Adialect continuum ordialect chain is a series oflanguage varieties spoken across some geographical area such that neighboring varieties aremutually intelligible, but the differences accumulate over distance so that widely separated varieties may not be.[1] This is a typical occurrence with widely spread languages and language families around the world, when these languages did not spread recently. Some prominent examples include theIndo-Aryan languages across large parts ofIndia,varieties of Arabic across north Africa and southwest Asia, theTurkic languages, thevarieties of Chinese, and parts of theRomance,Germanic andSlavic families in Europe. Terms used in older literature includedialect area (Leonard Bloomfield)[2] andL-complex (Charles F. Hockett).[3]
Dialect continua typically occur in long-settled agrarian populations, as innovations spread from their various points of origin aswaves. In this situation, hierarchical classifications of varieties are impractical. Instead,dialectologists map variation of various language features across a dialect continuum, drawing lines calledisoglosses between areas that differ with respect to some feature.[4]
A variety within a dialect continuum may be developed and codified as astandard language, and then serve as an authority for part of the continuum, e.g. within a particular political unit or geographical area.Since the early 20th century, the increasing dominance ofnation-states and their standard languages has been steadily eliminating the nonstandard dialects that comprise dialect continua, making the boundaries ever more abrupt and well-defined.
Dialectologists record variation across a dialect continuum using maps of various features collected in alinguistic atlas, beginning with an atlas ofGerman dialects byGeorg Wenker (from 1888), based on a postal survey of schoolmasters. The influentialAtlas linguistique de la France (1902–10) pioneered the use of a trained fieldworker.[5] These atlases typically consist ofdisplay maps, each showing local forms of a particular item at the survey locations.[6]
Secondary studies may includeinterpretive maps, showing the areal distribution of various variants.[6] A common tool in these maps is anisogloss, a line separating areas where different variants of a particular feature predominate.[7]
In a dialect continuum, isoglosses for different features are typically spread out, reflecting the gradual transition between varieties.[8] A bundle of coinciding isoglosses indicates a stronger dialect boundary, as might occur at geographical obstacles or long-standing political boundaries.[9] In other cases, intersecting isoglosses and more complex patterns are found.[10]
Local dialects of the West Germanic continuum are oriented towards either Standard Dutch or Standard German, depending on which side of the international border they are spoken.[11]
Standard varieties may be developed and codified at one or more locations in a continuum until they have independent cultural status (autonomy), a process theGerman linguistHeinz Kloss calledausbau. Speakers of local varieties typically read and write a related standard variety, use it for official purposes, hear it on radio and television, and consider it the standard form of their speech, so that any standardizing changes in their speech are towards that variety. In such cases the local variety is said to be dependent on, or heteronomous with respect to, the standard variety.[12]
A standard variety together with its dependent varieties is commonly considered a "language", with the dependent varieties called "dialects" of the language, even if the standard is mutually intelligible with another standard from the same continuum.[13][14] TheScandinavian languages,Danish,Norwegian andSwedish, are often cited as examples.[15] Conversely, a language defined in this way may include local varieties that are mutually unintelligible, such as theGerman dialects.[16]
The choice of standard is often determined by a political boundary, which may cut across a dialect continuum.As a result, speakers on either side of the boundary may use almost identical varieties, but treat them as dependent on different standards, and thus part of different "languages".[17]The various local dialects then tend to be leveled towards their respective standard varieties, disrupting the previous dialect continuum.[18]Examples include the boundaries betweenDutch andGerman, betweenCzech,Slovak andPolish, and betweenBelarusian andUkrainian.[19][20]
The choice may be a matter of national, regional or religious identity, and may be controversial.Examples of controversies are regions such as the disputed territory ofKashmir, in which localMuslims usually regard their language asUrdu, the national standard ofPakistan, whileHindus regard the same speech asHindi, an official standard ofIndia. Even so, theEighth Schedule to the Indian Constitution containsa list of 22 scheduled languages and Urdu is among them.
During the time of the formerSocialist Republic of Macedonia, a standard was developed from local varieties ofEastern South Slavic, within a continuum withTorlakian to the north andBulgarian to the east. The standard was based on varieties that were most different from standard Bulgarian. Now known asMacedonian, it is the national standard ofNorth Macedonia, but viewed by Bulgarians as a dialect of Bulgarian.[21]
Major dialect continua in Europe in the mid-20th century[22][a]
Europe provides several examples of dialect continua, the largest of which involve theGermanic,Romance andSlavic branches of theIndo-European language family, the continent's largest language branches.
The Romance area spanned much of the territory of theRoman Empire but was split into western and eastern portions by theSlav Migrations into the Balkans in the 7th and 8th centuries.
TheNorwegian,Danish andSwedish dialects comprise a classic example of a dialect continuum, encompassing Norway, Denmark, Sweden and coastal parts of Finland. The Continental North Germanic standard languages (Norwegian,Danish andSwedish) are close enough and intelligible enough for some speakers to consider them to be dialects of the same language, but the Insular ones (Faroese andIcelandic) are not immediately intelligible to the other North Germanic speakers.
Historically, theDutch,Frisian,Low Saxon andHigh German dialects formed a canonical dialect continuum, which has been gradually falling apart since theLate Middle Ages due to the pressures of modern education, standard languages, migration and weakening knowledge of the dialects.[27]
The transition from German dialects to Dutch variants followed two basic routes:
FromCentral German to Southeastern Dutch (Limburgish) in the so-calledRhenish fan, an area corresponding largely to the modernNiederrhein in which gradual but geographically compact changes took place.[28]
From Low Saxon[b] to Northwestern Dutch (Hollandic): This sub-continuum also includedWest Frisian dialects up until the 17th century, but faced external pressure fromStandard Dutch and, after the collapse of theHanseatic League, fromStandard German which greatly influenced the vocabularies of these border dialects.[27]
Although the internal dialect continua of both Dutch and German remain largely intact, the broader continuum that once connected Dutch, Frisian, and German has largely disintegrated. Fragmentary areas of the Dutch-German border in which language change is more gradual than in other sections or a higher degree ofmutual intelligibility is present still exist, such as theAachen-Kerkrade area, but the historical chain in which dialects were only divided by minor isoglosses and negligible differences in vocabulary has seen a rapid and ever-increasing decline since the 1850s.[27]
Standard Dutch was based on the dialects of the principalBrabantic andHollandic cities. The written form ofStandard German originated in theEast Central German used at thechancery of thekingdom of Saxony, while the spoken form emerged later, based on North German pronunciations of the written standard.[29] Being based on widely separated dialects, the Dutch and German standards do not show a high degree ofmutual intelligibility when spoken and only partially so when written. One study concluded that, when concerning written language, Dutch speakers could translate 50.2% of the provided German words correctly, while the German subjects were able to translate 41.9% of the Dutch equivalents correctly. In terms of orthography, 22% of the vocabulary of Dutch and German is identical or near-identical.[30][31]
Focusing instead on the local Romance lects that pre-existed the establishment of national or regional standard languages, all evidence and principles point toRomania continua as having been, and to varying extents in some areas still being, whatCharles Hockett called an L-complex, i.e. an unbroken chain of local differentiation such that, in principle and with appropriate caveats, intelligibility (due to sharing of features) attenuates with distance. This is perhaps most evident today in Italy, where, especially in rural and small-town contexts, local Romance is still often employed at home and work, and geolinguistic distinctions are such that while native speakers from any two nearby towns can understand each other with ease, they can also spot from linguistic features that the other is from elsewhere.
In recent centuries, the intermediate dialects between the major Romance languages have been moving towardextinction, as their speakers have switched to varieties closer to the more prestigious national standards. That has been most notable in France,[citation needed] owing to the French government'srefusal to recognise minority languages,[32] but it has occurred to some extent in all Western Romance speaking countries. Language change has also threatened the survival of stateless languages with existing literary standards, such as Occitan.
The Romancelanguages of Italy are a less arguable example of a dialect continuum. For many decades since Italy's unification, the attitude of the French government towards the ethnolinguistic minorities was copied by the Italian government.[33][34]
The eastern Romance continuum is dominated byRomanian. Outside Romania and Moldova, across the other south-east European countries, various Romanian language groups are to be found: pockets of various Romanian and Aromanian subgroups survive throughoutBulgaria,Serbia,North Macedonia,Greece,Albania andCroatia (mostly inIstria).
Conventionally, on the basis of extralinguistic features (such as writing systems or the former western frontier of the Soviet Union), the North Slavic continuum is split into East and West Slavic continua. From the perspective of linguistic features alone, only two Slavic (dialect) continua can be distinguished, namely North and South,[35][36][37] separated from each other by a band of non-Slavic languages: Romanian, Hungarian and German.
The barrier betweenEast South Slavic andWest South Slavic is historical and natural, caused primarily by a one-time geographical distance between speakers. The two varieties started diverging early on (c. 11th century CE) and evolved separately ever since without major mutual influence, as evidenced by distinguishableOld Slavonic, while the western dialect of common Old Slavic was still spoken across the modern Serbo-Croatian area in the 12th and early 13th centuries. An intermediate dialect linking western and eastern variations inevitably came into existence over time –Torlakian – spoken across a wide radius on which the tripoint ofBulgaria,North Macedonia andSerbia is relatively pivotal.
The other major language family in Europe besides Indo-European are theUralic languages. TheSami languages, sometimes mistaken for a single language, are a dialect continuum, albeit with some disconnections like betweenNorth,Skolt andInari Sami. TheBaltic-Finnic languages spoken around theGulf of Finland form a dialect continuum. Thus, althoughFinnish andEstonian are considered as separate languages, there is no definite linguistic border or isogloss that separates them. This is now more difficult to recognize because many of the intervening languages have declined or become extinct.
Arabic is a standard case ofdiglossia.[53] The standard written language,Modern Standard Arabic, is based on theClassical Arabic of theQur'an, while themodern vernacular dialects (or languages) branched from ancient Arabic dialects, from North WesternAfrica throughEgypt,Sudan, and theFertile Crescent to theArabian Peninsula andIraq. The dialects use different analogues from the Arabic language inventory and have been influenced by different substrate and superstrate languages. Adjacent dialects are mutually understandable to a large extent, but those from distant regions are more difficult to understand.[54]
The difference between the written standard and the vernaculars is apparent also in the written language, and children have to be taught Modern Standard Arabic in school to be able to read it.
Allmodern Aramaic languages descend from a dialect continuum that historically existed through the Aramaization of the Levant (other than the original Aramaic-speaking parts) and Mesopotamia[55] and before the Islamicization of the Levant and Mesopotamia.Northeastern Neo-Aramaic, including distinct varieties spoken by both Jews and Christians, is a dialect continuum although greatly disrupted by population displacement during the twentieth century.[56][57][58]
TheArmenian language has two standardized forms:Western Armenian andEastern Armenian. Before theArmenian genocide and other significant demographic changes that affected theArmenians, several dozenArmenian dialects existed in the areas historically populated by them. The most notable overarching survey of the Armenian dialects is theClassification des dialectes arméniens (Classification of Armenian dialects), a 1909 book by the Armenian linguistHrachia Acharian, published in Paris.[59] It is Acharian's translation into French of his original workHay Barbaṙagitutʿiwn ("Armenian Dialectology") that was later published as a book in 1911 in Moscow and New Nakhichevan. The French translation lacks dialectal examples. An English translation was published in 2024.[60] Acharian surveyed the Armenian dialects in what is nowTurkey,Armenia,Georgia,Iran,Azerbaijan and other countries settled byArmenians. After theArmenian genocide, linguistsGevorg Jahukyan, Jos Weitenberg,Bert Vaux andHrach Martirosyan have extended the understanding of Armenian dialects.
The varieties of thePersian language, includingTajiki andDari, form a dialect continuum. The divergence of Tajik was accelerated by the shift from the Perso-Arabic alphabet to a Cyrillic one under Soviet rule. Western dialects of Persian show greater influence from Arabic and Oghuz Turkic languages,[citation needed] but Dari and Tajik tend to preserve many classical features in grammar and vocabulary.[citation needed] Also theTat language, a dialect of Persian, is spoken in Azerbaijan.
The Turkic continuum makes internal genetic classification of the languages problematic.Chuvash, Khalaj andYakut are generally classified as significantly distinct, but the remainingTurkic languages are quite similar, with a high degree of mutual intelligibility between not only geographically adjacent varieties but also among some varieties some distance apart.[citation needed] Structurally, the Turkic languages are very close to one another, and they share basic features such asSOV word order,vowel harmony (except theKarluk sub-branch and Khalaj)[62][63] andagglutination.[64]
Chinese consists of hundreds of mutually unintelligiblelocal varieties.[65][66]The differences are similar to those within theRomance languages, which are similarly descended from a language spread by imperial expansion oversubstrate languages 2000 years ago.[67]Unlike Europe, however, Chinese political unity was restored in the late 6th century and has persisted (with interludes of division) until the present day.There are no equivalents of the local standard literary languages that developed in the numerous independent states of Europe.[68]
Chinese dialectologists have divided the local varieties into a number of dialect groups, largely based on phonological developments in comparison withMiddle Chinese.[69]Most of these groups are found in the rugged terrain of the southeast, reflecting the greater variation in this area, particularly inFujian.[70][71]Each of these groups contains numerous mutually unintelligible varieties.[65]Moreover, in many cases the transitions between groups are smooth, as a result of centuries of interaction and multilingualism.[72]
The boundaries between the northernMandarin area and the central groups,Wu,Gan andXiang, are particularly weak, due to the steady flow of northern features into these areas.[73][74]Transitional varieties between the Wu, Gan and Mandarin groups have been variously classified, with some scholars assigning them to a separateHui group.[75][76]The boundaries between Gan,Hakka andMin are similarly indistinct.[77][78]Pinghua andYue form a dialect continuum (excluding urban enclaves ofCantonese).[79]There are sharper boundaries resulting from more recent expansion between Hakka and Yue, and betweenSouthwestern Mandarin and Yue, but even here there has been considerable convergence in contact areas.[80]
Cree is a group of closely relatedAlgonquian languages that are distributed fromAlberta toLabrador inCanada. They form the Cree–Montagnais–Naskapi dialect continuum, with around 117,410 speakers. The languages can be roughly classified into nine groups, from west to east:
Various Cree languages are used as languages of instruction and taught as subjects: Plains Cree, Eastern Cree, Montagnais, etc. Mutual intelligibility between some dialects can be low. There is no accepted standard dialect.[81][82][83]
Unlike the Cree–Montagnais–Naskapi dialect continuum, with distinct n/y/l/r/ð dialect characteristics and noticeable west–east k/č(ch) axis, the Ojibwe continuum is marked withvowel syncope along the west–east axis and ∅/n along the north–south axis.
^Carpathian Ruthenia is mistakenly excluded from North Slavic on the map, even thoughRusyn, an East Slavic dialect group on the transition to West Slavic, is spoken there.
^In this context, "A group of related dialects ofLow German, spoken in northern Germany and parts of the Netherlands, formerly also in Denmark." (Definition fromWiktionary)
^Woolhiser, Curt (2011). "Border effects in European dialect continua: dialect divergence and convergence". In Kortmann, Bernd; van der Auwera, Johan (eds.).The Languages and Linguistics of Europe: A Comprehensive Guide. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 501–523.ISBN978-3-11-022025-4. p. 501.
^Trudgill, Peter (1992). "Ausbau sociolinguistics and the perception of language status in contemporary Europe".International Journal of Applied Linguistics.2 (2):167–177.doi:10.1111/j.1473-4192.1992.tb00031.x. pp. 173–174.
^W. Heeringa:Measuring Dialect Pronunciation Differences using Levenshtein Distance. University of Groningen, 2009, pp. 232–234.
^Peter Wiesinger:Die Einteilung der deutschen Dialekte. In: Werner Besch, Ulrich Knoop, Wolfgang Putschke, Herbert Ernst Wiegand (Hrsg.):Dialektologie. Ein Handbuch zur deutschen und allgemeinen Dialektforschung, 2. Halbband. de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 1983, ISBN 3-11-009571-8, pp. 807–900.
^Werner König:dtv-Atlas Deutsche Sprache. 19. Auflage. dtv, München 2019,ISBN978-3-423-03025-0, pp. 230.
^C. Giesbers:Dialecten op de grens van twee talen. Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen, 2008, pp. 233.
^abcNiebaum, Herman (2008). "Het Oostnederlandse taallandschap tot het begin van de 19de eeuw". In Van der Kooij, Jurgen (ed.).Handboek Nedersaksische taal- en letterkunde. Van Gorcum. pp. 52–64.ISBN978-90-232-4329-8. p. 54.
^Henriksen, Carol; van der Auwera, Johan (1994). König, Ekkehard; van der Auwera, Johan (eds.).The Germanic Languages. Routledge. pp. 1–18.ISBN978-0-415-05768-4. p. 11.
^Peter Trudgill. 2003.A Glossary of Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 36, 95-96, 124-125.
^[1]Tomasz Kamusella. 2017. Map A4, Dialect Continua in Central Europe, 1910 (p 94) and Map A5, Dialect Continua in Central Europe, 2009 (p 95). In: Tomasz Kamusella, Motoki Nomachi, and Catherine Gibson, eds. 2017.Central Europe Through the Lens of Language and Politics: On the Sample Maps from the Atlas of Language Politics in Modern Central Europe (Ser: Slavic Eurasia Papers, Vol 10). Sapporo, Japan: Slavic-Eurasian Research Center, Hokkaido University.
^Crystal, David (1998) [1st pub. 1987].The Cambridge encyclopedia of language. Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 25.OCLC300458429.
^Friedman, Victor (1999).Linguistic emblems and emblematic languages: on language as flag in the Balkans. Kenneth E. Naylor memorial lecture series in South Slavic linguistics; vol. 1. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University, Dept. of Slavic and East European Languages and Literatures. p. 8.OCLC46734277.
^Alexander, Ronelle (2000).In honor of diversity: the linguistic resources of the Balkans. Kenneth E. Naylor memorial lecture series in South Slavic linguistics; vol. 2. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University, Dept. of Slavic and East European Languages and Literatures. p. 4.OCLC47186443.
^Kristophson, Jürgen (2000). "Vom Widersinn der Dialektologie: Gedanken zum Štokavischen" [Nonsense of Dialectology: Thoughts on Shtokavian].Zeitschrift für Balkanologie (in German).36 (2): 180.ISSN0044-2356.
^Blum, Daniel (2002).Sprache und Politik: Sprachpolitik und Sprachnationalismus in der Republik Indien und dem sozialistischen Jugoslawien (1945–1991) [Language and Policy: Language Policy and Linguistic Nationalism in the Republic of India and the Socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991)]. Beiträge zur Südasienforschung; vol. 192 (in German). Würzburg: Ergon. p. 200.ISBN978-3-89913-253-3.OCLC51961066.
^Gröschel, Bernhard (2009).Das Serbokroatische zwischen Linguistik und Politik: mit einer Bibliographie zum postjugoslavischen Sprachenstreit [Serbo-Croatian Between Linguistics and Politics: With a Bibliography of the Post-Yugoslav Language Dispute]. Lincom Studies in Slavic Linguistics; vol 34 (in German). Munich: Lincom Europa. pp. 82–83.ISBN978-3-929075-79-3.LCCN2009473660.OCLC428012015.OL15295665W.
^Pohl, Hans-Dieter (1996). "Serbokroatisch – Rückblick und Ausblick" [Serbo-Croatian – Looking backward and forward]. In Ohnheiser, Ingeborg (ed.).Wechselbeziehungen zwischen slawischen Sprachen, Literaturen und Kulturen in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart: Akten der Tagung aus Anlaß des 25jährigen Bestehens des Instituts für Slawistik an der Universität Innsbruck, Innsbruck, 25–27 Mai 1995. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft, Slavica aenipontana; vol. 4 (in German). Innsbruck: Non Lieu. pp. 205–219.OCLC243829127.
^Šipka, Danko (2019).Lexical layers of identity: words, meaning, and culture in the Slavic languages. New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 166.doi:10.1017/9781108685795.ISBN978-953-313-086-6.LCCN2018048005.OCLC1061308790.S2CID150383965.lexical differences between the ethnic variants are extremely limited, even when compared with those between closely related Slavic languages (such as standard Czech and Slovak, Bulgarian and Macedonian), and grammatical differences are even less pronounced. More importantly, complete understanding between the ethnic variants of the standard language makes translation and second language teaching impossible", leading Šipka "to consider it a pluricentric standard language
^Škiljan, Dubravko (2002).Govor nacije: jezik, nacija, Hrvati [Voice of the Nation: Language, Nation, Croats]. Biblioteka Obrisi moderne (in Croatian). Zagreb: Golden marketing. p. 12.OCLC55754615.
^Mac Eoin, Gearóid (1993). "Irish". In Ball, Martin J. (ed.).The Celtic Languages. London: Routledge. pp. 101–44.ISBN978-0-415-01035-1.
^McManus, Damian (1994). "An Nua-Ghaeilge Chlasaiceach". In K. McCone; D. McManus; C. Ó Háinle; N. Williams; L. Breatnach (eds.).Stair na Gaeilge in ómós do Pádraig Ó Fiannachta (in Irish). Maynooth: Department of Old Irish, St. Patrick's College. pp. 335–445.ISBN978-0-901519-90-0.
^Kaye, Alan S.; Rosenhouse, Judith (1997). "Arabic Dialects and Maltese". In Hetzron, Robert (ed.).The Semitic Languages. Routledge. pp. 263–311.ISBN978-0-415-05767-7.
^Kim, Ronald (2008). ""Stammbaum" or Continuum? The Subgrouping of Modern Aramaic Dialects Reconsidered".Journal of the American Oriental Society.128 (3):505–531.ISSN0003-0279.JSTOR25608409.
^Kurpaska, Maria (2010).Chinese Language(s): A Look Through the Prism of "The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects".Walter de Gruyter. pp. 41–55.ISBN978-3-11-021914-2.
^Halliday, M.A.K (1968) [1964]. "The users and uses of language". In Fishman, Joshua A. (ed.).Readings in the Sociology of Language. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 139–169.ISBN978-3-11-080537-6. p. 12.
^Yan, Margaret Mian (2006).Introduction to Chinese Dialectology. LINCOM Europa. pp. 223–224.ISBN978-3-89586-629-6.
^de Sousa, Hilário (2016). "Language contact in Nanning: Nanning Pinghua and Nanning Cantonese". In Chappell, Hilary M. (ed.).Diversity in Sinitic Languages. Oxford University Press. pp. 157–189.ISBN978-0-19-872379-0. p. 162.