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Democratic Progressive Party 民主進步黨 | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Abbreviation | DPP |
| Chairperson | Lai Ching-te |
| Secretary-General | Lin Yu-chang |
| Founded | 28 September 1986; 39 years ago (1986-09-28) |
| Preceded by | Tangwai |
| Headquarters | 10F-30, Beiping East Rd. Zhongzheng District,Taipei, Taiwan 10049[1] |
| Think tank | New Frontier Foundation [zh] |
| Membership(2023) |  238,664[2] |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Centre-left[B] |
| National affiliation | Pan-Green Coalition |
| Regional affiliation | Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats[3] |
| International affiliation | Liberal International |
| Colors | Green |
| Legislative Yuan | 51 / 113 |
| Municipal mayors | 2 / 6 |
| Magistrates/mayors | 3 / 16 |
| Councilors | 277 / 910 |
| Township/city mayors | 40 / 204 |
| Party flag | |
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| Website | |
www | |
^ A: Though Taiwan independence is written in the DPP platform, main DPP politicians support aRepublic of China independence position. ^ B: The party has been variously described ascentrist,centre-left, orleft-wing (seeIdeology and policies for more). It is also sometimes described asright-wing by pro-China media outlets owing to its anti-CCP stance.[4] | |
| Democratic Progressive Party | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Traditional Chinese | 民主進步黨 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Simplified Chinese | 民主进步党 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| DPP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Traditional Chinese | 民進黨 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Simplified Chinese | 民进党 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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TheDemocratic Progressive Party[I] (DPP)[II] is acentre-leftTaiwanese nationalistpolitical party inTaiwan.[5][6][7] As the dominant party in thePan-Green Coalition, one of the two main political camps in Taiwan, the DPP is currently theruling party in Taiwan, leading aminority government that controls thepresidency and thecentral government.
Founded in 1986 byHsu Hsin-liang,Roger Hsieh and Lin Shui-chuan,[8][9] a year prior to the end ofmartial law, the DPP is one of twomajor parties in Taiwan, the other being theKuomintang (KMT), a Chinese nationalist party previously ruling the country as aone-party state, and its smaller allies in thePan-Blue Coalition. It has traditionally been associated with a strong advocacy ofhuman rights, emerging against the authoritarianWhite Terror that was initiated by the KMT, as well as the promotion ofTaiwanese nationalism andidentity.Lai Ching-te is the currentchairperson of the DPP from 2023, who also serves as the incumbentPresident and is thethird member of the DPP to hold the presidency; he succeeded fellow DPP memberTsai Ing-wen in May 2024.
The DPP is a longtime member ofLiberal International and a founding member of theCouncil of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in theUnrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO). The DPP is widely classified associally liberal, having been founded as a party for human rights, including factions within the party supportingsame-sex marriage andother LGBT rights. On foreign policy, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to prevent military intimidation from thePeople's Republic of China (PRC) owing to the ambiguouspolitical status of Taiwan. It favors closer ties with democratic nations such asJapan and theUnited States, as well as the nations ofASEAN as part of itsNew Southbound Policy.
In its policy oncross-strait relations, the DPP as a ruling party chooses to keep thestatus quo of Taiwan, instead of approachingde jure independence, despite being a pro-independence group in itsparty platform. The party considers that Taiwan isalready a sovereign country under the name "Republic of China" and not subordinate to the PRC.[10] The DPP is frequently accused by thePRC government of being a primary force in Taiwan to "prevent the Chinese nation from achievingcomplete reunification" and "halt the process of national rejuvenation"[11] due to the party's outspoken advocacy of theTaiwanese nationalism, Taiwaneseself-determination,[12][13] and its firm opposition to "One China", including the alleged "1992 Consensus" narratives by both the PRC and the KMT.
The DPP's roots were in theTangwai movement, which formed in opposition to theKuomintang'sone-partyauthoritarian rule under the "party-state" system duringmartial law. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on 28 September 1986 by eighteen organizing members atGrand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like thetangwai, drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.[14][15]
Thetangwai were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group, a moderate faction led byKang Ning-hsiang,New Tide faction, consisting of intellectuals and social activists led byWu Nai-ren andChiou I-jen, and the Progress Faction led byLin Cheng-chieh, awaishengren opposed to independence. Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during theFormosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.[16]
The party did not at the outset give explicit support to anindependent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such asHsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such asLin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairmanHsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a newRepublic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party).[17][18] However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed aresolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China", and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.[19]
Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably thedirect popular election of Republic of China'spresident and all representatives in theNational Assembly andLegislative Yuan, as well as the ability to openly discuss events from the past such as theFebruary 28 Incident and its long aftermath ofmartial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in theLegislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT.
In 1996, DPP ChairmanShih Ming-teh united with theNew Party to run for the President of the Legislative Yuan, but lost by one vote. The vote that was missing was legislatorChang Chin-cheng's failure to vote for Shih. As a result, Chang was expelled from the DPP.
Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law.[20] Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future PresidentChen Shui-bian would form theJustice Alliance faction.
The DPP won the presidency with theelection ofChen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due toPan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidateJames Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not tochange the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as thePeople's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.[20]
In 2001, the DPP ran an advertisement promoting the party that featuredAdolf Hitler and others in an attempt to encourage young people to engage with politics.[21] The DPP initially responded to criticism from the Israeli andGerman representative offices in Taiwan by saying the advertisement was meant to highlight "people who dared to express their opinions," and claimed some had deliberately misrepresented the content. The DPP's then chairFrank Hsieh later said the advertisement would be retired to avoid causing misunderstanding amongvictims ofNazism.
In 2002, the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT,People First Party, andNew Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.[20]
In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolicreferendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the2004 presidential election.[20]President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after anassassination attempt the day before the election, and in thelater legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.
President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwidelocal and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popularTaipei mayor and KMT Party ChairmanMa Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.[20]
The results led to a shake up of the party leadership.Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice PresidentAnnette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-GeneralYu Shyi-kun was elected in athree-way race against legislatorChai Trong-rong andWong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.
PremierFrank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor ofKaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on 24 January to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.
In 2005, following the passage of theAnti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.[22]
On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved aresolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.[23]
In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, formerKaohsiung mayorFrank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidateMa Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderateTsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalistKoo Kwang-ming.[20] Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.
The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails ofChen Shui-bian and his wifeWu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."[24]
The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.[25][26]
The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on 17 May proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."[27]
On 16 January 2016, Taiwan helda general election for its presidency andfor the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponentEric Chu gained 31.2%.[28] In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history.[29]
President Tsai won reelection in the2020 Taiwanese presidential election on 11 January 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority,winning 61 seats.
The 13 January 2024presidential election andlegislative elections led to the election ofLai Ching-te who won with 40.1% of the votes, while his opponents,Hou Yu-ih of the KMT had 33.5% of the votes, andKo Wen-je of theTaiwan People's Party with 26.5% of the vote. In addition, this election made the DPP the first party to win three consecutive presidential terms since direct elections were introduced in1996. The DPP was unable to retain its majority in the Legislative Yuan, losing ten seats.[30][31]
The DPP's political position iscenter-left,[32][33][5][34] but it is also specified ascentrist[35] orleft-wing.[36][37][38] The DPP is generally described asprogressive.[39][40][41][42][43] It has also been described asliberal,[43][44] as well associal democratic.[44][45][46] The party takes aTaiwanese nationalist position, advocating for strengthening Taiwanese identity;[32] the party opposes the KMT and mainland China's pan-Chinese nationalism, and criticizes China's claims of sovereignty over Taiwan as 'colonialism' or 'imperialism'.[47] The party also defines its own identity as an "anti-communist" in the context ofopposition to the PRC andunited front.[48]
Programs supported by the party include moderatesocial welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defense and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to the United States and Japan. The party is socially liberal[44][49] and has a progressive stance that includes support forgender equality andsame-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from thePresbyterian Church in Taiwan.
The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue ofTaiwan independence versusChinese unification. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.
The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy ofself-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary.[19] Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991,[18] the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle"defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China.[50]
By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by theTaiwan Solidarity Union.
The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of "Chinesechauvinism", the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than "Hoklo chauvinism".[51] The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.
Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in theHokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantlyHakka andMandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support theKuomintang.
The deep-rooted hostility betweenTaiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals' tendency to vote for the KMT.[52] Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification.[53] In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted forMa Ying-jeou.[54] However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.[55][56]
The DPP has been plagued by severalcorruption scandals which has increased feelings amongst voters that fraud is an acceptable practice within the party.[57][58][59]
Former DPP president of TaiwanChen Shui-bian has also been involved in a raft of corruption scandals that continue to affect the party's reputation. Chen was sentenced to life imprisonment on corruption charges in 2009 that his supporters said were politically motivated. Chen was acquitted of embezzling millions ofNew Taiwan Dollars from a special presidential fund while he was in power, but was found guilty of money laundering and forging documents, and was given an additional two-year sentence.[60] As Taiwan presidentTsai Ing-wen prepared to leave office in 2024, she declined to comment on whether or not she would pardon Chen of his corruption convictions.[61] In the end, there was no presidential pardon delivered to Chen.
In 2024, the former DPPvice premierCheng Wen-tsan was detained on corruption charges relating to his time asMayor of Taoyuan,[62] former DPPTainan City Council speaker Lai Mei-hui received a 2-year suspended sentence for corruption,[63] and prosecutors began an investigation into DPP LegislatorLin I-chin for allegedly fraudulently claiming public funds.[64]
In June 2025,Kaohsiung DPP representativeLin Dai-hua was indicted alongside nine others for embezzling nearly fifteen millionNew Taiwan Dollars by misappropriating city funds designated as wages for her assistants.[65]
The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal withCross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.[67]
For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as theNew Tide faction (新潮流系), theFormosa faction (美麗島系), theJustice Alliance faction (正義連線系) andWelfare State Alliance faction (福利國系). Different factions endorse slightly different policies and are often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions.[68] The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.[69][70]
As of 2022,Taiwan News identified at least 7 factions within the party:[71]
| Election | Candidate | Running mate | Total votes | Share of votes | Outcome |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1996 | Peng Ming-min | Frank Hsieh Chang-ting | 2,274,586 | 21.13% | Defeated |
| 2000 | Chen Shui-bian | Annette Lu Hsiu-lien | 4,977,737 | 39.30% | Elected |
| 2004 | 6,446,900 | 50.11% | Elected | ||
| 2008 | Frank Hsieh Chang-ting | Su Tseng-chang | 5,445,239 | 41.55% | Defeated |
| 2012 | Tsai Ing-wen | Su Jia-chyuan | 6,093,578 | 45.63% | Defeated |
| 2016 | Chen Chien-jen ( Ind.) | 6,894,744 | 56.12% | Elected | |
| 2020 | Lai Ching‑te | 8,170,231 | 57.13% | Elected | |
| 2024 | Lai Ching-te | Hsiao Bi-khim | 5,586,019 | 40.05% | Elected |
| Election | Total seats won | Total votes | Share of votes | Changes | Party leader | Status | President |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1989 | 21 / 130 | Huang Hsin-chieh | Minority | Lee Teng-hui | |||
| 1992 | 51 / 161 | 2,944,195 | 31.0% |  30 seats | Hsu Hsin-liang | Minority | |
| 1995 | 54 / 164 | 3,132,156 | 33.2% | 3 seats | Shih Ming-teh | Minority | |
| 1998 | 70 / 225 | 2,966,834 | 29.6% | 16 seats | Lin Yi-hsiung | Minority | |
| 2001 | 87 / 225 | 3,447,740 | 36.6% | 21 seats | Chen Shui-bian | Minority | Chen Shui-bian |
| 2004 | 89 / 225 | 3,471,429 | 37.9% | 2 seats | Minority | ||
| 2008 | 27 / 113 | 3,775,352 | 38.2% | 62 seats | Minority | Ma Ying-jeou | |
| 2012 | 40 / 113 | 4,556,526 | 34.6% | 13 seats | Tsai Ing-wen | Minority | |
| 2016 | 68 / 113 | 5,370,953 | 44.1% | 28 seats | Majority | Tsai Ing-wen | |
| 2020 | 61 / 113 | 4,811,241 | 33.98% | 7 seats | Cho Jung-tai | Majority | |
| 2024 | 51 / 113 | 4,981,060 | 36.16% | 10 seats | Lai Ching-te | Minority | Lai Ching-te |
| Election | Magistrates and mayors | Councilors | Township/city mayors | Township/city council representatives | Village chiefs | Party leader |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1994 provincial | 1 / 3 | 52 / 175 | — | — | — | Shih Ming-teh |
| 1997–1998 | 12 / 23 | 114 / 886 | 28 / 319 | — | — | Hsu Hsin-liang |
| 1998 municipal | 1 / 2 | 28 / 96 | — | — | — | Lin Yi-hsiung |
| 2001–2002 | 9 / 23 | 147 / 897 | 28 / 319 | — | — | Chen Shui-bian |
| 2002 municipal | 1 / 2 | 31 / 96 | — | — | — | |
| 2005 | 6 / 23 | 192 / 901 | 35 / 319 | — | — | |
| 2006 municipal | 1 / 2 | 33 / 96 | — | — | — | |
| 2009 | 4 / 17 | 128 / 587 | 34 / 211 | — | — | Tsai Ing-wen |
| 2010 municipal | 2 / 5 | 130 / 314 | — | — | 220 / 3,757 | |
| 2014 unified | 13 / 22 | 291 / 906 | 54 / 204 | 194 / 2,137 | 390 / 7,836 | |
| 2018 unified | 6 / 22 | 238 / 912 | 40 / 204 | 151 / 2,148 | 285 / 7,744 | |
| 2022 unified | 5 / 22 | 277 / 910 | 35 / 204 | 123 / 2,139 | 226 / 7,748 |
| Election | Total seats won | Total votes | Share of votes | Changes | Party leader | Status | President |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1991 | 66 / 325 | 2,036,271 | 23.3% | 66 seats | Huang Shin-chieh | Minority | Lee Teng-hui |
| 1996 | 99 / 334 | 3,121,423 | 29.9% | 33 seats | Shih Ming-teh | Minority | |
| 2005 | 127 / 300 | 1,647,791 | 42.52% | 28 seats | Annette Lu Hsiu-lien | Plurality | Chen Shui-bian |
清楚傳遞了民進黨就是一個右派政黨，更是一個沒有台獨信仰的政黨。
中華民國共和憲政一百多年，也由兩個右派政黨執政了一百多年。台灣民進黨右[...]
民進黨一旦執政，吸引文青的美好願景就變成噁心的偽善把戲與類法西斯的極右作風。
台灣兩大政黨其實都比較偏向傳統右派政黨，偏重維護資本家利益重視經濟發展[...]
Section II-2: "'The Republic of China is an independent and sovereign state. Taiwan's sovereignty belongs to the 23 million people of Taiwan. Only the 23 million citizens of Taiwan may decide on the future of Taiwan.' This statement represents the greatest consensus within Taiwan's society today concerning the issues of national sovereignty and the future of Taiwan. It is also a common position shared by both the ruling and opposition parties in Taiwan. A recent opinion poll shows that more than 90% of the people of Taiwan agree with this position.
Launched in 1986, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is one of the two main political parties in Taiwan. The DPP is a centre-left, pan-Green party with a Taiwanese nationalist, strongly antiCommunist focus.
... the charade that Taiwan is simply a province of China-such as the centre-left Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) ...
Furthermore, the studies also suggest that the DPP, as a center-left party opposed to the center-right KMT, has been the leading force in addressing Taiwan's various social justice issues.
KMT voters in 2001 scored both the left-wing Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) and center-left Democratic Progressive Party above 5.0, ...
... two party-dominated system, with the center-right KMT and the center-left DPP, has been institutionalized in Taiwan.
Taiwan's main, centre-left, party of opposition (the Democratic Progressive Party) has been committed to securing formal independence for Taiwan from the communist mainland, for all that its latest election success (March 2000) ...
The DPP, on the other hand, is a centre-left party that pushes for Taiwanese autonomy from China and stays closer to the Americans.
In the middle-range future of an independent Taiwan, the prospects for formal abolition are closely tied to the fortunes of the left-wing DPP, which is now committed by its leadership to that goal.
DPP has been seen as generally left-wing and advocates for Taiwanese independence
The Democratic Progressive Party, founded in 1986 byHsu Hsin-liang,Hsieh Tsung-min andLin Shui-chuan, is a progressive and liberal political party in Taiwan.
The DPP resembles a cross - mix of Western social democratic and liberal values .
President Tsai went into Wednesday's ceremony with an approval rating of 70.3 per cent after besting her opponents in a landslide re-election in January, all the while quietly enduring Beijing's subversive efforts to unseat her and Xi Jinping's constant threats of war and occupation.The Taiwanese have been blessed with four years of Tsai's avowedly liberal, mildly social-democratic and happily free-enterprise government.
The DPP advanced a socialist agenda; the KMT copied much of it in order to preempt the DPP's program and weaken the DPP's political appeal. As it did this Taiwan became more and more a Western (social) democracy.
In the DPP's anti-China and anti-KMT message, the KMT is represented as equivalent to China, while 'democracy' is linked to Taiwanese nationalism. The DPP used the language of colonialism and imperialism to portray China's claims of sovereignty over Taiwan.
Wu Szu-yao, secretary general of the DPP's legislative caucus, said the party respected the voters' decision with pleasure, adding the result would only strengthen the DPP's "anti-communist and pro-Taiwan" stance.
The DPP's ideology emphasizes Taiwanese nationalism and the notion of a Taiwan that is politically and culturally distinct from mainland China. It also advocates social liberalism and is commonly associated with small- to medium-sized companies and organized labor. While the DPP wishes for greater independence from mainland China, the party is divided on the nature of that independence.
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