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Daisaku Ikeda | |
|---|---|
 Ikeda in 2010 | |
| President ofSoka Gakkai International | |
| In office 26 January 1975 – 15 November 2023 | |
| Honorary President ofSoka Gakkai | |
| In office 24 April 1979 – 15 November 2023 | |
| 3rd President ofSoka Gakkai | |
| In office 3 May 1960 – 24 April 1979 | |
| Preceded by | Jōsei Toda Tsunesaburō Makiguchi |
| Succeeded by | Hiroshi Hōjō (北条浩) Einosuke Akiya Minoru Harada |
| Personal details | |
| Born | (1928-01-02)2 January 1928 Ōta, Tokyo,Japan |
| Died | 15 November 2023(2023-11-15) (aged 95) Shinjuku, Tokyo, Japan |
| Spouse | Kaneko Ikeda (池田香峯子) |
| Children | 3 (1 deceased) |
| Parents |
|
| Residence(s) | Japan,Tokyo,Shinjuku-Ku, Shinanomachi (信濃町) |
| Alma mater | Fuji Junior College (present-dayTokyo Fuji University)[1] |
| Website | daisakuikeda |
Daisaku Ikeda (池田 大作,Ikeda Daisaku, 2 January 1928 – 15 November 2023) was a JapaneseBuddhist leader, author, educator andnuclear disarmament advocate. He served as the third president and then honorary president of theSoka Gakkai, which is considered among the largest of Japan'snew religious movements[2]: 5 but has also been described as a cult by some media[3] and politicians (e.g., theFrench parliamentary commission in 1995).
Ikeda was the founding president of theSoka Gakkai International. Soka Gakkai claims Japanese membership of 8.27 million households. Recent research and surveys suggest that between 2.5 million and 4 million people - approximately two to three percent of the Japanese population - are active members of Soka Gakkai,[4] and the organization claims to have approximately 11 million practitioners in 192 countries and territories,[5] more than 1.5 million of whom reside outside of Japan as of 2012.[6]
Ikeda was the founder of a variety of educational and cultural institutions includingSoka University,Soka University of America,Min-On Concert Association andTokyo Fuji Art Museum.[7] In Japan, he was also known for his international outreach to China.[8]
Ikeda has been described as controversial over the decades due to the ambivalent reputation of the Soka Gakkai[9] and his relation to the political partyKōmeitō, which he founded. He has been the subject of numerous articles, questions and accusations in Japanese and international media.[10]: 147 At his death, scholars and journalists described Ikeda as among the most polarizing and important figures in modern Japanese religion and politics.[11]
Ikeda Daisaku was born inŌta, Tokyo, Japan, on 2 January 1928. Ikeda had four older brothers, two younger brothers, and a younger sister. His parents later adopted two more children, for a total of 10 children. Since the mid-nineteenth century, the Ikeda family had successfully farmednori, edible seaweed, in Tokyo Bay. By the turn of the twentieth century, the Ikeda family business was the largest producer ofnori in Tokyo. The devastation of the1923 Great Kantō earthquake left the family's enterprise in ruins. Ikeda's eldest brother, Kiichi, died in the Imphal Campaign inBurma, in January 1945, during the last stages of World War II.[12] Ikeda also suffered fromtuberculosis in his younger days.[13]
In August 1947, at the age of 19, Ikeda was invited by an old friend to attend a Buddhist discussion meeting. It was there that he metJosei Toda, the second president of Japan'sSoka Gakkai Buddhist organization. Ikeda began practicing Nichiren Buddhism and joined the Soka Gakkai. He regarded Toda as his spiritual mentor and became a charter member of the group's youth division.
Shortly after the end of World War II, in January 1946, Ikeda gained employment with the Shobundo Printing Company in Tokyo. In March 1948, Ikeda graduated from Toyo Trade School and the following month entered the night school extension of Taisei Gakuin (present-dayTokyo Fuji University) where he majored inpolitical science.[14] During this time, he worked as an editor of the children's magazineShonen Nihon (Boy's Life Japan), which was published by one of Josei Toda's companies.[15]: f. 84 [14]
In 1953, at the age of 25, Ikeda was appointed as one of the Soka Gakkai's youth leaders. The following year, he was appointed as director of the Soka Gakkai's public relations bureau, and later became its chief of staff.[16]: 85 [15]: 77
In 1952, Ikeda was one of the leaders in violently harassing Nichiren Shoshu priest Jimon Ogasawara. Ogasawara had allegedly cooperated with the authorities during the war against Soka Gakkai's founderTsunesaburō Makiguchi, who had died imprisoned, before the end of the war. Ikeda and Toda headed a group of 4,000 men belonging to the Youth Division to theTaiseki-ji, theNichiren Shōshū head temple. When Ogasawara initially refused to apologize, the men tore off his vestments and tagged him with a placard reading "Racoon dog monk." He was then forcibly carried to Makiguchi's grave, where he was made to sign a written apology.[17][18]: 698–711 [19]: 186 Ikeda, who admitted to hitting the priest "once or twice" later referred to the incident as an "act of kindness" because "the old priest, made to realize his apostasy, was grateful to Toda and Soka Gakkai and died a happy man."[17]
In July 3, 1957, Ikeda was arrested on charges of violating the election law and spent two weeks in jail in Osaka. He was taken into custody in his capacity as Sōka Gakkai's Youth Division Chief of Staff for overseeing activities that constituted violations of elections law. He was finally exonerated of all charges in 1962.
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In May 1960, two years after Toda's death, Ikeda, then 32 years old, succeeded him as president of the Soka Gakkai. Later that year, Ikeda began to travel overseas to build connections between Soka Gakkai members living abroad and expand the movement globally.[20]
As a president, Ikeda continued fusing the ideas and principles of educational pragmatism with the elements of Buddhist doctrine.[21] He reformed many of the organization's practices[citation needed], including the aggressive conversion style known asshakubuku, for which the group had been criticized in Japan and in other countries.[22] The organization "had provoked public opprobrium because of its aggressive recruitment policies and its strongly developed political base."[23]: 197
In 1979, Ikeda resigned as president of the Soka Gakkai (in Japan), in compliance with the demands of theNichiren Shōshū priesthood .[24]: 56 Hiroshi Hōjō succeeded Ikeda as Soka Gakkai president, and Ikeda was made honorary president.[24]: 55
Ikeda continued to be revered as the Soka Gakkai's spiritual leader, according to Asian studies associate professor Daniel Métraux.[25] Métraux in 1994 wrote that "adulation of Ikeda in the Gakkai press gives some non-member readers the impression that the Gakkai is little more than an Ikedapersonality cult".[26]: 151 One reason for theexcommunication of Soka Gakkai by Nichiren Shōshū in 1991 was, according to the "Nichiren Shoshu" entry inThe Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, "Nichiren Shōshū accusing Sōka Gakkai of forming a personality cult around their leader Ikeda" and "Soka Gakkai accusing the Nichiren Shoshu leader Abe Nikken of trying to dominate both organizations."[27] Sociologist of religion Peter Beyer in 2006 summarizes an understanding in the context of contemporary global society: "Until the 1990s, Soka Gakkai still was related formally to the monastic organization, Nichiren Shoshu, but conflicts over authority led to their separation (Métraux 1994)."[28]: 277
By the 1970s, Ikeda's leadership had expanded the Soka Gakkai into an international lay Buddhist movement increasingly active in peace, cultural, and educational activities.[29]: 371–72, 376 On 26 January 1975, Soka Gakkai representatives from 51 countries created theSoka Gakkai International. Ikeda took a leading role in the global organization's development and became the founding president of the Soka Gakkai International.
Ikeda has elicited a variety of assessments from scholars and journalists. According to Asian studies professor Daniel Métraux in 1994, Ikeda is "possibly one of the more controversial figures in Japan's modern history".[10]
In 1996, theLos Angeles Times described Ikeda as "the most powerful man in Japan - and certainly one of the most enigmatic", "condemned and praised as a devil and an angel, [...] a despot and a democrat".[30]
In 1984, Polly Toynbee, grand-daughter of British historianArnold Toynbee, whose conversations with Ikeda were published, was invited by Ikeda to meet him in Japan. Following her visit, she wrote a critical article forThe Guardian on meeting the leader. She writes:
"On the long flight to Japan, I read for the first time my grandfather's posthumously, published book, "Choose Life -- A Dialogue".. . . My grandfather [...] was 85 when the dialogue was recorded, a short time before his final incapacitating stroke (...) My grandfather never met Ikeda on his visits to Japan. His old Japanese friends were clearly less than delighted with lkeda's grandiose appropriation of his memories. Several days passed before we were to meet our mysterious host, time in which we learned more about Mr Ikeda and his Soka Gakkai movement. One thing above allo others was made clear: this was an organisation of immense wealth, power and political influence (...) Asked to hazard a guess at his occupation, few would have selected him as a religious figure. I have met many powerful men—prime ministers, leaders of all kinds—but I have never in my life met anyone who exuded such an aura of absolute power as Mr Ikeda".
In the history of institutional relations between the religious movement Soka Gakkai and the political partyKōmeitō founded in 1964 by Ikeda as an outgrowth from Soka Gakkai,[31][32][33] he has faced "unabated criticism against the alleged violation of theseparation of religion and state"[34]: 203, 215, 216 and been accused of "far-reaching political ambitions."[35]: 149 Associate professor of government George Ehrhardt and co-authors write that "Sōka Gakkai's entrance into the political arena [...] permanently transformed the relationship between religion and politics in Japan by dividing those who opposed the creation of a religious political party from those who accepted it."[36]: 16
In 2015, addressing the "party's understudied history," political scientistSteven Reed and his co-authors write that "the image of Kōmeitō as a mere political branch of Sōka Gakkai is clearly mistaken" and that "the separation between party and religious group announced by Ikeda Daisaku in 1970 made a real difference." He also states that "sōka gakkai meetings are used to introduce Kōmeitō candidates and to advertise the party, particularly during the period leading up the election."[37]: 271–272
About "the changing role of the Komeito in Japanese politics in the 1990s", Daniel Métraux states that: "While it is difficult to determine his exact role, an examination of his daily itinerary would reveal that he would have very little time personally for political management and that most of the aging leader's time is devoted to religious affairs, traveling, and writing. Ikeda may well have influenced the Komeito in a macrosense, but in a microsense he is clearly not involved. The Komeito and its successes have a life of their own; they are certainly not lifeless puppets ready to react to Ikeda's or to the Soka Gakkai's every whim."[38]: 44
A lot of newspapers and scholars have proven though that, despite the formal separation, there are still "strong links"[39]: 363 [40]: 170 and that the Komeito has remained to some extent the "political arm" of Soka Gakkai.[41][42]: 479 [43]: 75
In 1970, there was afreedom of speech controversy about the intent to prevent the publication of Hirotatsu Fujiwara's polemical book,I denounce Soka Gakkai, that vehemently criticized Ikeda, Soka Gakkai and the Komeito.[44]: 148 [45]: 112 [15]: 96 In his 3 May 1970 speech, addressing, among others, Soka Gakkai members, guests and news media, Ikeda responded to the controversy by: apologizing to the nation "for the trouble...the incident caused," affirming the Soka Gakkai's commitment to free speech and religious freedom, announcing a new policy of formal separation between the Soka Gakkai religious movement and Komeito, calling for both moderation in religious conversion practices and democratizing reforms in the Soka Gakkai, and envisioning a Buddhist-inspired humanism.[15]: 97–98 [46]: 76–77
In October 1982, Ikeda had to appear in court concerning three cases.[47]: 150
Ikeda's relationship with his mentor,Jōsei Toda, and influence ofTsunesaburō Makiguchi's educational philosophy, shaped his emphasis on dialogue and education as fundamental to building trust between people and peace in society.[48] He interprets theMiddle Way as a path between idealism and materialism.
Ikeda's use of the termōbutsu myōgō in his 1964 bookSeiji shūkyō (Politics and Religion) has been interpreted to mean "politics by people, with mercy and altruism as a Buddhist philosophy, different from the union of politics and religion (seikyo icchi)."[49]: 4 The term is also used by Ikeda in theKomeito's founding statement.[50] In the 1969 edition ofSeiji shūkyō, "he declared thatobutsu myogo would not be an act of Soka Gakkai imposing its will on the Japanese state to install Nichiren Shoshu Buddhism as the national creed," and that "Soka Gakkai, through Komeito, would instead guide Japan to a new, democratic world order, a 'Buddhist democracy' (buppo minshu shugi) combining the Dharma with the best of the Euro-American philosophical tradition to focus on social welfare and humanistic socialism."[51]: 73 Another interpretation of his views at that time was that "Buddhist democracy" could be achieved by a "religious revolution" throughkōsen-rufu on the premise of achieving "social prosperity in accordance with individual happiness" for the entire society.[52]: 233, 232 In 1970, after Ikeda announced the severing of official ties between the Soka Gakkai and Komeito, the use of "politically charged terms such asobutsu myogo" was eliminated.[53]: 15
Ikeda refers in several writings tothe Nine Consciousness as an important conception for self-transformation, identifying the ninth one, "amala-vijñāna", with theBuddha-nature. According to him, the "transformation of thekarma of one individual" can lead to the transformation of the entire society and humankind.[54]
Ikeda founded a number of institutions to promoteeducation,cultural exchange and the exchange of ideas onpeacebuilding through dialogue. They include:Soka University in Tokyo, Japan, andSoka University of America in Aliso Viejo, California; the Victor Hugo House of Literature, in France; the International Committee of Artists for Peace in the United States; theMin-On Concert Association in Japan...
From 1990, Ikeda partnered with Rabbi Abraham Cooper and theSimon Wiesenthal Center to addressanti-Semitic stereotypes in Japan. {{Citation needed}}
Since 26 January 1983, Ikeda had submitted annual peace proposals to the United Nations, addressing such areas as building aculture of peace,gender equality in education,empowerment of women,youth empowerment andactivism for peace,UN reform anduniversal human rights with a view onglobal civilization.[55]
Ikeda's proposals for nuclear disarmament and abolishing nuclear weapons were submitted to the special session of theUN General Assembly in 1978, 1982 and 1988. {{Citation needed}}
Ikeda has described his travels, meetings and dialogues ascitizen diplomacy.[56]: 126 [57] Researchers linked to Ikeda and the Soka Gakkai have suggested the body of literature chronicling Ikeda's diplomatic efforts and his international dialogues provide readers with a personalized global education and model of citizen diplomacy.[58]
First in 1967 then several times in 1970, Ikeda met with Austrian-Japanese politician and philosopherRichard von Coudenhove-Kalergi, founder of thePaneuropean Movement. Their discussions which focused on east–west relations and the future of peace work were serialized in theSankei Shimbun newspaper in 1971.[59][60] In 1974, Ikeda conducted a dialogue with French novelist and then former Minister of Cultural AffairsAndre Malraux.[61]
In January 1975, Ikeda met withHenry Kissinger, thenUnited States Secretary of State, to "urge the de-escalation of nuclear tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union."[62] The same month Ikeda met with Secretary-General of the United NationsKurt Waldheim. Ikeda presented Waldheim with a petition containing the signatures of 10,000,000 people calling for total nuclear abolition. The petition was organized by youth groups of the Soka Gakkai International and was inspired by Ikeda's longtime anti-nuclear efforts.[63][64]: 250
Ikeda's meetings withNelson Mandela in the 1990s led to a series of Soka Gakkai International-sponsoredanti-apartheid lectures, a traveling exhibit, and multiple student exchange programs at the university level.[65] Their October 1990 meeting in Tokyo led to collaboration with theAfrican National Congress and the United Nations Apartheid Center on an anti-apartheid exhibit inaugurated in Yokohama, Japan "on the 15th anniversary of theSoweto uprisings (16 June 1976)."[66]: 9
Ikeda made several visits to China and met with Chinese PremierZhou Enlai in 1974, thoughSino-Japanese tensions remained over the brutalities ofwar waged by theJapanese militarists.[67] The visits led to the establishment of cultural exchanges, and opened academic exchanges between Chinese educational institutions andSoka University.[65] Chinese media describe Ikeda as an early proponent of normalizing diplomatic relations between China and Japan in the 1970s, citing his 1968 proposal that drew condemnation by some and the interest of others including Zhou Enlai.[68][69] It was said that Zhou Enlai entrusted Ikeda with ensuring that "Sino-Japanese friendship would continue for generations to come."[70]
Ikeda lived in Tokyo with his wife, Kaneko Ikeda (née Kaneko Shiraki), whom he married on 3 May 1952. The couple had three sons, Hiromasa, Shirohisa (died 1984), and Takahiro.
Hiromasa Ikeda is the executive vice-president of the Soka Gakkai International and trustee of the Soka University in Japan.[71]
Takahiro Ikeda is director of theSoka School System, the educational corporation of the Sôka Gakkai.
Daisaku Ikeda died on 15 November 2023, at the age of 95. His death was publicly announced on 18 November.[72]
The 1976 publication ofChoose Life: A Dialogue (in Japanese,Nijusseiki e no taiga) is the published record of dialogues and correspondences that began in 1971 between Ikeda and British historianArnold J. Toynbee about the "convergence of East and West"[73] on contemporary as well as perennial topics ranging from the human condition to the role of religion and the future of human civilization. As of 2012, the book had been translated and published in twenty-six languages.[74]
But Toynbee being "paid well" for the interviews with Ikeda raised criticism : "he accepted the dialogue with the controversial Ikeda primarily for the money", according to historian Louis Turner.[75] To anexpat's letter critical of Toynbee's association with Ikeda and Soka Gakkai, Toynbee wrote back: "I agree with Soka Gakkai on religion as the most important thing in human life, and on opposition to militarism and war."[76]
Ikeda's most well-known publication is the novelThe Human Revolution, which is an autobiography in 30 volumes, but with great freedoms in relation to the facts.
In their 1984 bookBefore It Is Too Late, Ikeda andAurelio Peccei discuss the human link in the ecological consequences of industrialization, calling for a reform in understanding human agency to effect harmonious relationships both between humans and with nature.[77]
InLife—An Enigma, a Precious Jewel (1982),Unlocking the Mysteries of Birth and Death (1984), discussions of a Buddhistontology offer an alternative toanthropocentric andbiocentric approaches towildlife conservation.[78]
The sixteen conversations betweenLou Marinoff and Ikeda in their bookThe Inner Philosopher (2012) introduce classic Eastern and Western philosophers.
In 2003, Japan's largest English-language newspaper,The Japan Times, began carrying Ikeda's contributed commentaries on global issues.[79] By 2015,The Japan Times had published 26 of them. But the column raised criticism among the Japan Times' journalists, who protested their disagreement with Ikeda's writing in 2006.[80]
Today, the group has a self-declared membership of 8.27 million households in Japan and more than 1.5 million adherents in 192 countries abroad under its overseas umbrella organization Soka Gakkai International. Recent scholarship challenges theses figures and points to a figure in the neighborhood of two percent of the Japanese population.
On another front, Mr. Ikeda asked that the party push Japan to recognize the People's Republic of China; the two countries normalized diplomatic relations in 1972. Two years later, Mr. Ikeda met with Zhou Enlai, then the premier of the People's Republic, at a hospital in Beijing, where Mr. Zhou was being treated for cancer.
Ikeda, possibly one of the more controversial figures in Japan's modern history, is the Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde of contemporary Japanese society—how one sees him depends on one's vantage point.
Daisaku Ikeda was born on Jan. 2, 1928, in Tokyo, the fifth son of Nenokichi and Ichi (Komiya) Ikeda, who were involved in seaweed farming. As a child, he was diagnosed with chronic tuberculosis.
The huge growth and power of the Soka Gakkai has drawn harsh criticism over the years, especially in Japan because of its aggressive proselytization in its early years, its decision to play an active role in politics, and what critics call a personality cult around leader Ikeda Daisaku. Soka Gakkai's practice ofshakubuku contributed to their rapid growth but alienated many in Japanese society who decried such confrontational methods.
The movement was persecuted for its opposition to the wartime government's militarism but it is now the largest religious organization in Japan. Soka Gakkai, more than almost any other movement prior to Aum, had provoked public opprobrium because of its aggressive recruitment policies and its strongly developed political base. These developments had caused concern that Soka Gakkai might threaten the post-war constitutional separation of religion and state.
Ikeda quit because the Nichiren Shoshu saw him as an obvious threat to its existence. Ikeda and the Soka Gakkai had grown so big and powerful that it threatened to devour its parent. The Nichiren Shoshu priesthood felt that it was on the verge of being overwhelmed. It had to reassert its authority to make its presence felt, and Ikeda's resignation is the clear end-result of this drive.
Although Ikeda formally resigned his position as president of the Soka Gakkai in 1979, he is still revered as the movement's spiritual leader and spokesman
Every Soka Gakkai publication features of Ikeda and stories about his speeches, trips, and meetings. .... This adulation of Ikeda in the Gakkai press gives some non-member readers the impression that the Gakkai is little more than an Ikeda personality cult.
He is, by some accounts, the most powerful man in Japan - and certainly one of the most enigmatic: Daisaku Ikeda, leader of the nation's largest religious organization, has been condemned and praised as a devil and an angel, aHitler and aGandhi, a despot and a democrat
The third president, Daisaku Ikeda (b. 1928), took over leadership in 1960; the founder of an affiliated political party, the Komei Party, and numerous educational and cultural bodies, he has further overseen the Soka Gakkai's international expansion.
Also, when Ikeda founded the Komeito Party in 1964, he suggested including in the Party's program the political issue of normalizing relations with China.
The chapter then delves into the party's history, detailing its origins in 1964 as an outgrowth from Sōka Gakkai, an influential Japanese lay Buddhist organization.
(p203:) ...Japan at that time under authoritarian military rule was in close cooperation with Shinto shrines and Shinto imperial ideology. ...[I]n 1942 all households were ordered to display Shinto-ofuda (amulets) to keep away evil from their houses. Soka Gakkai refused to show theofuda at the headquarters' entrance which caused the observation of Soka Gakkai's inner circle and led to the imprisonment of 22 leaders on 6 July 1943, on the charge of an offence against state security and blasphemy. Makiguchi had called the emperor a human being. The organization was disbanded by the government. In November 1944, Makiguchi died of undernourishment; following his death, most of the imprisoned Soka Gakkai leaders, except for Toda Josei and Yajima, withdrew their Soka Gakkai membership and were released.(p215:) In 1964, Soka Gakkai launched its political party Komeito after already in 1955 independent deputies had been elected through Soka Gakkai support into both houses of parliament. (p216:)There has been unabated criticism against the alleged violation of the separation of religion and state and the alleged ambitions of Soka Gakkai International president (and former Soka Gakkai president) Ikeda to gain supreme political power in the country.
(p149:)Despite this lack of formal higher education, Ikeda has been prominent in international peace forums, addressing the United Nations General Assembly and keeping a high profile in his frequent exchanges with prominent statesmen and academics. In his numerous proposals on peace and disarmament, Ikeda makes continued reference to the ideal of universal disarmament and resolution of conflict through negotiation. Ikeda has been a controversial figure in Japan [...]. His critics accuse him of far-reaching political ambitions, and the tabloid press has played up unsubstantiated reports of sexual and financial scandals. Prefiguring the split with Nichiren Shoshu in 1991, Ikeda resigned as president of Soka Gakkai in 1979, in an attempt to repair the already strained relationship with the Shoshu monks over his power and the personality cult built around him. His continuing paramount role within the group, as well as the cult surrounding his figure, is evident, however, in the treatment afforded him by theSeikyo Shimbun, Soka Gakkai's daily newspaper, where the front page is commonly devoted to reports on his activities.
Like other parties originating from a religious organization, Kōmeitō grew increasingly independent and turned into a self-contained, self-interested party with a distinct agenda that is not always compatible with that of Sōka Gakkai. While many aspects of the relationship between the organizations are still unclear, the image of Kōmeitō as a mere political branch of Sōka Gakkai is clearly mistaken. Concerns regarding Kōmeitō's link to religion remain, yet our findings indicate clearly that the separation between party and religious group announced by Ikeda Daisaku in 1970 made a real difference. Kōmeitō has matured into an organization that, in terms of policy and institutional behavior, has shifted both its strategies and policies in a politically rational manner. In the 1970s, Kōmeitō cooperated with opposition parties. When these attempts failed, the party responded positively to LDP approaches, leading eventually to the coalition government in 1999. Finally, as we detailed in chapter 10, none of the dire predictions about what would happen if Kōmeitō ever gained power have come to pass. First, Kōmeitō in power has not proven a threat to democracy. ... Second, Kōmeitō in power has not threatened other religious groups or tried to get special privileges for Sōka Gakkai relative to other religious groups. Indeed, Kōmeitō has acted to protect the interests of religious groups in general. ... A major motivation for producing this volume was our conviction that Kōmeitō is one of the most understudied aspects of Japanese politics.
(p43:) The actual role of Soka Gakkai's spiritual leader Ikeda Daisaku has been a matter of some controversy in Japanese politics for several decades. As the self-proclaimed founder and avid supporter of the Komeito, he potentially wields considerable influence in the political world. Some journalists and conservative politicians as former Komeito president Takeiri Yoshikatsu have claimed that Ikeda plays an active role in Komeito affairs.... (p44:) While it is difficult to determine his exact role, an examination of his daily itinerary would reveal that he would have very little time personally for political management and that most of the aging leader's time is devoted to religious affairs, traveling, and writing. Ikeda may well have influenced the Komeito in a macrosense, but in a microsense he is clearly not involved. The Komeito and its successes have a life of their own; they are certainly not lifeless puppets ready to react to Ikeda's or to the Soka Gakkai's every whim.
As a result of the fallout from this attack on free speech, Soka Gakkai and Komeito were forced to separate, and both renounced their goal of converting the population to Nichiren Buddhism. Although weakened, strong links between the two remained, and Gakkai voters continue to supporter Komeito politicians. Ikeda stepped down from leadership of the organisation in 1979 but remains its honorary president and its spiritual leader to this day.The Economist called him "the most powerful man in Japanese politics" as late as 1999.
The strong link between Soka Gakkai and Komeito (since 1998, Shin Komeito or New Komeito) however still remains and the support for candidates by the religious group continues. Such a situation is made possible because Article 20 does not deny the possibility of a religious organisation forming a political party, which is seen as an expression of religious freedom by those religious groups involved in politics
He has been called the most powerful man in Japanese politics, yet he is not even a politician. Daisaku Ikeda is the spiritual leader of the Soka Gakkai, a lay Buddhist group that can muster nearly 7m votes—a tenth of Japan's voting population (and a fifth of those who turn out in most elections). The Soka Gakkai's political arm, the New Komeito, is the second-largest opposition party in the Diet (parliament) and is notably influential in the upper house. That is a measure of Mr Ikeda's power.
footnote 37: The Komeito severed its organizational ties to SG in 1970, but has nonetheless remained the political arm of Sokka Gakkai in Japan. The party has gone through several mergers and divisions with other parties, but is presently a separate party again, known as 'New Komeito' (see Dobbelaere,Soka Gakkai, pp. 60–73).
In addition to forging coalitions with and even absorbing different conservative mini-parties, the LDP has since 1999 developed a partnership with the Komeito, the political arm of the religious group Sokagakkai with a strong base in Japanese cities.
October 1982 was an especially bad month for Soka Gakkai leader Ikeda Daisaku, who appeared in court three times to deny having affairs with Komeito Dietmembers, to testify the Yamazaki blackmail case, and to acknowledge that Soka Gakkai members had wiretapped the house of JCP leader Miyamoto Kenji.
Ikeda's use ofōbutsu myōgō in Komeito's founding statement reaffirmed Toda's goal, and members continued to be inspired by this millenarian aim as they worked for Komeito campaigns.
However, his meetings with Count Coudenhove-Kalergi that took place in 1967 and 1970 were of a different nature. These meetings covered subjects such as a comparison of the cultures of East and West and discussions on the future direction the world ought to take. This may be considered Ikeda's first full-fledged exchange of views with the international intelligentsia.
In 1972, I suggested the initiation of a youth movement to devent the sanctity of life, and its dignity. ... First, a campaign to collect signatures for petitions seeking the abolition of nuclear weapons and an end to war was carried out across Japan. Ten million signatures were collected; ten million people announced their wish for peace and a nuclear-free world. In 1975, I passed these petitions to Kurt Waldheim, then secretary-general of the United Nations.
At that time, Premier Zhou met with the great scholar and peace advocate, Mr. Daisaku Ikeda. His heart was still in pain, because of the campaign of the Japanese militarists against China, and the war between the two peoples was still fresh with the memory of enormous pain and suffering. But Premier Zhou Enlai of China received Dr. Ikeda with dignity and compassion; their conversation is of historic significance and bore great fruit. It set the stage for breaking the deadlock with the US and China, through the visit of Mr. Kissinger and President Nixon to China, and signalled the beginning of a move toward the normalization of relations.
Toynbee "was paid well for six days of extended interviews [...]. The Toynbee-Ikeda dialogue was the final book in Toynbee's prolific career, which meant that his career ended on a controversial note. In some ways this dialogue played into the hands of Toynbee's critics who disliked his obsession with money. Just as his reputation had suffered in the US from his obsession with accepting lucrative lecturing engagements without much concern about the quality of the institutions he was addressing, so it can be argued that he accepted the dialogue with the controversial Ikeda primarily for the money. [...] The controversial Ikeda/Soka Gakkai attempt to use Toynbee's name and reputation needs to be seen in a wider context.
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| Preceded by | 3rd President ofSoka Gakkai 3 May 1960 – 24 April 1979 | Succeeded by Hiroshi Hōjō (北条浩) |
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