Danish People's Party Dansk Folkeparti | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Abbreviation | DF O[a] |
| Leader | Morten Messerschmidt |
| Parliamentary leader | Peter Kofod |
| Founded | 6 October 1995 |
| Split from | Progress Party |
| Headquarters | Christiansborg, 1240Copenhagen |
| Youth wing | Youth of the Danish People's Party |
| Membership(2021) | 9,427[1] |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Right-wing[2] tofar-right[3] |
| European affiliation | Patriots.eu |
| European Parliament group | Patriots for Europe (since 2024)[nb 1] |
| Nordic Council affiliation | Nordic Freedom |
| Colours | |
| Folketing | 7 / 179 [b] |
| European Parliament | 1 / 15 |
| Regional Councils[7] | 11 / 205 |
| Municipal Councils[8] | 152 / 2,436 |
| Mayors | 0 / 98 |
| Election symbol | |
 | |
| Party flag | |
 | |
| Website | |
| danskfolkeparti.dk | |
TheDanish People's Party (DPP;Danish:Dansk Folkeparti,DF) is anationalist andright-wing populist political party inDenmark. It was formed in 1995 by former members of theProgress Party (FrP). The party saw a period of significant growth after its founding and lent its support to theVenstre–Conservative People's Party coalition government that ruled from the2001 Danish general election until the defeat in the2011 Danish general election.
While not part of the cabinet, DF cooperated closely with the governing coalition on most issues and received support for key political stances in return, to the point that the government was commonly referred to as the "VKO-government" (O being DF's election symbol).[9] It also provided parliamentary support toLars Løkke Rasmussen's cabinets from 2016 to 2019, again without participating in it. In the2014 European Parliament election in Denmark, DF secured 27% of the vote as part of theEuropean Conservatives and Reformists group. This was followed by receiving 21% of the vote in the2015 Danish general election, becoming the second largest party in Denmark for the first time.
Since 2015, the party saw a decline in support, falling to 3rd place and 10.8% of the vote in the2019 European Parliament election in Denmark, and to just 8.7% in the2019 Danish general election, resulting in a loss of 21 seats and a return to opposition. The party would later lose over half of its seats in the2021 Danish local elections, losing 130 of the 221 it held before the election, achieving just 4.1% of the vote. Some commentators attributed the losses to internal conditions within the party and conflicts with the leadership, its perceived indecisiveness in government and rival parties adopting many of its policy ideas. The DF would also suffer a number of defections during 2022 following the rise of theDenmark Democrats party which many former DF members and supporters joined.[10][11][12][13] It would receive its worst result ever in the2022 Danish general election, when it only won five seats. As of February 2023[update], due to defections fromNye Borgerlige, DF now has seven of the seats in the Danish Folketing.
The party's popularity has grown since its inception, taking 25 seats in the 179-memberFolketing in the2007 parliamentary election (13.8% of the vote, remaining the third largest party in Denmark).[14] In the2011 parliamentary election, while maintaining its position as the third largest party, DF received 12.3% of the vote, marking its first electoral decline.[15]
The Danish People's Party was founded on 6 October 1995, afterPia Kjærsgaard andKristian Thulesen Dahl broke away from theProgress Party.[16] Its first national convention was held inVissenbjerg on 1 June 1996, where Kjærsgaard was unanimously elected as the party's chairman.[17] The party was established in protest over the "anarchistic conditions" of the Progress Party, and its "all or nothing" policies. It was initially seen by many as a "clone" of the Progress Party, but this soon proved false.[16] In a struggle to be respected as a responsible party able to cooperate with others and distance it from the conditions in the Progress Party, the leadership of the party struck down criticism from its members by means of expulsions.[9] The party saw a highly centralized party leadership as necessary, as it would not tolerate internal conflicts and disagreements with the official strategy.[18]
The party was the first successful parliamentary party in the Nordic countries to relate philosophically more closely to the FrenchNouvelle Droite, than to the previous Nordic form of right-wing populism. DF represented a synthesis of several political currents: the Lutheran movementTidehverv and its related journal, an intellectual nationalist right from theDanish Association (Den Danske Forening) and conservative populists from the Progress Party.[19][20]
In 1997, the party won about 7% in the municipal elections, and did very well in traditional left-wing municipalities, potentially rivaling theSocial Democrats.[21] By 1998, the party had 2,500 registered members.[21] The party made its electoral debut in the1998 Danish parliamentary election, winning 13 seats and 7.4% of the vote. The party was, however, left with no influence in the formation of a government; it was shut out in large part due to the perception that it was notstuerent (i.e. not acceptable or "housebroken").[9]
.jpg)
In the2001 election, the party won 12% of the vote and 22 seats inparliament. It became the third largest party in the parliament, giving them a key position, as they would have a parliamentary majority together with theConservative People's Party andVenstre. DF was favoured by these parties, as it had supported theVenstre candidate for Prime Minister,Anders Fogh Rasmussen, during the election campaign.[18] Eventually, it gave its parliamentary support for aVenstre-Conservative coalition government, headed by Prime Minister Rasmussen, in exchange for the implementation of some of their key demands, first and foremost stricter policies on immigration.[9] The party had a key role in writing the rules and conditions for immigration in the immigration law that was established by the government in May 2002,[22] which it called "Europe's strictest".[23]
In the2005 election, the party further increased their vote, and won 13.2% of the vote and 24 seats.[9] With young first-time voters the party was even more popular, receiving one fifth of their votes.[24] The party continued to support the government, and developed a broader policy base, as it made welfare policies its core issue, together with immigration policies.[9] In 2006, the party's popularity rose dramatically inopinion polls following theJyllands-Posten Muhammad cartoons controversy, at the expense of theSocial Democrats. The average of all monthly national polls showed DF gaining seven seats in parliament from January to February, with the Social Democrats losing an equal number.[25] This effect, however, somewhat waned with the falling media attention to the cartoons controversy.
In the2007 parliamentary election, DF won 13.9% and 25 seats, and again continued to support the Conservative-Liberal government. Thus, in every election since its founding the party has had a steady growth, although the growth rate has stagnated somewhat in recent years. Parties in the political centre, particularly the newly foundedNew Alliance had sought to become the kingmaker and be able to isolate the immigration policies of DF, but eventually failed.[9] The party was a member of theMovement for a Europe of Liberties and Democracy (MELD).[26][27] In the2009 elections for the European Parliament, the prime candidate for the party,Morten Messerschmidt, won his seat in a landslide with 284,500 personal votes (most votes for any single candidate by any party); this gave the party a second seat (which went toAnna Rosbach Andersen).[28] The party made a breakthrough from its previous results in European elections, more than doubling its vote to 15.3%, and receiving 2MEPs. On 15 September 2012, Kristian Thuesen Dahl succeeded Kjærsgaard as chairman.[29]
During the2015 election, the DF won 21.08% of the national vote under the leadership ofKristian Thulesen Dahl, the highest since its founding and gained 37 seats putting the party in second place. In the aftermath, the party entered negotiations withVenstre to again provide parliamentary support in return for stricter policies on immigration and the EU. A minority government headed byLars Løkke Rasmussen was subsequently formed with the DF, theLiberal Alliance and theConservative People's Party providing support.[30]
The party suffered a major defeat in the2019 election, recording its worst result since 1998. It won just 8.7% of the vote and 16 seats, a net loss of 21 seats since 2015; it fell to third place, just narrowly outpolling theSocial Liberals. Some journalists and political commentators opined that the DF's loss in support was as a result of the party's refusal and indecisiveness on taking direct part in government and the main parties including the Social Democrats adopting many of the DF's policies on immigration and integration.[31] In January 2022, Dahl stood down as leader and was replaced byMorten Messerschmidt in a leadership election where he won 499 out of the 828 delegators' votes against two other candidates.[32] After Messerschmidt, a total of 11 out of 16 MPs had in June left the party including Thuelsen Dahl who was the only one of them who passed on his seat to the next in line.[33]
At the2022 election, the party suffered its worst election result ever with 2.6% of the vote, equal to 5 seats.[35] In December 2022, Morten Messerschmidt wasacquitted of all charges related toprior allegations of misuse of EU funds according to several political analysts and commentators, paving the way for a restoration of the party.[36][37][38][39][40] During January and February 2023,Mikkel Bjørn andMette Thiesen, who were both elected for Nye Borgerlige, joined the Danish People's Party, increasing its seat count to seven.[41][42] As of October 2025 the Danish People's Party has seenits support increased to around 9% in the polls. After participating in a public debate on 10 November 2025 againstDanish Social Liberal Party's leaderMartin Lidegaard in the city ofRanders ahead of the 2025 municipal election, Messerschmidt attempted to sue his opponent in court forlibel[43] after an interview with Messerschmidt inWeekendavisen was brought up in the debate.[44]
| Part ofa series on |
| Conservatism in Denmark |
|---|
 |
DF isnationalist,[45] as well as aright-wing populist party,[46] and is positioned on theright,[2] orfar-right,[50] of thepolitical spectrum. DF's stated goals are to protect the freedom and cultural heritage of the Danish people, including the family, themonarchy and theEvangelical Lutheran Church of Denmark, to enforce a strictrule of law, to work against Denmark becoming a multi-cultural society by limitingimmigration and promotingcultural assimilation of admitted immigrants, to maintain a strong welfare system for those in need, to promoteentrepreneurship andeconomic growth by strengthening education and encouraging people to work, to protect the environment and natural resources, and to protect Danish sovereignty against theEuropean Union.[51] In comparison to its predecessor, theProgress Party, the DF focuses more on immigration, while at the same time being more pragmatic on other topics.[52][53] While overall considered part of the radical right, its policies on most economic issues would rather place the party in the centre to centre-left.[52] The party's former leader, Kristian Thulesen Dahl, once declared DF an anti-Muslim party.[54]
.jpg)
DF is opposed to immigration.[58] The party holds that Denmark is not naturally a country ofimmigration. The party also does not accept amulti-ethnic transformation of Denmark,[59] and rejectsmulticulturalism.[9] Former party leader Pia Kjærsgaard stated she did "not want Denmark as a multiethnic, multicultural society",[60] and that a multiethnic Denmark would be a "national disaster".[61] The party seeks to drasticallyreduce non-Western immigration and favorscultural assimilation of immigrants from all religions. In 2010, the party proposed completely stopping all immigration from non-Western countries, a continuation of a proposal the month before to toughen the24-year rule.[62] They do, however, make the distinction between immigrants, those who intend to stay in Denmark permanently, and refugees, those that will only be in Denmark for the duration of the conflict, but ultimately intend to return home. The party has stated that it is more than happy to help those in need, but have a moral responsibility to the people of Denmark to keep Denmark Danish.[63]
Cooperation with the Conservative-Liberal coalition government resulted in the implementation of some of their key demands, most importantly strong restrictions in immigration policies, which have resulted in what are often described as Europe's strictest immigration laws.[23] The new government enacted rules that prevented Danish citizens and others from bringing a foreign spouse into the country unless both partners were aged 24 or above, passed a solvency test showing the Dane had not claimed social security for 12 months, and could lodge a bond of 60,011 kroner (about US$10,100). One declared aim of this was to fightarranged marriages. These new rules had the effect that while about 8,151family reunification permits were granted in 2002, the number had fallen to 3,525 by 2005. Some social benefits for refugees were also cut by 30–40% during their first seven years in power. Ordinary unemployment benefits were replaced by a reduced "start-up aid". Whereas the government coalition's declared aim with this was to improve integration by inciting people to work, immigration spokesmanSøren Krarup of DF has expressed his content in that the start-up aid has decreased the number of economic refugees greatly, showing them that "one does not find gold on the street, as has been told out in the third world".[64] Nevertheless, total immigration increased post implementation of the migration reforms.[citation needed]
Under the leadership ofMorten Messerschmidt, the party moved further to the right on immigration, calling forremigration, and for large-scale deportations of non-Western immigrants.[65] The party also supports a review on all granted citizenships of the last 20 years.[66]
The party advocates stricter punishments for crimes such asrape,violence,sexual abuse, reckless driving, and cruelty to animals. It supports grants for specific research intoterrorism,Islamism, andCold War history as well as increased defense spending. It also wants to maintain the Danishmonarchy and the currentDanish constitution, and to abolish the'hate speech' clause in theDanish criminal code.[67][68]
The party has been described as "combining a strong anti-immigration and anti-multicultural right-wing value policy with a classic social democratic welfare policy".[69] It is considered to be the first pure example of a radical right-wing populist party in Denmark; as such the party was described as the "pioneer of welfare chauvinism".[70] According toScandinavian Political Studies, the success of the party in the 2015 election was not based only on its hardline stance towards immigration, but also its support for pro-welfare, redistributive policies that voters considered highly neglected by theSocial Democrats. This made "economic insecurity, marginalization, regional core–periphery divides" the decisive factors of the 2015 election. In the2019 Danish general election, Social Democrats were then able to regain voters they lost to Danish People's Party by sharply turning left on welfare and redistribution, as well as shifting right on social issues by adopting "left-conservative" stances. DPP was therefore classified as economically left and socially right-wing, as it shares its voter base with a “left conservative” social democratic party, which Social Democrats became between 2015 and 2019.[70]
Despite its right-wing orientation, Danish People's Party stands to the left of center on the issues of economic and welfare, favouring staunchly left-wing policies towards the elderly. However, the party also has a strong welfare chauvinist policy, and has some conservative inclinations on income benefits. While the populist nature of the party could make its program appear blurry and constantly oscillating between the economic centre and economic left, its economic stance is much closer to Social Democrats and theSocialist People's Party than the centre-leftDanish Social Liberal Party.[70] DPP largely tried to imitate the traditionally left-wing economic policies; this made DPP a "working-class party" that was able to attract manual workers at odds with the stance of left-wing Danish parties on socio-cultural issues. Prior to 2015, these voters would still vote for traditional left-wing parties as long as they identified with their economic positions and saw them as defenders of the working class.[71]
Norwegian political scientistAnders Ravik Jupskås described Danish People's Party as a unique right-wing populist party that appeals to "authoritarian working class" and presents a platform that is "a combination of left-wing economics and nativist immigration policies".[72] The party described itself as the "true defender of the Danish welfare state" and campaigned on excluding immigrants from the Danish welfare state as the best way to protect it.[73] However, the party also spoke in favour of increasing spending for Danish pensions and healthcare, and it was found that the party's voters "most unanimously favour increasing expenditures, even in comparison with social democrats and left wing voters". The party warned against the creeping market liberalisation and attacked neoliberalism and globalization on both economic and social perspectives, which allowed it to make inroads with working-class voters. The party also promised to empower trade unions and entered cooperation agreements with minor unions and workers' associations.[74]
The party is very hostile toIslam, and are cited as wanting a Denmark without any hint of Islam.[75] They have proposed banninghalal meat in order to reduce overall meat production and demand in Denmark,[76] and suggested aconspiracy theory that Muslims were getting jobs in social security management in order to give other Muslims early retirement pensions.[77]
The party supported Danish participation in France'sOperation Serval against Islamist fighters in Mali. However, it opposed proposals for Danish involvement in theSyrian Civil War.[78]
DF isEurosceptic.[79][80] The party opposes a cession of Denmark'ssovereignty to theEuropean Union and opposes further EU integration andEurofederalism. It also opposes theeuro currency and wants to maintain theDanish krone. It is also against the potentialaccession of Turkey to the European Union.[81] In 2007, the party opposed the Danish government's plan torecognise the independence of Kosovo, and maintained the territorial integrity ofSerbia.[82]
Although the party supports Ukraine in theRusso-Ukrainian War, it has stated that its support has an "expiration date",[83] and expressed opposition to Ukrainian EU membership, criticising the Ukrainian government's approach to rule of law.[84] In July 2024, the party's MEPAnders Vistisen proposed a motion stating there is "no military solution to the conflict and that peace is the only viable and sustainable solution", urging Ukraine and Russia to conduct peace talks.[85] In 2025, party leader Morten Messerschmidt called for a scaling back of Danish military support for Ukraine, advocated for Ukraine to make territorial concessions to secure peace and expressed opposition to Ukrainian NATO membership while it remains in a state of war.[86]
The DF supports Danish membership ofNATO.[87] The party initially voted in favour of the2003 invasion of Iraq, but in 2014, the foreign affairs spokesmanSøren Espersen said this support had been mistaken and that the rule of former dictatorSaddam Hussein was "far preferable" to the events that followed.[88] He claimed the party had "blindly followed" Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen at the time of the invasion.[89]
The party supported Danish enforcement of a no-fly zone during the2011 military intervention in Libya,[90] but was initially sceptical of proposals for direct Danish military involvement. The party later supported the decision in solidarity with NATO.[91] The party leadership subsequently supported extending the Danish mission in Libya, despite the disagreement of its defense spokesman Ib Poulsen.[92][93] Three years after the intervention, foreign affairs spokesman Espersen stated the party's support for the intervention was a "mistake" and predicated on a misunderstanding of the ideology of the Libyan rebels.[94]
The DF supportsIsrael, opposes the recognition ofPalestine on the grounds that there is no effective Palestinian state,[95] and supports moving the Danish embassy in Israel toJerusalem.[96] In May 2025 they claimed that Israel's blockade ofGaza Strip aid was warranted, claiming that aid deliveries were used to smuggle weapons toHamas.[97]
The party seeks international recognition ofTaiwan and supports Taiwan in its disputes with thePeople's Republic of China.[98]
 | This article or sectionpossibly contains originalsynthesis. Source material shouldverifiably mention andrelate to the main topic. Relevant discussion may be found on thetalk page.(November 2012) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
One feature, compared to other Danish parties, is that the Danish People's Party is usually underrepresented by about 1-1.5% inopinion polls. Election researchers have suggested that the party's voters may be less interested in politics, and therefore declining to talk to pollsters, or that voters are reluctant to reveal their support for the party to pollsters.[102]
The party has had the following leaders since its foundation:
| No. | Portrait | Leader | Took office | Left office | Time in office | Ref. |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | .JPG) | Kjærsgaard, PiaPia Kjærsgaard (born 1947) | 6 October 1995 | 11 September 2012 | 16 years, 341 days | [103] |
| 2 |  | Thulesen Dahl, KristianKristian Thulesen Dahl (born 1969) | 12 September 2012 | 23 January 2022 | 9 years, 133 days | [104] |
| 3 |  | Messerschmidt, MortenMorten Messerschmidt (born 1980) | 23 January 2022 | Incumbent | 4 years, 25 days | [105] |
The Danish People's Party distanced itself from theSweden Democrats until 2010, whenPia Kjærsgaard travelled to Sweden to support the Sweden Democrats' election campaign.[106] Danish People's Party foreign affairs spokesmanSøren Espersen subsequently hosted the Sweden Democrats and said both parties would work together in theNordic Council,[107] with the parties ultimately forming theNordic Freedom group in 2012. In the European Parliament, the Danish People's Party was initially part ofUnion for Europe of the Nations group from 1999 to 2009, alongside parties like the PolishLaw and Justice and the ItalianLega Nord andNational Alliance, as well as the associatedAlliance for Europe of the Nations pan-European political party. In 2009, it joined theUK Independence Party-ledEurope of Freedom and Democracy group and the associatedMovement for a Europe of Liberties and Democracy alliance, alongside its Nordic ally, theFinns Party. In 2014, along with the Finns Party, it moved to the BritishConservative Party-dominatedEuropean Conservatives and Reformists group, and threatened to cut ties with the Sweden Democrats if they continued negotiations to join a new group involving the FrenchNational Front (FN) and theFreedom Party of Austria (FPÖ).[108]
Despite this, the DF itself announced in 2019 that it would join a new European Parliament group led by the Lega Nord'sMatteo Salvini calledIdentity and Democracy (ID), which also involved the FN and FPÖ.[109] During a 2024 bid by the FN's successor, theNational Rally, to excludeAlternative for Germany (AfD) from the ID Group, the DF stated that the AfD could only remain in the group if it expelledMaximilian Krah,[110] and later joined the RN in voting to expel the AfD.[111] After the2024 European Parliament election, the DF joined thePatriots for Europe group, which was founded by the HungarianFidesz, the FPÖ and the CzechANO 2011.[112] In September 2024, National Rally leaderJordan Bardella visited Copenhagen to address the party conference and establish a "working partnership" with the DF.[113]
| Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Government |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1998 | 252,429 | 7.4 (#5) | 13 / 179 |  | Opposition |
| 2001 | 413,987 | 12.0 (#3) | 22 / 179 |  9 | External support |
| 2005 | 444,205 | 13.3 (#3) | 24 / 179 | 2 | External support |
| 2007 | 479,532 | 13.9 (#3) | 25 / 179 | 1 | External support |
| 2011 | 436,726 | 12.3 (#3) | 22 / 179 |  3 | Opposition |
| 2015 | 741,539 | 21.1 (#2) | 37 / 179 | 15 | External support |
| 2019 | 308,219 | 8.7 (#3) | 16 / 179 | 21 | Opposition |
| 2022 | 93,428 | 2.6 (#12) | 5 / 179 | 11 | Opposition |
|
|
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Year | List leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | EP Group |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1999 | Mogens Camre | 114,865 | 5.83 (#8) | 1 / 16 | New | UEN |
| 2004 | 128,789 | 6.80 (#6) | 1 / 14 | 0 | ||
| 2009 | Morten Messerschmidt | 357,942 | 15.28 (#4) | 2 / 13 | 1 | EFD |
| 2014 | 605,889 | 26.61 (#1) | 4 / 13 | 2 | ECR | |
| 2019 | Peter Kofod | 296,978 | 10.76 (#4) | 1 / 14 | 3 | ID |
| 2024 | Anders Vistisen | 156,014 | 6.37 (#9) | 1 / 15 | 0 | PfE |
The growing support for the right-wing Danish People's Party is closely linked to the rising number of immigrants and refugees entering Denmark.
Here, friendship and neighbourhood seem to slide between arguments ofgeographical proximity, defining 'Europe as our own locality' as expressed by Mads Fuglede, spokesperson of the liberal-conservative party of Denmark, and arguments of 'shared values of Western civilisation', as expressed by Morten Messerschmidt of the right-wing Danish People's Party.
It is worth noting, however, that voters for the right-wing Danish People's Party, which is particularly strong on issues of immigration, are significantly less inclined to support this kind of whistleblowing, with only 50.6 percent answering in the 'agree' or 'strongly agree' categories.
The Social Democratic Party secured that win mainly because it had adopted the anti‐immigration stance which the right‐wing Danish People's Party had until then occupied.
This shift has been interpreted as an attempt to "neutralize" the issue to prevent further voter losses to right-wing parties, particularly the Danish People's Party.
The center-right Danish People's Party is a good example of a party that has addressed the issue due to general awareness of the #MeToo and #enblandtos movements, but that is not pressured to a large extent by either their ideology or specific cases.
I begyndelsen af 2023 steg mandattallet til syv, da to tidligere Nye Borgerlige-medlemmer tilsluttede sig Dansk Folkeparti; først Mikkel Bjørn Sørensen (f. 1995) den 24.1.2023 og siden Mette Thiesen (f. 1981) den 6.2.2023.
Den 24. januar 2023 brød også Mikkel Bjørn Sørensen med Nye Borgerlige og meldte sig ligeledes ind i Dansk Folkeparti
The DPP program mirrors several political tendencies: right-wing populism, national conservatism, social conservatism, and euro-skepticism.
Det er i 2025 blevet ødelagt af islam, åbne grænser, (…). – Vi skal tilbage til dér, hvor man kan få hjælp hos kommunen af rigtige mennesker og forstå, hvad der bliver sagt, uden at man har en akademisk uddannelse, og hvor grænsekontrollen virker. Et Danmark uden synet af Islam. Det Danmark vil jeg tilbage til, siger han.
Dansk Folkepartis Mette Thiesen forslår derfor, at halalslagtet kød forbydes i Danmark. Så vil "cirka en halv million mennesker" i Danmark ikke længere spise kød, lyder det fra Thiesen med tydelig henvisning til personer med muslimsk baggrund.
Kinga Gál, Sebastiaan Stöteler, Anders Vistisen
-Martin Lidegaard ved godt, hvorfor man blokerer for nødhjælp. Det er, fordi Hamas' missiler og våben smugles ind sammen med nødhjælp, siger DF's partileder.
Only the leaders of Austrian and Estonian far-right parties in the European parliament joined the AfD in voting to keep the party as part of the ID group.
Quotations related toDanish People's Party at Wikiquote
Media related toDansk Folkeparti at Wikimedia Commons
