings were committed by the Junta in an attempt to fully silence social and political opposition.[23]
By the 1980s, economic collapse, public discontent, and the disastrous handling of theFalklands War resulted in the end of the junta and the restoration of democracy in Argentina, effectively ending the Dirty War. Numerous members of the junta were prosecuted and imprisoned forcrimes against humanity andgenocide as a result of their actions during the period.[24][25]
In the decades before the1976 coup, the Argentine military, along with the supporting Argentine establishment,[26] opposedJuan Perón's populist government. A coup was attempted in 1951, but was unsuccessful. In 1955 the Argentinian military successfully took control in theRevolución Libertadora. After seizing power, the armed forces proscribed his political ideology,Peronism, leading to resistance from workplaces and trade unions, as the working classes sought to protect the economic and social improvements obtained under Perón's rule.[27] Over time, democratic rule was partially restored, but promises of legalising freedom of expression and expanding political liberties for Peronists did not occur. These grievances spurred the rise of numerous leftist guerrilla groups in the 1960s, namelyUturuncos[28] and the EGP (People's Guerrilla Army).
Perón returned from exile in 1973. TheEzeiza massacre marked the end of the alliance between left- and right-wing factions of Peronism. Shortly before his death in 1974, Perón withdrew his support forMontoneros. By the time his widowIsabel was president, the Minister of Social WelfareJosé López Rega had already organised the far-rightdeath squad known asArgentine Anticommunist Alliance (AAA, or Triple A). In 1975, duringOperativo Independencia, Isabel Perón and later her replacementÍtalo Luder signed decrees empowering the military and the police to "annihilate" left-wing "subversive elements".
The junta, calling itself theNational Reorganization Process, organised and carried out strong repression of perceived political dissidents through the government's military and security forces. They were responsible for the arrest, torture, killings and/or forced disappearances of an estimated 22,000 to 30,000 people.[29][9][7] The junta was supported by Washington,[19] and received $50 million in military aid. Prior to the 1976 coup, another far right group,Alianza Anticomunista Argentina, provoked many deaths and used methods that were then adopted by government forces.
The primary targets for both the junta and Triple A were young professionals, high school and college students, and trade union members, due to their involvement in left-wing political organisations.[30] Favoured methods of assassination were via mass shootings anddeath flights, which threw victims into the South Atlantic Ocean. An estimated 12,000 prisoners weredetained in a network of 340 secret concentration camps, located throughout Argentina. Victims are referred to asdesaparecidos due to the clandestine imprisonments, which occurred without due process, governmental acknowledgement of the detentions and deaths. The vast majority of those who were killed disappeared without a trace and there remains no firm record of their fate.[30]
The events of the Dirty War have resulted in numerous convictions. Navy captainAdolfo Scilingo was tried for genocide, 30 counts of murder, 93 of causing injury, 255 of terrorism and 286 of torture.[31] In 1983, Scilingo testified to the National commission on Disappeared People forced where he described how "prisoners were drugged, loaded onto military planes, and thrown, naked and semi-conscious, into the Atlantic Ocean".
The junta referred to their policy of suppressing opponents as theNational Reorganization Process (Proceso de Reorganización Nacional). Argentine military and security forces also createdparamilitary death squads, operating behind "fronts" as supposedly independent units. Argentina coordinated actions with other South American dictatorships duringOperation Condor. Faced with increasing public opposition and severe economic problems, the military tried to regain popularity by occupying the disputedFalkland Islands. After their defeat to Britain in theFalklands War, the military government were forced to step aside in disgrace and allow for free elections to be held in late 1983.[citation needed]
In the 1983 elections, thedemocratic government of Raúl Alfonsín claimed office. His government was sworn in on 10 December 1983 and the war came to an end.[32] Alfonsín organised theNational Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas, CONADEP) to investigate crimes committed during the Dirty War, hearing testimony from hundreds of witnesses and developing to build cases against offenders. A tribunal was organised to conduct the prosecution of offenders, holding theTrial of the Juntas in 1985. Nearly 300 people were prosecuted, including many of the leading officers, who were convicted and sentenced for their crimes.[citation needed]
The Argentine armed forces opposed subjecting more of its personnel to the trials, threatening the civilian leadership with another coup.[citation needed] In 1986, the military forced the passage of theLey de Punto Final (Full Stop Law) in 1986, which "put a line" under previous actions and ended prosecutions for crimes committed by theNational Reorganization Process. Fearing military uprisings, Argentina's first two presidents sentenced only the two top Dirty War former commanders. The Punto Final Law stated that military personnel involved in torture were doing their "jobs". In 1994, PresidentCarlos Menem praised the military in their "fight against subversion".[33]
In 2003, Congress repealed the Pardon Laws, and in 2005 theArgentine Supreme Court ruled they were unconstitutional. Under the presidency ofNestor Kirchner, the Argentine government re-opened its investigations oncrimes against humanity andgenocide in 2006 and began the prosecution of military and security officers.[34]
The term "Dirty War," was used by the military junta, which claimed that a war, albeit with "different" methods (including the large-scale application oftorture and rape), was necessary to maintain social order and eradicate political subversives. This explanation has been questioned in court by human rights NGOs, as it suggests that a "civil war" was going on and implies justification for the killings. During the 1985Trial of the Juntas, public prosecutor Julio Strassera suggested that the term "Dirty War" was a "euphemism to try to conceal gang activities," as though they were legitimate military activities.[35][36]
Although the junta said its objective was to eradicate guerrilla activity because of its threat to the state, it conducted wide-scale repression of the general population. It worked against allpolitical opposition and those it considered on the left: trade unionists (half of the victims), students, intellectuals including journalists and writers, rights activists and other civilians and their families. Many others went into exile to survive and many remain in exile today despite the return of democracy in 1983. During the Trial of the Juntas, the prosecution established that the guerrillas were never strong enough to pose a real threat to the state and could not be considered abelligerent as in a war:
The guerrilla had not taken control of any part of the national territory; they had not obtained recognition of interior or anterior belligerency, they were not massively supported by any foreign power, and they lacked the population's support.[37]
The program of extermination of dissidents was referred to as genocide by a court of law for the first time during the trial ofMiguel Etchecolatz, a former senior official of theBuenos Aires Provincial Police.[34]
Crimes committed during this time (genocide of civilian population and othercrimes against humanity) are not covered under thelaws of war (jus in bello), which shieldsenlisted personnel from prosecution for acts committed under orders given by a superior officer or the state.Estela de Carlotto, president of the Argentine human rights non-governmental organisationGrandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo states:
[That term] is a way to minimize state terrorism and is a term born outside the country. It is a totally wrong concept; there was no war, dirty nor clean.[38][39]
In 1955, former army officerJuan Perón was ousted from thepresidency by a coup (Revolución Libertadora). This occurred three months after theBombing of Plaza de Mayo, a failed coup attempt considered by some as state terrorism. Subsequently,Peronism was proscribed and hostility against it and against populist politics dominated Argentine politics.Pedro Eugenio Aramburu'sDecree Law 4161/56 prohibited the use of Perón's name and whenGeneral Lanusse, who was part of theArgentine Revolution, called for elections in 1973. He authorized the return of political parties. However, Perón, who had been invited back from exile, was barred from seeking office.[citation needed]
In May 1973, PeronistHéctor José Cámpora was elected as president. It was broadly understood that Perón was the real power behind him, as Cámpora's campaign stated. Peronism has been difficult to define according to traditional political classifications and different periods must be distinguished. Apopulist andnationalist movement, it has sometimes been accused offascist tendencies.[40] Following nearly two decades of weak civilian governments, economic decline and military interventionism, Perón returned from exile on 20 June in 1973, as the country was becoming engulfed in financial, social and political disorder. The months preceding Perón's return were marked by importantsocial movements across South America. In particular, these movements spread across theSouthern Cone, before the military intervention of the 1970s. DuringHéctor Cámpora's first months of government (May–July 1973), approximately 600 social conflicts, strikes, andfactory occupations had taken place.[41]
Upon Perón's arrival at Buenos Aires Airport, snipers opened fire on the crowds of Peronist sympathizers. Known as the1973 Ezeiza massacre, this event marked the split between left-wing and right-wing factions of Peronism. Perón was re-elected in 1973, backed by a broad coalition that ranged from trade unionists in the center to fascists on the right (including members of the neo-fascistMovimiento Nacionalista Tacuara), and socialists like theMontoneros on the left.[42] Following the Ezeiza massacre and Perón's denouncing of "bearded immature idealists", Perón sided with the Peronist right, the trade unionist bureaucracy andRadical Civic Union ofRicardo Balbín, Cámpora's unsuccessful rival at the May 1973 elections. Some leftist Peronist governors were deposed, among themRicardo Obregón Cano, governor ofCórdoba, who was ousted by a police coup in February 1974. According to historian Servetto, "the Peronist right... thus stimulated the intervention of security forces to resolve internal conflicts of Peronism".[42]
On 19 January 1974, the TrotskyistPeople's Revolutionary Army attacked the military garrison in the Buenos Aires city ofAzul, prompting a harsh response from the then constitutional presidentJuan Perón[43] and contributing to his shift towards therightist faction of thejusticialist movement during the last months of his life.
Extreme right wing vigilante organisations – linked toTriple A or its kind of "subsidiary"Córdoba "Comando Libertadores de América" —assassinated the union leader and ex-Peronist governor of Córdoba,Atilio López, as well as leftist lawyers Rodolfo Ortega Peña andSilvio Frondizi,brother of the ousted former Argentine presidentArturo Frondizi, who had served as first president between 1 May 1958 and 29 March 1962. Also in 1974, the Third World priestCarlos Mugica and dozens of political activists from the left were assassinated.[citation needed]
Juan Perón died on 1 July 1974 and was replaced by his vice-president and third wife,Isabel Perón, who ruled Argentina until she was overthrown in March 1976 by the military. The 1985CONADEP human rights commission counted 458 assassinations from 1973 to 1975 in its reportNunca Más (Never Again): 19 in 1973, 50 in 1974 and 359 in 1975, carried out by paramilitary groups, who acted mostly under theJosé López Rega's parapolice and paramilitaryTriple A death squad (according toArgenpress, at least 25 trade-unionists were assassinated in 1974).[44] However, the repression of the social movements had already started before the attempt on Yrigoyen's life: on 17 July 1973, theCGT section inSalta was closed while the CGT, SMATA and Luz y Fuerza inCórdoba were victims of armed attacks. Agustín Tosco, Secretary General of Luz y Fuerza, successfully avoided arrest and went into hiding until his death on 5 November 1975.[44]
Trade unionists were also targeted by the repression in 1973 as Carlos Bache was assassinated on 21 August 1973; Enrique Damiano, of the Taxis Trade Union of Córdoba, on 3 October; Juan Avila, also of Córdoba, the following day; Pablo Fredes, on 30 October in Buenos Aires; and Adrián Sánchez, on 8 November 1973 in theProvince of Jujuy. Assassinations of trade unionists, lawyers and so on continued and increased in 1974 and 1975 while the most combative trade unions were closed and their leaders arrested. In August 1974, Isabel Perón's government took away the rights of trade unionist representation of theFederación Gráfica Bonaerense, whose Secretary GeneralRaimundo Ongaro was arrested in October 1974.[44] During the same month of August 1974, the SMATA Córdoba trade-union, in conflict with the company Ika Renault, was closed by the national direction of trade unions and the majority of its leaders and activists arrested. Most of them were assassinated during the 1976–1983 dictatorship. Atilio López, General Secretary of the CGT of Córdoba and former Vice Governor of the Province, was assassinated in Buenos Aires on 16 September 1974.[44]
Peronist guerrillas, estimated at 300 to 400 active members (Montoneros) in 1977[45] (and 2000 at its peak in 1975, though almost half of them related to militia[46]), committed a number of attacks during this period such as bombings at the Goodyear and Firestone distributors, Riker and Eli pharmaceutical laboratories, Xerox Corporation, and Pepsi-Cola bottling companies. Director-general of the Fiat Concord company in Argentina was kidnapped by ERP guerrillas in Buenos Aires on 21 March 1972 and found murdered on 10 April.[47] In 1973, aFord Motor Company executive was killed in a kidnapping attempt.[48] A Peugeot representative was kidnapped and later released for a reported US$200,000,[49] and FAP guerrillas killed John Swint, the American general manager of the Ford Motor Company.[50] On December, the director of Peugeot in Argentina was kidnapped.[51]
In 1974, FAP guerrillas killed the labour relations manager of the IKA-Renault Motor Company in Córdoba. In 1975 a manager of an auto parts factory[52] and a production manager of Mercedes-Benz were kidnapped by Montoneros,[53] and an executive of the US Chrysler Corporation[54] and a manager of the Renault plant in Córdoba were killed.[55] In 1976, Enrique Aroza Garay of German-owned Borgward automobile factory and a Chrysler executive were killed. In all, 83 servicemen and policemen were killed in left-wing guerrilla incidents.[56]
In 1975, theGuevaristPeople's Revolutionary Army (ERP), inspired byChe Guevara'sfoco theory, began a small rural insurgency in the province ofTucumán with no more than 100 men and women,[57] but were soon defeated by the Argentine Army. In February 1975, Isabel Perón signed the secret presidential decree 261, which ordered the army to illegally neutralise and/or "annihilate" the insurgency inTucumán, the smallest province in Argentina.Operativo Independencia granted power to the armed forces to "execute all military operations necessary for the effects of neutralizing or annihilating the action of subversive elements acting in theProvince of Tucumán".[58][59] Extreme right-wing death squads used their hunt for far-left guerrillas as a pretext to exterminate any and all ideological opponents on the left and as a cover for common crimes.
In July, there was ageneral strike. The government, presided temporarily by provisional president of the SenateÍtalo Luder from the Peronist party, replacing Isabel (who was ill for a short period), issued three decrees, 2770, 2771 and 2772. These created a Defense Council headed by the president and including his ministers and chiefs of the armed forces.[60][61][62] It was given the command of the national and provincial police and correctional facilities and its mission was to "annihilate [...] subversive elements throughout the country".[63]
Isabel Perón's government ordered a raid on 20 March 1975, which involved 4,000 military and police officers, inVilla Constitución,Santa Fe in response to various trade-unionist conflicts. Many citizens and 150 activists and trade unionist leaders were arrested while the Unión Obrera Metalúrgica's subsidiary in Villa Constitución was closed down with the agreement of the trade unions' national direction, headed byLorenzo Miguel.[44] Repression affected trade unionists of large firms such asFord,Fiat,Renault,Mercedes-Benz,Peugeot andChrysler and was sometimes carried on with support from the firms' executives and from the trade unionist bureaucracies.[44]
The sentence at the Trials of the Juntas stated the following: "The subversives had not taken control of any part of the national territory; they had not obtained recognition of interior or anterior belligerency, they were not massively supported by any foreign power, and they lacked the population's support".[37] However, the supposed threat was used for the coup.[citation needed]
In 1975, PresidentIsabel Perón, under pressure from the military establishment, appointedJorge Rafael Videla commander-in-chief of the Argentine Army. "As many people as necessary must die in Argentina so that the country will again be secure",[64] declared Videla in 1975 in support of the death squads. He was one of the military heads of the coup that overthrew Isabel Perón on 24 March 1976. In her place, a military junta, headed by GeneralJorge Rafael Videla, AdmiralEmilio Eduardo Massera and GeneralOrlando Agosti and was installed.[65]
The junta, which dubbed itselfNational Reorganization Process, systematised the repression, in particular through the way of "forced disappearances" (desaparecidos), which made it very difficult as was the case inAugusto Pinochet's Chile to file legal suits as the bodies were never found. This generalisation of state terror tactics has been explained in part by the information received by the Argentine military in the infamousSchool of Americas and also by French instructors from thesecret services, who taught them "counter-insurgency" tactics first experimented with during theAlgerian War (1954–1962).[44][66]
By 1976,Operation Condor was at its height. Chilean exiles in Argentina were threatened again and had to seek refuge in a third country. Chilean GeneralCarlos Prats had already been assassinated by the ChileanDINA in Buenos Aires in 1974, with the help of former DINA agentsMichael Townley andEnrique Arancibia. Cuban diplomats were also assassinated in Buenos Aires in the infamousAutomotores Orletti torture center, one of the 300 clandestine prisons of the dictatorship, managed by theGrupo de Tareas 18, headed byAníbal Gordon, previously convicted for armed robbery and who answered directly to the General Commandant of theSIDE, Otto Paladino.Automotores Orletti was the main base of foreign intelligence services involved in Operation Condor. One of its survivors, José Luis Bertazzo, who wasdetained for two months there, identified Chileans, Uruguayans, Paraguayans and Bolivians among the prisoners. These captives were interrogated by agents from their own countries.[67]
According toJohn Dinges'sLos años del Cóndor, ChileanMIR prisoners in Orletti center told José Luis Bertazzo that they had seen two Cuban diplomats, Jesús Cejas Arias and Crescencio Galañega, tortured by Gordon's group and interrogated by a man who came from Miami to interrogate them. The two Cuban diplomats, charged with the protection of the Cuban ambassador to Argentina Emilio Aragonés, had been kidnapped on 9 August 1976 by 40 armed SIDE agents who blocked off all sides of the street with theirFord Falcons, the cars used by the security forces during the dictatorship.[68] According toJohn Dinges, theFBI as well as theCIA were informed of their abduction. In his book, Dinges published a cable sent byRobert Scherrer, an FBI agent in Buenos Aires on 22 September 1976, where he mentions in passing thatMichael Townley, later convicted of the assassination on 21 September 1976 of former Chilean ministerOrlando Letelier in Washington, D.C., had also taken part to the interrogation of the two Cubans. The former head of the DINA confirmed to Argentine federal judgeMaría Servini de Cubría on 22 December 1999, inSantiago de Chile, the presence of Townley and CubanGuillermo Novo Sampoll in the Orletti center. The two men travelled from Chile to Argentina on 11 August 1976 and "cooperated in the torture and assassination of the two Cuban diplomats".[67] According to the "terror archives" discovered in Paraguay in 1992, 50,000 persons were murdered in the frame of Condor, 22,000–30,000disappeared (desaparecidos) and 400,000 incarcerated.[69][70]
There were also some companies complicit in crimes against humanity. There has been participation of senior executives ofFord,Mercedes-Benz,[71] Acindar, Dálmine Siderca, Ingenio Ledesma, andAstarsa[72][73]
Victoria Basualdo, from Columbia University, investigated the complicity between large companies and armed forces. She found six companies in which dozens of union representatives were kidnapped and tortured, oftendetained inside the companies and transferred toclandestine detention centers (CDC) in vehicles provided by the companies. In the case of Dálmine Siderca, a CDC had been installed next to the factory, connected through a door. In the case of Acindar, a detention and interrogation center, staffed and operated by the Federal Police, was already in existence in 1975 during the Peronist government of Maria Estela Martinez de Peron.[73]
Judge Alicia Vence was in charge of the investigation of acts ofState terrorism committed in facilities and with the participation of authorities of the companies Ford and Mercedes-Benz. According to witnesses, the center at Mercedes Benz was led by the racing driverJuan Manuel Fangio. In 2015, an investigation was conducted to investigate these claims.[74]José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz, president of themetallurgical company Acindar, who was Minister of Economy between 1976 and 1980, was criminally prosecuted in the case of the kidnapping of the businessmen Federico and Miguel Gutheim, owners of SADECO cotton company.[75]
There was also suspected participation from national media outlets such asClarin,La Nación andLa Razón, the three most important Argentine newspapers at the time. Together they negotiated the buyout ofPapel Prensa, the largest national manufacturer ofnewsprint, then owned by the widow ofDavid Graiver, Lidia Papaleo and his family estate, after his death in a plane crash on 7 August 1976.[76]
Papaleo and the other private partners negotiated the sale of their shares on 2 November 1976.[77] She, along with Graiver's brother and father, wereillegally detained by theBuenos Aires Province Police on 14 March 1977, on suspected financial connections her late husband had with theguerrilla organisationMontoneros, and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment, though an appeals court later cleared the defendants of all charges.[78]
According to Papaleo, the sale was made under duress.[79] She had been receiving death threats and had been told by Papel Prensa's president, Pedro Martínez Segovia, who said was representing then Minister of EconomyJosé Alfredo Martínez de Hoz, that she should sell her stake in the company. She, along with her family, attended a night meeting at theLa Nación offices on 2 November.[80] There, she testified, that the representative ofClarín,Hector Magnetto, presented her with a document which said "Sign, or it will cost you your daughter's life and your own".[81][82][83]
In September 1978, a group of businessmen, among whom wereErnestina Herrera de Noble andHector Magnetto from Grupo Clarín and Bartolomé Luis Mitre from La Nación, along with members of themilitary junta inaugurated the Papel Prensa plant inSan Justo.[84]
In 2016, Magnetto, Mitre and Noble were declared innocent. Federal JudgeJulián Ercolini ruled that there was not enough evidence of any wrongdoing to accuse them.[85]
During a 1981 interview whose contents were revealed by declassifiedCIA documents in 2000, former DINA agentMichael Townley explained that Ignacio Novo Sampol, member of theCORU anti-Castro organisation, had agreed to involve theCuban Nationalist Movement in the kidnapping in Buenos Aires of the president of a Dutch bank. The abduction was organised by civilianSIDE agents to obtain a ransom. Townley said that Novo Sampol had provided $6,000 from theCuban Nationalist Movement, forwarded to the civilian SIDE agents to pay for the preparation expenses of the kidnapping. After returning to the United States, Novo Sampol sent Townley a stock of paper, used to print pamphlets in the name ofGrupo Rojo (Red Group), an imaginary Argentine Marxist terrorist organisation, which was to claim credit for the abduction of the Dutch banker. Townley declared that the pamphlets were distributed inMendoza andCórdoba together withfalse flag bombings perpetrated by SIDE agents. The aim was to establish the existence of the fake Grupo Rojo. However, the SIDE agents procrastinated too much and the kidnapping was never carried out.[86]
The exact chronology of therepression occurring before the Operation Condor's beginning in March 1976 is still debated, but some sectors claim the long political conflict started in 1969 as individual cases ofstate-sponsored terrorism against Peronism and the left can be traced back to thebombing of Plaza de Mayo andRevolución Libertadora in 1955. TheTrelew massacre of 1972, the actions of the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance since 1973 and Isabel Martínez de Perón's "annihilation decrees"[87] against left-wing guerrillas duringOperativo Independencia (Operation Independence) in 1975[87] have also been suggested as dates for the beginning of the Dirty War.[citation needed]
The discontent with Perón in 1973 started due to his drift to the right after having been a popular leftist leader for the first half of the 20th century. Many of the groups that supported him throughout the 1940s and 1950s argued that "Peron was betraying the movement by aligning himself with industrialists foreign interests." CIA research paper, "Insurgent Success and Failure: Selected Case Studies." Secret, May 1983 The attacks by the left were met by ruthless action by the government and the Argentina Anticommunist Alliance (AAA), a group known since the 1930s for its violent and brutal stance towards leftist groups.[88]
Targets of the junta were anyone believed to be associated with activist groups, including trade union members and students. These included underage students, like the ones tortured and murdered in theNight of the Pencils, an operation directed byRamón Camps, General and head of theBuenos Aires Provincial Police from April 1976 to December 1977.[35] The rationale behind attacks againstnon-combatants was the belief that anyone not sharing government ideology or supporting its actions was a threat; it was believed that "any party that has supported or continues to support the enemy shall be considered a party of the enemy".[89]
Other junta targets were people who uncovered evidence of government corruption and those thought to hold left-wing views (including French nunsLéonie Duquet andAlice Domon, kidnapped byAlfredo Astiz). Ramón Camps toldClarín in 1984 that he had used torture as an interrogation method and orchestrated 5,000 forced disappearances. He had justified the appropriation of newborns from their imprisoned mothers "because subversive parents will raise subversive children".[90] The individuals who suddenly vanished are calledlos desaparecidos, meaning "the missing ones" or "disappeared". The people that disappeared throughout the 1970s came from a variety of backgrounds: not just suspected terrorists, but also non-combatants.[91] According to a declassified 1979 document from theU.S. Department of State, fifty-five disappearances were occurring per month, or approximately two per day.[92] Additionally, people who sought to stay "peaceful" during the attacks were targeted by the government, based on the belief that if left alone, they would pose an even greater danger. This was despite the fact that 80 per cent of Argentine torture victims had no knowledge of subversive activities.[citation needed]
In December 1976, 22 captured Montoneros responsible for the death of General Cáceres Monié and the attack on the Argentine Army 29th Mountain Infantry Regiment[93] were tortured and executed during themassacre of Margarita Belén in the militaryChaco Province, for which Videla would be found guilty of homicide during the 1985 Trial of the Juntas, in addition to the guilty verdicts against Cristino Nicolaides, junta leaderLeopoldo Galtieri andSanta Fe Provincial Police chief Wenceslao Ceniquel. The same year, 50 unknown persons were illegally executed by firing squad in Córdoba.[94]
Victims' relatives uncovered evidence that some children taken from their mothers soon after birth were being raised as the adopted children of military servicemembers, as in the case of Stella Montesano,[95] or ofSilvia Quintela, a member of the Montoneros guerrilla movement.[96][97] For decades, theAsociación Civil Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, a group founded in 1977, has demanded the return of the kidnapped children, estimated to number as many as 500.[98] In 1979, security forces violently arrested and threatened the members of this group, made up predominantly of mothers who held weekly silent demonstrations in the capital's main square for over two years to demand justice for their disappeared children. That same year, over 38 bodies, "many without heads or hands", were found on Argentina's shorelines.[92]
A declassified May 1978 U.S. State Department memorandum asserts that "if there has been a net reduction in reports of torture, this is not because torture has been forsworn but 'derives from fewer operations' because the number of terrorists and subversives has diminished". The memorandum adds that disappearances "include not only suspected terrorists but also encompass a broader range of people, for example, labor leaders, workers, clergymen, human rights advocates, scientists, doctors, and political party leaders".[99] It also describes torture methods used to intimidate and extract information, including electric shocks, prolonged immersion in water,cigarette burns,sexual abuse, rape, removal of teeth and fingernails, castration, and burning with boiling water, oil and acid.[100] Another declassified U.S. State Department memorandum stated that security forces "simply murdered" a couple in their own home without even taking them to a detention center, showing the power the military had in 1976 and beyond.[92]
According to a 2000Human Rights Review article, in previous Argentine military coups, the military had portrayed itself as seeking to preserve the sacred values of the Argentine people, which justified human rights violations. But none of the prior military actions committed violations on as massive a scale as the 1976 coup.[101]
In late 1979,Amnesty International accused the Videla military government of being responsible for the disappearance of 15,000 to 20,000 Argentine citizens since the 1976 coup.[102] TheRegistro Unificado de Víctimas del Terrorismo de Estado (Ruvte) unconvered records of 662 people disappeared under the presidency ofIsabel Perón, and another 6,348 disappeared during the military dictatorship.[103]
In 1980,Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, a Catholic human rights activist who had organised the Servicio de Paz y Justicia (Peace and Justice Service) and suffered torture while held without trial for 14 months in a Buenos Aires concentration camp, was awarded theNobel Peace Prize for his efforts in defence of human rights.[104]
Declassified documents of the Chilean secret police cite an official estimate by theBatallón de Inteligencia 601 of 22,000 killed or "disappeared" between 1975 and mid-1978. During this period, at least 12,000 "disappeared" weredetained by PEN (Poder Ejecutivo Nacional, anglicised as National Executive Power) and kept inclandestine detention camps throughout Argentina, before eventually being freed under diplomatic pressure.[105] In 2003, theNational Commission on the Disappearance of Persons recorded the forced disappearance of 8,961 persons from 1976 to 1983, although it noted that the actual number is higher.[106] Military junta members currently in prison for crimes against humanity refused to give Argentine courts the lists of names (and numbers) of kidnapped, tortured, murdered or disappeared people, so the exact number of victims remains uncertain.[107]
Under theCarlos Menem government,Congress passed legislation to provide compensation to victims' families. Some 11,000 Argentinenext of kin have applied to the relevant authorities and received up to US$200,000 each as monetary compensation for the loss of loved ones during the military dictatorship, while others such as theMothers of the Plaza de Mayo refused to take any money from a government they considered to follow the same neoliberal policies dictated by Operation Condor.[108][109] After a 2017 ruling by theSupreme Court, theNational Congress of Argentina excluded convicts of crimes against humanity from the reduced sentences granted to other convicts.[110]
In an unclassified memorandum from the U.S. Department of State written in 1976, it was stated the cooperation efforts there were among Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Brazil, etc. to fight against subversive groups. These efforts ranged from bilateral communications between these countries to capture and monitor these groups; the fight against these "terrorist exponents" proposed to unify the greatest enemies of South America: Brazil and Argentina given that they saw the threat of communism as more dangerous than each other. ARA Monthly Report (July) "The 'Third World War' and South America" 3 August 1976 An example of this alliance was the deportation of two Montoneros that were to arrive from Mexico in Brazil for a meeting with the leftist group but before the two Montoneros were intercepted in Rio de Janeiro by the Argentine military with permission of the Brazilian military intelligence.Conversation with Argentine Intelligence Source, April 7, 1980
The cooperation between these countries was closely monitored by the United States government given that it has always had interests in maintaining hegemony over this part of the continent. The United States worried that "these regimes threaten[ed] their increasing isolation from the West and the opening of deep ideological divisions among the countries of the hemispheres." The National Security Archive Even when the United States refused to call the conflict between these South American countries and the subversive groups a 'Third World War', according to the Memorandum, it was important for Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay egos, salaries, and their equipment-budgets to believe in this 'Third World War'. Additionally, the U.S. states its critical goal which is to get the political ideology out of human rights to avoid "charges of 'intervention'" in any of these Latin American countries.[citation needed]
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The interests of the United States in Argentina during the Cold War were rooted in more factors than the threat of the spread of communism in South America than may appear at first sight.[citation needed] Although the subversive groups that were attacking the Argentine government were leftist groups and some Marxist groups, the United States was also interested in the nuclear power that Argentina possessed. According to a U.S. Department of State memorandum, Argentina was part of the "Dirty Dozen", which was a list of countries that either had the capability of acquiring nuclear weapons but no motivation to do so, or that had the motivation to acquire nuclear weapons but lacked the capability. In the document, it is noted that the biggest security concerns for Argentina were rivals Brazil and Chile, given that these three countries wanted hegemony in Latin America.[111][additional citation(s) needed][original research?]
In the same realm, the Argentine economy needed to stop depending on fossil fuels and had strong motivation to expand their nuclear program; this could be one of the motivations behind the U.S.'s lack of action against the human rights violations that were happening in Argentina. In a 1976 declassified memorandum from the U.S. Department of State, it is stated the importance to let President Videla the "adverse effect revelation of the assassination scheme will have on Argentina efforts to obtain loans and otherwise come up with solutions for improving its economy".[112] In this same document it is stated that "Argentina is the country which [the United States] should be able to exert the most leverage", which demonstrates the American desire for hegemony in the region, trying to exploit the 'weaknesses' of the Argentine dictatorship for its own benefit. The United States knew that it had to react to the human rights atrocities happening in Argentine because if it did not then "our singling out of Uruguay, Paraguay, and Chile will appear highly politicized and will serve to fuel the critics who argue that US human rights policy is focused on countries where major US interests are not at stake."[113][additional citation(s) needed]
In 2012 Professor Melisa Slatman published "Actividades extraterritoriales represivas de la Armada Argentina durante la última dictadura civil militar de Seguridad Nacional (1976–1983)"[114] in the Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación (FaHCE) of Universidad Nacional de la Plata where she gives her perspective about the creation of Operation Condor. Slatman argues that this operation was a product of a social construct where there was no empirical evidence other than the desire for repressive states to gain hegemony on the Southern of the hemisphere whether that was by the United States and its perceived fight against communism or by the Southern Cone and their desire of control.[citation needed]
She states that there is no way in which the people can truly know what happens during this operation given that the documents that have been released are merely a reflection of the voices and factors that played a part, but it is only one side of the story. The use of these documents as the only sources that there are about Operation Condor fails to inform experts if it was truly an operation or if it was a much more extensive system than that. Furthermore, Slatman argues that these documents present a biased point of view given that the majority of them come from American institutions that seek to present the information that established American hegemony and the unilateral relationships between the U.S. and South American countries.[114]
By the time of the coup on 24 March 1976, the number ofdisappeared held underPoder Ejecutivo Nacional (PEN) stood at least 5,182.[115] Some 18,000 disappeared in the form of PEN detainees were imprisoned in Argentina by the end of 1977 and it is estimated that some 3,000 deaths occurred in the Navy Engineering School (ESMA) alone.[116] These disappeared were held incommunicado and reportedly tortured. Some, like senator Hipolito Solari Yrigoyen and socialist leader professor Alfredo Bravo, were "detenidos-desaparecidos".[117]
By refusing to acknowledge the existence of what was later established to be at least 340 concentration camps throughout the country they also denied the existence of their occupants. The total number of people who were detained for long periods was 8,625.[118] Among them was future PresidentCarlos Menem, who between 1976 and 1981 had been a political prisoner.[119]
Some 8,600 PEN disappeared were eventually released under international pressure. Of these, 4,029 were heldin illegal detention centers for less than a year, 2,296 for one to three years, 1,172 for three to five years, 668 for five to seven years and 431 for seven to nine years. Of these, 157 were murdered after being released from detention.[120] In one frank memo, written in 1977, an official at the Foreign Ministry issued the following warning:
Our situation presents certain aspects which are without doubt difficult to defend if they are analyzed from the point of view of international law. These are: the delays incurred before foreign consuls can visit detainees of foreign nationality (contravening article 34 of the Convention of Vienna), the fact that those detained under Executive Power (PEN) are denied the right to legal advice or defense, the complete lack of information of persons detained under PEN, the fact that PEN detainees are not processed for long periods of time, the fact that there are no charges against detainees. The kidnapping and disappearance of people.[121]
At the time when the CONADEP report was prepared, theAsociación Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo (Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo orAbuelas), had records of 172 children who disappeared together with their parents or were born at the numerous concentration camps and had not been returned to their families.[122] The Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo now believe up to 500 grandchildren were stolen and 102 are believed to have been located.[123] On 13 April 2000, the grandmothers received a tip that the birth certificate of Rosa Roisinblit's infant grandson, born in detention, had been falsified and the child given to an Air Force civil agent and his wife. Following the anonymous phone call, he was located and agreed to a DNA blood test, confirming his true identity. Rodolfo Fernando, grandson of Roisinblit, is the first known newborn of missing children returned to his family through the work of the grandmothers.[124] On 6 October 1978, Roisinblit's daughter, 25-year-old Patricia Julia Roisinblit de Perez, who was active in theMontoneros,[125] was kidnapped along with her husband, 24-year-old José Martínas Pérez Rojo.[126]
The case of Maria Eugenia Sampallo (born some time in 1978) also received considerable attention as Sampallo sued the couple who adopted her illegally as a baby after her parents disappeared, both Montoneros.[127] Her grandmother spent 24 years looking for her. The case was filed in 2001 after DNA tests indicated that Osvaldo Rivas and Maria Cristina Gomez were not her biological parents. Along with army Captain Enrique Berthier, who furnished the couple with the baby, they were sentenced respectively to 8, 7 and 10 years in prison forkidnapping.[128][129]
The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo is the best-known Argentine human rights organisation. For over thirty years, the Mothers have campaigned to find out about the fate of their lost relatives. The Mothers first held their vigil at Plaza de Mayo in 1977, where they continue to gather there every Thursday afternoon. An article of the Madres of the Plaza de Mayo monthly publication caused quite a stir in the mid-1980s, when the Human Rights Group Familiares were quoted as saying: "Familiares assumes the causes of their children's fight as their own, vindicates all the disappeared as fighters of the people, [...] [and when occurs] the defeat of imperialism and the sovereignty of the people, we will have achieved our objectives".[130]
In 1986, the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo split into two groups: Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo – Linea Fundadora (Founding Line) remains focused in recovering the remains of the missing and bringing former police and military commanders to justice. On the other hand, the Asociacion de Madres de Plaza de Mayo (Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo Association) is opposed to the search for and identification of the missing and have also rejected monetary compensation.[131][132] In April 2004, the former head of the Mothers of PlazaHebe de Bonafini declared her admiration for her missing children Jorge Omar and Raúl Alfredo for taking up arms as left-wing guerrillas.[133]
To this day, whitehandkerchiefs are painted on the streets of Argentina, as a reminder of the terroristic actions of the military junta and grief felt by theMothers of the Plaza de Mayo.[134]
In 1980, the Argentine military helpedNazi war criminalKlaus Barbie,Stefano Delle Chiaie and major drug lords mount the bloodyCocaine Coup ofLuis García Meza Tejada in neighbouringBolivia. They hired 70 foreign agents for this task,[135] which was managed in particular by the601st Intelligence Battalion headed by GeneralGuillermo Suárez Mason. After having been trained by the French military, in the frame of Operation Charly the Argentine Armed Forces would train their counterparts not only in Nicaragua, but alsoEl Salvador,Honduras andGuatemala. From 1977 to 1984, after the Falklands War the Argentine Armed Forces exportedcounter-insurgency tactics, including the systemic use of torture, death squads and disappearances.Special force units, such asBatallón de Inteligencia 601, headed in 1979 by Colonel Jorge Alberto Muzzio, trained the NicaraguanContras in the 1980s, in particular inLepaterique base.[citation needed]
Following the release of classified documents and an interview withDuane Clarridge, formerCIA responsible for operations with theContras, theClarín showed that with the election of PresidentJimmy Carter in 1977 the CIA was blocked from engaging in thespecial warfare it had previously been engaged in. In conformity with the National Security Doctrine, the Argentine military supported U.S. goals in Latin America while they pressured the United States to be more active in counter-revolutionary activities. In 1981, following the election ofRonald Reagan, the CIA took over training of theContras fromBatallón 601.[136] Many Chilean and Uruguayan exiles in Argentina were murdered by Argentine security forces (including high-profile figures such as GeneralCarlos Prats in Buenos Aires in 1974, Héctor Gutiérrez Ruiz andZelmar Michelini in Buenos Aires in 1976). Others, such as Wilson Ferreira Aldunate escaped death.[137]
Although at least six U.S. citizens had been "disappeared" by the Argentine military by 1976, high-ranking state department officials including thenSecretary of State Henry Kissinger had secretly backed up Argentina's new military rulers.[138] After leaving the US government, Kissinger congratulated Argentina's military junta for combating the left, stating that in his opinion "the government of Argentina had done an outstanding job in wiping out terrorist forces".[139] The importance of his role was not known about untilThe Nation published in October 1987 an exposé written by Martin Edwin Andersen, aWashington Post andNewsweek special correspondent, Kissinger had secretly given the junta a "green light" for their state policies,[140] being theU.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA), founded in 1946 assigned the specific goal of teaching anti-communist counterinsurgency training, the place whereseveral Latin American dictators and generations of their military were educated instate terrorism tactics, including the uses oftorture in its curriculum.[141][142] In 2000/2001, the institute was renamed to WHINSEC.[143][144]: 233 [145] According to aCommand and General Foundation News issue, the current curriculum at WHINSEC is compatible with curriculum taught at U.S. military academies. WHINSEC faculty members travel toFort Leavenworth in Kansas throughout the year to remain up to date on curriculum changes. However, the school remains controversial due to its influence over affairs in Latin America and its education of Latin American state actors oncrimes against humanity within the military and law enforcement.[146]
In Buenos Aires,Robert C. Hill, a five-time conservativeRepublican ambassadorial appointee, worked behind the scenes to keep the Argentina military junta from engaging in massive human rights violations. Upon finding out that Kissinger had given the Argentine generals a "green light" for thestate terrorism of the junta in June 1976 while at an Organization of American States meeting in Santiago (at the Hotel Carrera, later made famous as the Hotel Cabrera in the filmMissing), Hill quietly scrambled to try to roll back the Kissinger decision. Hill did this although Kissinger aides told him that if he continued, Kissinger would likely have him fired. During that meeting with Argentine foreign ministerCésar Augusto Guzzetti, Kissinger assured him that the United States was an ally.
In October 1987,The Nation noted: "'Hill was shaken, he became very disturbed, by the case of the son of a thirty-year embassy employee, a student who was arrested, never to be seen again,' recalled formerNew York Times reporter Juan de Onis. 'Hill took a personal interest.' He went to the Interior Minister, an army general with whom he had worked on drug cases, saying, 'Hey, what about this? We're interested in this case.' He buttonholed (Foreign Minister Cesar) Guzzetti and, finally, President Jorge R. Videla himself. 'All he got was stonewalling; he got nowhere.' de Onis said. 'His last year was marked by increasing disillusionment and dismay, and he backed his staff on human rights right to the hilt." "It sickened me," said Patricia Derian, the Mississippi civil rights crusader who became President Jimmy Carter's State Department point person on human rights, after Hill reported to her Kissinger's real role, "that with an imperial wave of his hand, an American could sentence people to death on the basis of a cheap whim. As time went on I saw Kissinger's footprints in a lot of countries. It was the repression of a democratic ideal".[147][148][149][150][151]
In 1978, former secretary Kissinger was feted by the "dirty war" generals as a much touted guest of honour at the World Cup soccer matches held in Argentina. In a letter toThe Nation editorVictor Navasky, protesting publication of the 1987 article, Kissinger claimed: "At any rate, the notion of Hill as a passionate human rights advocate is news to all his former associates". Ironically, Kissinger's posthumous lampooning of Hill (who had died in 1978) as human rights advocate was later shown to be false by none other than once and future Kissinger aide Henry Shlaudeman, later ambassador to Buenos Aires, who toldWilliam E. Knight, an oral historian working for theAssociation for Diplomatic Studies and Training (ADST) Foreign Affairs Oral History Project:
It really came to a head when I was Assistant Secretary, or it began to come to a head, in the case of Argentina where the dirty war was in full flower. Bob Hill, who was Ambassador then in Buenos Aires, a very conservative Republican politician – by no means liberal or anything of the kind, began to report quite effectively about what was going on, this slaughter of innocent civilians.He, at one time in fact, sent me a back-channel telegram saying that the Foreign Minister, who had just come for a visit to Washington and had returned to Buenos Aires, had gloated to him that Kissinger had said nothing to him about human rights. I don't know – I wasn't present at the interview.[152]
State Department documents obtained in 2003 during theGeorge W. Bush administration by theNational Security Archive under theFreedom of Information Act show that in October 1976 Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and other high-ranking U.S. officials gave their full support to the Argentine military junta and urged them to hurry up and finish their actions before the Congress cut military aid.[138] On 5 October 1976, Kissinger met with Argentina's Foreign Minister and stated:
Look, our basic attitude is that we would like you to succeed. I have an old-fashioned view that friends ought to be supported. What is not understood in the United States is that you have a civil war. We read about human rights problems but not the context. The quicker you succeed the better. [...] The human rights problem is a growing one. Your Ambassador can apprise you. We want a stable situation. We won't cause you unnecessary difficulties. If you can finish before Congress gets back, the better. Whatever freedoms you could restore would help.[138]
The United States was also a key provider of economic and military assistance to the Videla regime during the earliest and most intense phase of the repression. In early April 1976, the Congress approved a request by theFord administration, written and supported by Henry Kissinger, to grant $50,000,000 in security assistance to the junta.[19] At the end of 1976, Congress granted an additional $30,000,000 in military aid and recommendations by the Ford administration to increase military aid to $63,500,000 the following year were also considered by Congress.[154] U.S. assistance, training and military sales to the Videla regime continued under the successiveCarter administration up until at least 30 September 1978 when military aid was officially called to a stop within section 502B of the Foreign Assistance Act.[citation needed]
In 1977 and 1978, the United States sold more than $120,000,000 in military spare parts to Argentina and in 1977 the Department of Defense was granted $700,000 to train 217 Argentine military officers.[155] By the time theInternational Military Education and Training (IMET) program was suspended to Argentina in 1978, total U.S. training costs for Argentine military personnel since 1976 totalled $1,115,000. TheReagan administration, whose first term began in 1981, asserted that the previous Carter administration had weakened U.S. diplomatic relationships withCold War allies in Argentina and reversed the previous administration's official condemnation of the junta's human rights practices. The re-establishment of diplomatic ties allowed forCIA collaboration with the Argentine intelligence service in training and arming the NicaraguanContras against theSandinista government. The601 Intelligence Battalion, for example, trained Contras atLepaterique base in Honduras.[156]
U.S. corporations such asFord Motor Company andCitibank also collaborated with the junta in the repression and disappearance of workers active in unions.[157]
Investigating French military influence in Argentina, French journalistMarie-Monique Robin found in 2003 the original document proving that a 1959 agreement between Paris and Buenos Aires initiated a "permanent French military mission" in Argentina and reported on it (she found the document in the archives of theQuai d'Orsay, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs). The mission was formed of veterans who had fought in theAlgerian War and it was assigned to the offices of the chief of staff of theArgentine Armed Forces. It was continued until 1981, date of the election ofsocialistFrançois Mitterrand.[158]
After release of her documentary filmEscadrons de la mort, l'école française in 2003 which explored the French connection with South American nations, Robin said in an interview withL'Humanité newspaper: "French have systematized a military technique in urban environment which would be copied and pasted to Latin American dictatorships".[159] She noted that the French military had systematised the methods they used to suppress the insurgency during the 1957Battle of Algiers and exported them to the War School in Buenos Aires.[158]Roger Trinquier's famous book oncounter-insurgency had a very strong influence in South America. In addition, Robin said she was shocked to learn that theDST French intelligence agency gave DINA the names of refugees who returned to Chile (Operation Retorno) from France during their counterinsurgency. All of these Chileans have been killed: "Of course, this puts in cause [sic – this makes responsible] the French government, andGiscard d'Estaing, then President of the Republic. I was very shocked by the duplicity of the French diplomatic position which, on one hand, received with open arms the political refugees, and, on the other hand, collaborated with the dictatorships".[159]
On 10 September 2003, Green members of parliamentNoël Mamère,Martine Billard andYves Cochet filed a request to form a Parliamentary Commission to examine the "role of France in the support of military regimes in Latin America from 1973 to 1984" before the Foreign Affairs Commission of the National Assembly, presided byEdouard Balladur (UMP). Apart fromLe Monde, French newspapers did not report this request.[160] UMP deputyRoland Blum, in charge of the commission, refused to let Marie-Monique Robin testify on this topic. The Commission in December 2003 published a 12-page report claiming that the French had never signed a military agreement with Argentina.[161][162]
When Minister of Foreign AffairsDominique de Villepin travelled to Chile in February 2003, he claimed that no co-operation between France and the military regimes had occurred.[163] People in Argentina were outraged when they saw the 2003 film, which included three generals defending their actions during the Dirty War. Due to public pressure, PresidentNéstor Kirchner ordered the military to bring charges against the three for justifying the crimes of the dictatorship. They wereAlbano Hargindeguy,Reynaldo Bignone andRamón Genaro Díaz Bessone.[164]
The next year, Robin published her book under the same titleEscadrons de la mort: l'école française (Death Squads: The French School, 2004), revealing more material. She showed howValéry Giscard d'Estaing's government secretly collaborated withVidela's junta in Argentina and withAugusto Pinochet's regime in Chile.[165][166] Alcides Lopez Aufranc was among the first Argentine officers to go in 1957 to Paris to study for two years at theEcole de Guerre military school, two years before theCuban Revolution and when no Argentine guerrillas existed:[158]
In practice, declared Robin toPágina/12, the arrival of the French in Argentina led to a massive extension of intelligence services and of the use oftorture as the primary weapon of the anti-subversive war in the concept of modern warfare.[158]
The annihilation decrees signed byIsabel Perón had been inspired by French texts. During the Battle of Algiers, the police forces were put under the authority of the Army. 30,000 persons were "disappeared". In Algeria.Reynaldo Bignone, named President of the Argentine junta in July 1982, said in Robin's film: "The March 1976 order of battle is a copy of the Algerian battle".[158] The same statements were made by GeneralsAlbano Harguindeguy, Videla's Interior Minister; and Diaz Bessone, former Minister of Planification and ideologue of the junta.[167] The French military would transmit to their Argentine counterparts the notion of an "internal enemy" and the use of torture, death squads andquadrillages (grids).[citation needed]
Marie-Monique Robin also demonstrated that since the 1930s, there had been ties between the French far-right and Argentina, in particular through theCatholic fundamentalist organisationCité catholique, created byJean Ousset, a former secretary ofCharles Maurras, the founder of the royalistAction Française movement.La Cité edited a review,Le Verbe, which influenced militaries during the Algerian War, notably by justifying the use of torture. At the end of the 1950s, theCité catholique founded groups in Argentina and organised cells in the Army. It greatly expanded during the government of GeneralJuan Carlos Onganía, in particular in 1969.[158] The key figure of theCité catholique in Argentina was priest Georges Grasset, who became Videla's personal confessor. He had been the spiritual guide of theOrganisation armée secrète (OAS), the pro-French Algeria terrorist movement founded inFranquist Spain.[citation needed]
Robin believes that this Catholic fundamentalist current in the Argentine Army contributed to the importance and length of the French-Argentine co-operation. In Buenos Aires, Georges Grasset maintained links with ArchbishopMarcel Lefebvre, founder ofSociety of St. Pius X in 1970, who was excommunicated in 1988. The Society of Pius-X has four monasteries in Argentina, the largest one in La Reja. A French priest from there said to Marie-Monique Robin: "To save the soul of a Communist priest, one must kill him." Luis Roldan, former Secretary of Cult underCarlos Menem, President of Argentina from 1989 to 1999, was presented by Dominique Lagneau, the priest in charge of the monastery, to Robin as "Mr. Cité catholique in Argentina".Bruno Genta and Juan Carlos Goyeneche represent this ideology.[158]
Antonio Caggiano, archbishop of Buenos Aires from 1959 to 1975, wrote a prologue to Jean Ousset's 1961 Spanish version ofLe Marxisme-léninisme. Caggiano said that "Marxism is the negation of Christ and his Church" and referred to a Marxist conspiracy to take over the world, for which it was necessary to "prepare for the decisive battle".[168]
Argentine AdmiralLuis María Mendía, who had started the practice of "death flights", testified in January 2007 before Argentine judges, that a French intelligence agent, Bertrand de Perseval, had participated in the abduction of the two French nuns,Léonie Duquet and Alice Domont. Perseval, who lives today in Thailand, denied any links with the abduction. He has admitted being a former member of theOAS and having escaped from Algeria after the March 1962Évian Accords put an end to theAlgerian War (1954–1962).[citation needed]
During the 2007 hearings, Luis María Mendía referred to material presented in Robin's documentary, titledThe Death Squads – the French School (2003). He asked the Argentine Court to call numerous French officials to testify to their actions: former French PresidentValéry Giscard d'Estaing, former French PremierPierre Messmer, former French ambassador to Buenos Aires Françoise de la Gosse, and all officials in place in the French embassy in Buenos Aires between 1976 and 1983.[169] Besides this "French connection", María Mendía also charged former head of stateIsabel Perón and former ministersCarlos Ruckauf andAntonio Cafiero, who had signed the "anti-subversion decrees" before Videla's 1976 coup. According to Graciela Dalo, a survivor of theESMA interrogations, Mendía was trying to establish that these crimes were legitimate, as the 1987Obediencia Debida Act claimed them to be and further that the ESMA actions had been committed under Isabel Perón's "anti-subversion decrees" (which would give them a formal appearance of legality, although torture is forbidden by the Argentine Constitution).[170]Alfredo Astiz also referred to the "French connexion" when testifying in court.[171]
The junta relinquished power in 1983. After democratic elections, President electRaúl Alfonsín created theNational Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP) in December 1983, led by writerErnesto Sábato, to collect evidence of Dirty War crimes. The gruesome details, including documentation of the disappearance of nearly 9,000 people identified by name, shocked the world. Jorge Rafael Videla, head of the junta, was among the generals convicted of human rights crimes, including forced disappearances, torture, murders and kidnappings. President Alfonsín ordered that the nine members of the military junta be judicially charged during the 1985Trial of the Juntas. As of 2010[update], most of the military officials were in trial or jail. In 1985, Videla was sentenced to life imprisonment at the military prison of Magdalena. Several senior officers also received jail terms. In the Prologue to theNunca Más report ("Never Again"), Ernesto Sábato wrote:
From the moment of their abduction, the victims lost all rights. Deprived of all communication with the outside world, held in unknown places, subjected to barbaric torture, kept ignorant of their immediate or ultimate fate, they risked being either thrown into a river or the sea, weighted down with blocks of cement, or burned to ashes. They were not mere objects, however, and still possessed all the human attributes: they could feel pain, could remember a mother, child or spouse, could feel infinite shame at being raped in public.[94]
Reacting to the human rights trials, hardliners in the Argentine army staged a series of uprisings against the Alfonsín government. They barricaded themselves in several military barracks, demanding an end to the trials. During Holy Week (Semana Santa) in April 1987, Lieutenant ColonelAldo Rico (commander of the 18th Infantry Regiment in Misiones province) and several junior army officers barricaded themselves in the Campo de Mayo army barracks. The military rebels, called thecarapintadas, demanded an end to the trials and the resignation of army chief of staff GeneralHéctor Ríos Ereñú. Rico believed that the Alfonsin government would be unwilling or unable to put down the uprising. He was partially correct in that the Second Army Corps commander's orders to surround the barracks were ignored by his subordinates. Alfonsin called on the people to come to the Plaza de Mayo to defend democracy; hundreds of thousands answered his call.[citation needed]
After a helicopter visit by Alfonsin to Campo de Mayo, the rebels finally surrendered. There were denials of a deal, but several generals were forced into early retirement and General Jose Dante Caridi soon replaced Erenu as commander of the army. In January 1988, a second military rebellion took place when Rico refused to accept the detention orders issued by a military court for having led the previous uprising. This time he barricaded himself in the 4th Infantry Regiment in Monte Caseros and rejected Caridi's calls to turn himself in. Rico again demanded an end to the human rights trials, saying Alfonsin's promises to the rebels had not been fulfilled. Caridi ordered several army units to suppress the rebellion. Their advance to the Monte Caseros barracks was slowed by rain and reports that rebel soldiers had laid mines which had wounded three loyal officers. Nevertheless, Rico's forces were defeated after a three-hour battle. They surrendered on 17 January 1988, and 300 rebels were arrested and sentenced to prison terms.[citation needed]
A third uprising took place in December 1988. This time the uprising was led by Lieutenant-ColonelMohammed Alí Seineldín and supported by 1,000 rebel troops. This uprising proved successful. Several of Seineldín's and his followers' demands were agreed to. Caridi was forced into retirement and replaced by General Francisco Gassino, who had served in theFalklands War and was held in high esteem by the carapintadas. On 5 October 1989, as part of sweeping reforms, newly elected PresidentCarlos Menempardoned those convicted in the human right trials and the rebel leaders imprisoned for taking part in the military uprisings.[172]
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Foreign governments whose citizens were victims of the Dirty War (which included citizens ofCzechoslovakia,[173] Italy,[174] Sweden,[175] Finland,[176] Spain,[177] Germany,[178] the United States,[179] the United Kingdom,[180]Paraguay,[181]Bolivia,[182] Chile,[177]Uruguay,[177]Peru[183] and several other nations) are pressing individual cases against the former military regime. France has sought the extradition of CaptainAlfredo Astiz for the kidnapping and murder of its nationals, among them nunsLéonie Duquet andAlice Domon.[citation needed]
On 23 January 1989, an armed group of around 40 guerrillas, a faction of theMovimiento Todos por la Patria (MTP or All for the Fatherland Movement), attacked the La Tablada army barracks on the outskirts of Buenos Aires to "prevent" a military coup. The attack resulted in 28 of the guerrillas killed, five "disappeared" and 13 imprisoned. Eleven police and military died, and 53 were wounded in the fighting. The guerrillas claimed to have acted to prevent a military coup.[184] Among the dead at La Tablada was Jorge Baños, a human rights lawyer who had joined the guerrillas. The MTP attack to prevent a military coup has been suspected to be led by infiltrated Intelligence military service.[185]
In 2002,Máxima, daughter ofJorge Zorreguieta, a civilian cabinet minister of Argentina during the early phase of the Dictatorship, marriedWillem-Alexander, crown prince of the Netherlands. All of the Netherlands had wrestled in controversy over her suitability, but ultimately the marriage took place without the presence of her parents. Máxima thus became Queen when her husband ascended to the throne in 2013. In August 2016, Argentine PresidentMauricio Macri was widely condemned by human rights group for calling into question the number of 30,000 disappeared and for referring to the period as a "Dirty War".[186]
During the Argentine Bicentennial Independence Celebrations (on 9 July 2016), former ColonelCarlos Carrizo Salvadores drew criticism from the left for leading the march of Falklands War veterans and Veterans of Operation Independence, the counterinsurgency campaign in Northern Argentina. Carrizo Salvadores had been sentenced to life imprisonment in 2013 for his part as a paratrooper captain in the so-called Rosario Chapel massacre in Catamarca Province but was acquitted under the new government of Mauricio Macri.[187]
In 2016, a group of Argentinian-Israelis origin filed afreedom of information request to demand theIsraeli government release all documents on military and diplomatic ties between Israel and the junta since it is believed that Israel supported the military dictatorship.[188][189]
On 16 November 2023, it was revealed that Luis Kyburg, a former Argentinean naval officer who was believed to have killed at least 150 people during the Dirty War, died in Berlin.[190][191] He had been living in Berlin since 2013 and his death, which was revealed to have happened in October, came three weeks before he was scheduled to face trial for 23 of the murders he was accused of committed during the Dirty War.[190][191]
UnderNéstor Kirchner's term as president in 2003, the Argentine Congress revoked the longstanding amnesty laws, also called the Pardon Laws. In 2005, the Argentine Supreme Court ruled these laws were unconstitutional.[192] The government re-opened prosecution of war crimes. From then through October 2011, 259 persons were convicted forcrimes against humanity andgenocide and sentenced in Argentine courts, includingAlfredo Astiz, a notorious torturer, that month.[193]
In 2006, 24 March was designated as apublic holiday in Argentina, theDay of Remembrance for Truth and Justice. That year on the 30th anniversary of the coup, a huge crowd filled the streets to remember what happened during the military government and ensure it did not happen again.[194]
In 2006, the government began its first trials of military and security officers since the repeal of the "Pardon Laws".Miguel Etchecolatz, the police commissioner of the province of Buenos Aires in the 1970s, faced trial on charges of illegal detention, torture and homicide. He was found guilty of six counts of murder, six counts of unlawful imprisonment and seven counts of torture and sentenced in September 2006 to life imprisonment.[195]
In February 2006, some formerFord Argentine workers sued the U.S.-based company, alleging that local managers worked with the security forces to detain union members on the premises and torture them. The civil suit against Ford Motor Company and Ford Argentina called for four former company executives and a retired military officer to be questioned.[196] According to Pedro Norberto Troiani, one of the plaintiffs, 25 employees were detained in the plant, located 40 miles (60 km) from Buenos Aires. Allegations have surfaced since 1998 that Ford officials were involved in state repression, but the company has denied the claims. Army personnel were reported to have arrived at the plant on the day of the military coup on 24 March 1976 and "disappearances" immediately started.[196]
On 14 December 2007, some 200 men who were at military service during the dictatorship demanded an audience with the governor of Tucumán Province, claiming they too were victims of the Junta as they had no choice and suffered hunger, abandonment, physical and psychological injuries, demanding a military pension.[197]
In February 2010, a German court issued an international arrest warrant for former dictatorJorge Videla in connection with the death of 20-year-oldRolf Stawowiok in Argentina. He was a German citizen born in Argentina while his father was doing development work there. Rolf Stawowiok disappeared on 21 February 1978.[198] In earlier cases, France, Italy and Spain had requestedextradition of the Navy captainAlfredo Astiz for war crimes related to his work withESMA but were never successful.[193]
In 1977, General Albano Harguindeguy, Interior Minister, admitted that 5,618 people disappeared in the form of PENdetenidos-desaparecidos were being held in detention camps throughout Argentina.[199] According to a secret cable fromDINA (Chilean secret police) in Buenos Aires, an estimate by the Argentine 601st Intelligence Battalion in mid-July 1978, which started counting victims in 1975, gave the figure of 22,000 persons – this document was first published byJohn Dinges in 2004.[19]
On 15 April 2005, a human rights lawyer filed a criminal complaint against Cardinal Jorge Bergoglio (Pope Francis), accusing him of conspiring with the junta in 1976 to kidnap twoJesuit priests. So far, no hard evidence has been presented linking the cardinal to this crime. It is known that the cardinal headed the Society of Jesus of Argentina in 1976 and had asked the two priests to leave their pastoral work following conflict within the Society over how to respond to the new military dictatorship, with some priests advocating a violent overthrow. The cardinal's spokesman flatly denied the allegations.[200]
It has since been revealed that Cardinal Bergoglio made efforts behind the scenes to save and evacuate suspected dissidents who face persecution by the Argentine military Junta when he was the head of the Jesuits.[201] It is estimated that during his time as the head of the Jesuits Bergoglio saved the lives of over 1000 dissidents.[202] The Mothers of the Plaza De Mayo, initially harsh critics of Bergoglio, would end up reconciling with him when he became Pope, with Hebe Bonafini their leader saying he is "with the people".[203]
A priest,Christian von Wernich, was chaplain of theBuenos Aires Provincial Police while it was under the command of GeneralRamón Camps during the dictatorship, with the rank of inspector. On 9 October 2007, he was found guilty of complicity in 7 homicides, 42 kidnappings and 32 instances of torture and sentenced tolife imprisonment.[204]
Some Catholic priests sympathised with and helped the Montoneros. Radical priests, including Father Alberto Carbone, who was eventually indicted in the murder of Aramburu, preached Marxism and presented the early Church fathers as model revolutionaries in an attempt to legitimise the violence.[205] A Catholic youth leader, Juan Ignacio Isla Casares, with the help of the Montoneros commander Eduardo Pereira Rossi (nom de guerre "El Carlón") was the mastermind behind the ambush and killing of five policemen near San Isidro Cathedral on 26 October 1975.[206]
Mario Firmenich, who later became the leader of the Montoneros, was the ex-president of the Catholic Action Youth Group and a former seminarian himself.[207] The Montoneros had ties with theMovement of Priests for the Third World and a Jesuit priest,Carlos Mugica.[208]
According to its front page,The United States Declassification Project on Argentina "represents a historic effort by United States government departments and agencies to identify, review, and provide public access to records that shed light on human rights abuses in Argentina between 1975 and 1984".[209] The project was announced by PresidentBarack Obama in 2016 after a request from Argentine PresidentMauricio Macri and human rights groups on the 40th anniversary of the 1976 military coup in Argentina. The documents were released in three tranches, in August 2016, December 2016 and April 2019. Gastón Chillier, of the Cels human rights group said "There are documents from six or seven different US intelligence agencies. We're hopeful there may be information there that could help in the continuing trials against human rights offenders from the period". Contained within the documents are descriptions of the methods used by the Argentine dictatorship to kill its victims and dispose of their bodies.[210] In addition, during his 2016 visit to Argentina, President Obama said that the United States "was too slow" to condemn human rights atrocities during the military junta years but stopped short of apologising for Washington's early support for the military government.[211]
Durante la vigencia del estado de sitio entre noviembre de 1974 y octubre de 1983, los organismos de derechos humanos denunciaron la existencia de 12 mil presos politicos legales en las distintas cárceles de 'maxima seguridad' a lo largo de todo el territorio de Argentina.
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