Thecrusading movement encompasses the framework ofideologies andinstitutions that described, regulated, and promoted theCrusades. The crusades werereligious wars that theLatin Church initiated, supported, and sometimes directed during theMiddle Ages. The members of the church defined this movement in legal andtheological terms based on the concepts of holy war andpilgrimage. The movement merged ideas ofOld Testament wars, that were believed to have had God's support, withNew TestamentChristocentrism. Crusading as an institution began with the encouragement of the church reformers who had undertaken what is commonly known as theGregorian Reform in the 11th century. It declined after theReformation began during the early 16th century.

The idea of crusading as holy war was based on theGreco-Romanjust war theory. This theory characterized a "just war" as one with a legitimate authority as the instigator, waged with a valid cause and good intentions. The crusades were seen by their adherents as a specialChristian pilgrimage – a physical and spiritual journey authorized and protected by the church. They were acts of both pilgrimage andpenance. Participants were considered part of Christ's army and demonstrated this by attaching crosses of cloth to their outfits. This marked them as followers and devotees of Christ, referencing biblical passages exhorting Christians "to carry [their] cross and follow Christ". Everyone could be involved, with the church considering anyone who died campaigning aChristian martyr. This movement was an important part of late-medieval western culture: it impacted politics, the economy and wider society.

The original focus and objective of the crusading movement was to takeJerusalem and the sacred sites of Palestine from non-Christians. These locations were pivotal for the inception of theFirst Crusade and the subsequent establishment of crusading as an institution. The campaigns to reclaim the Holy Land were the ones that attracted the greatest support, but the crusading movement's theatre of war extended wider than just Palestine. Crusades were waged in theIberian Peninsula,in northeastern Europe against theWends, and in theBaltic region; other campaigns were fought against those the church consideredheretics in France, Germany, and Hungary, as well as in Italy against opponents of the popes. By definition, all crusades were waged withpapal approval and through this reinforced the Western European concept of a single, unified Christian churchunder the Pope.

Historians trace the beginnings of the crusading movement to the changes enacted within theLatin church during the mid and late 11th century.^[3] These are known as theGregorian Reform, from a term popularized by the French historianAugustin Fliche. He named the changes after one of the leading reformingpopes,Gregory VII. The use of the term oversimplifies what was in fact numerous discrete initiatives, not all of which were the result of papal action.^[4]

A group ofreformers took control of the governance of the church with ambitions to use this control to eradicate behaviour they viewed as corrupt.^[3] This takeover was initially supported by theHoly Roman Empire and byEmperor Henry III in particular, but went on to lead to conflict with his son,Emperor Henry IV. The reformers believed inpapal primacy, meaning the Pope was the head of all of Christendom as heir ofSaint Peter. Secular rulers, including the emperor, were subject to this and could be removed.^[5]

The reformist groups opposed previously widespread behaviour such asthe sale of clerical positions andclerical marriage.^[6] The changes were not without opposition, causingsplits within the church and between the church and the emperor.^[7] However, the reform faction successfully created an ideology for the men they saw as God's agents. From the second half of the 11th century, it empowered them to reshape the church according to the moral and spiritual principles they upheld.^[8] Historians consider that this was a pivotal moment, because the church was now under the control of men who supported a concept ofholy war and would plan to make it happen.^[9]

The reformers now viewed the church as an independent force with God-given authority to act in the secular world for religious regeneration. The creation of the institutions of crusading were a means by which the church could act militarily with the support of the armed aristocracy. This would in turn lead to creation of formal processes for the raising of armed forces through which the church could enforce its will. While these fundamentals applied the crusading movement flourished, when they ceased to be significant the movement declined.^[10][11]

Before the crusading movement was established, the church had developed asystem that enabled Christians to gain forgiveness andpardon for sins from the church on behalf of God. They did this by demonstrating genuinecontrition throughadmissions of wrongdoing and acts ofpenance. In the latter part of the 11th century, Christianity's requirement to avoid violence was still a significant issue for the warrior class, so Gregory VII offered them a potential solution. This was that they too could have their sins forgiven if they supported him in fighting for papal causes, but only if this service was given altruistically.^[12][13] WhenUrban II launched theFirst Crusade atClermont in November 1095, he made two offers to those who would travel to Jerusalem and fight for control of the sites Christians considered sacred. Firstly, those who fought would receive exemption frompenance for the sins they committed. Secondly, while they were on crusade, the church would protect their property from harm.^[14] The enthusiasm of the crusading movement was a challenge to what had been conventional theology. A letter fromSigebert of Gembloux toRobert II, Count of Flanders,^[when?] illustrates this point. Sigebert criticisesPope Paschal II and congratulates Robert on his safe return from Jerusalem but pointedly omits any reference to the fact that Robert had been on a crusade.^[15]

Later popes developed the institution further, declaring that crusaders would not only avoid divine punishment for their sins, but that their guilt and the sins themselves would be expunged. This was achieved by the church granting what was called aplenary indulgence.^[16]Calixtus II extended the same privileges and protections of property to crusaders' relations.^[17]Innocent III reinforced the importance of the oaths crusaders took. He also emphasised the view that the forgiveness of sin was agift from God, not a reward for the suffering endured by the crusader while on crusade.^[18][19] It was in the 1213papal bull calledQuia maior that he reached out beyond the noble warrior class, offering all Christians the opportunity to redeem their vows without going on crusade. The unforeseen consequence of this was the creation a market for religious rewards.^{[clarification needed]} Later, this scandalized some devout Christians and thus became a catalyst for the 16th centuryReformation.^[20][21] At that time, some writers continued to seek atonement for their sins through the practice of crusading whileJohn Foxe (the Englishmartyrologist) and others saw this as "the impureidolatry, andprofanation"^[22]

Popes continued in the practice of issuing crusade bulls for generations, butAlberico Gentili andHugo Grotius created^[when?] an international rule of law that was secular rather than religious.^[23] The wars against theOttoman Empire and in defence of Europe were conflicts on whichLutherans,Calvinists, andRoman Catholics could agree in principle. So the importance to recruitment of the granting of indulgences became increasingly redundant and declined.^[24]

The 4th-century theologianAugustine of Hippo ChristianizedGraeco-Roman theories ofbellum justum orjust war.^[25] In the 11th century,canon lawyers extended his thinking to create the paradigm of Christianbellum sacrum ('holy war').^[26] This theory was based on the idea that if it met three criteria Christian warfare could be justified even though it was considered a sin. Firstly, it must be declared by an authority that the church considered legitimate. Secondly, the war must have defensive objectives or to be for the recovery of stolen property and rights. Lastly, the intentions of those taking part must be good.^[27][28] Using this justification the church supported various Christian groups in conflicts with their Muslim neighbours at the borders of Christendom. In what is now Northern Spain, encouragement was given during thesiege of Barbastro; theItalo-Normans of Southern Italy were supported in theirconquest of theEmirate of Sicily and in 1074 Gregory VII planned to lead a campaign himself in support of the Byzantine Empire. He was unable to gather the necessary support, possibly because his personal leadership was unacceptable. Despite this, his plans left a template for future crusades, as did the campaigns in Spain where leading thinkers and fighters developed practical and fundamental arguments for the crusading movement.^[29][30]

Around 1083, the thoughts and writing on these theories were consolidated intoCollectio Canonum orCollection of Canon Law byAnselm of Lucca.^[12][31]Thomas Aquinas and others extended these theories in the 13th century into a concept ofreligious war.^[32] This enabled various popes to use canon law in the call for crusades against theirenemies in Italy. The argument was that Rome was the estate of St Peter, so the popes' Italian campaigns were considered defensive and fought for the preservation of Christian territory.^[33]

The thinking of church on these themes combined two ideas in the creation of crusading, one from theOld Testament and one from theNew Testament. The first was that the wars of the Jews were believed to have been instigated by the will of God. The second was theChristocentric ideas related to Christians forming individual relationships with Christ that came from the New Testament. In this way the church was able to combine the ideas of holy war andChristian pilgrimage to create the legal and theocratic justifications for the crusading movement.^[26] The historian Carl Erdmann mapped out the three stages for the argument creating the institution of the crusading movement:

• Defending Christian unity was a just cause.
• Pope Gregory I and his followers' ideas for missionary conquest were also in accordance.
• Islam should be fought in defence of Christendom, an idea developed under the reformist popesLeo IX,Alexander II, and Gregory VII.^[34]

Innovations in military technology and thinking made the first crusades feasible. Military tactics developed to utilize heavily armoured cavalry and control of society was achieved by the development ofcastles. These required men for garrisons, the extensive training or which in turn created new social mores and led to the rise of combat as sport. At sea increasingly large navies were deployed, built by Italy'smaritime republics.^[35] At this time although knights were praised in literature they remained distinct from the aristocracy. Crusading andchivalry developed together, and in time chivalry helped shape the ethos, ideals and principles of crusaders.^[36] Tournaments were held where knights could exhibit their martial prowess. This provided venues where the crusading movement could recruit, spread propaganda and announce the recruitment of senior figures.^[37] However, even though crusading knights and some notable commanders demonstrated courage and commitment in military terms the campaigns in theLevant were not typically impressive. In feudal Europe, the formation of disciplined units was a significant challenge, strategic approaches and institutional frameworks were underdeveloped, and power was too fragmented to support cohesive organisation.^[38]

Literature presented the exemplar of an idealized, perfect knight in works such asRoman d'Alexandre written around 1130. These works celebrated adventure, courage, charity, and refined manners. However, the Church could not fully embrace all of these values they promoted. Its spiritual views contrasted with ideas of excellence, achieved glory through military deeds and romantic love. While the church feared the warrior class, it still needed to co-opt its power and demonstrated this symbolically through the development of liturgicalblessings to sanctify new knights.^[39] In time, kings represented themselves as members of the knighthood for propaganda purposes and crusading came to be seen as integral to the ideas of this ideal.^[40][41] From the time of theFourth Crusade, crusading became an adventure normalized in Europe, thus creating a divide between the knights and other social classes and altering the relationship between knightly adventure, religious, and secular motivation.^[42]

In the polities created by the crusading movement in theEastern Mediterranean known as theCrusader states the creation of military religious orders was one of the few innovations from outside Europe.^[43] In 1119 a small band of knights formed to protect pilgrims journeying to Jerusalem. These became theKnights Templar and many other orders followed this template. TheKnights Hospitaller were already providing medical services to which was added a military wing leading to a much larger organisation. These orders became Latin Christendom's first professional fighting forces and played a major part in the defence of theKingdom of Jerusalem and the other crusader states.^[44] Papal acknowledgement of the orders encouraged significant donations of money, land and recruits from across western Europe. The orders used this to build their own castles and to develop international autonomy.^[45] When the final Christian ruled territory in the Holy Land was lost following theFall of Acre, the Hospitallers relocated toCyprus. Later the order conquered and ruledRhodes (1309–1522) and finally settled inMalta (1530–1798). KingPhilip IV of France dissolved the Templar order around 1312, likely driven by financial and political motives. He exerted pressure onPope Clement V to disband the Templars. The resulting charges ofsodomy, magic, and heresy cited inpapal decrees such asVox in excelso andAd providam were probably unfounded.^[46]

From the Mid-20th Century historians took a greater interest than before questioning why significant numbers of the lower classes travelled on the early crusades or took part in the unsanctioned popular outbreaks of the 13th and 14th- centuries.^[47] The papacy wanted to recruit warriors who could fight, but in the early years of the movement it was impossible to exclude others, including women. Indeed, retinues included many to provide services who could also fight in emergencies.^[48] The church considered that engaging in crusade must be entirely voluntary. Recruitment propaganda used understandable mediums which could also be unclear. For the poor the institution of the crusade was offensive, while in church doctrines it was an act of self-defence.^[47]

From the 12th century onwards, the crusading movement generated propaganda material to spread the word. A good example was the work of a Dominican friar calledHumbert of Romans. In 1268 he gathered the best crusading arguments in one work.^[49][50] The poor had different viewpoints to the theologians, often based on aneschatological belief. When Acre was lost to the Egyptians, there were resulting popular but brief outbursts of crusade fervour.^[51] However, most Christians did not typically crusade to Jerusalem. Instead, they would often build models of theHoly Sepulchre or dedicate places of worship. These were acts that existed before the crusading movement, but they became increasingly popular in association. They may have formed part of other forms of regular religious devotion. In 1099 Jerusalem was known as "the remotest place", but these practices made crusading tangible.^[52]

Unsanctioned popular crusading exploded in 1096, 1212, 1251, 1309, and 1320. These all exhibited violentantisemitism with the exception of theChildren's Crusade of 1212. Despite hostility from the literate these crusades became so mytho-historicized in the written histories that they are some of the most highly remembered events transmitted by word of mouth from the period. That said, "Children's Crusade" is not a precise definition. The Children's Crusade of 1212 did not consist solely of children, despite its name. Contemporary and later chroniclers described the participants aspueri, which is Latin for "youths". However, the term could refer to an unmarried boy, someone below the age of maturity, and to denote someone of low social status, such as a shepherd, regardless of age.^[53][54] The many surviving written sources are of questionable accuracy. Dates and details are not consistent and they are interwoven with typical myth-history stories and ideas.^[55] Clerical writing contrasted the imagined innocence of thepueri with the sexual licence that was seen on the official crusades. It was the sin of the crusaders that was believed to bring God's displeasure and explain why the crusades were not successful.^[56]

Literature such as the 11th-centurychanson de gesteSong of Roland did not explicitly mention the crusades, but it is likely there were propaganda motivations behind presenting the Muslim characters in monstrous terms and as idolators. Whatever the motivation Christian writers continued to use these representations.^[57] Muslim characters were depicted as evil and dehumanized, with their physical traits described as devilish and their skin portrayed as dark. Islamic rituals were mocked, and insults were directed atMuhammad. This caricature persisted long after territorial conflicts had ended. The term "Muslim" was never used; instead, they were referred to as "Saracens" alongside other derogatory labels such asinfidel,gentile, enemy of God, andpagan. This literature reinforced the Church's portrayal of the Crusades as a Manichean struggle between good and evil.^[58] HistorianJean Flori suggests that the Church's intent was to eliminate its rivals' ideology in order to justify Christianity's participation in aggressive and violent conflicts.^[59] This prejudice was not derived from ethnic identity or race. The church considered that all of humanity were descended fromAdam andEve. Typical of medieval opinion this was a social construct in which the differentiators were cultural. For example, theFirst Crusade chroniclers adopted terminology inherited from the Greeks ofantiquity. They use the ethno-cultural termbarbarae nationes, or "barbarious nations", for the Muslims, and self-identified crusaders asLatins.^[60]

As contact increased respect for the Turks developed.Gesta Francorum presents some negativity but also respect for them as opponents. It was considered values of chivalry were shared. In theChanson d'Aspremont they were presented as equals following the same codes of conduct. By the time of theThird Crusade the class differences were shown as within camps rather the between camps. The elite warrior class in both camps shared an identity that was not divided on religious or political groups. Epics began to include incidents of conversion to Christianity. This in part may have offered hope for a positive resolution at a time when military failure pointed to defeat.^[61]

There remain a number ofCrusade songs from the many crusaders who also wrote poetry such asTheobald I of Navarre,Folquet de Marselha, andConon de Béthune. In return forpatronage from the leaders of the crusades, poets wrote praising the ideals of the nobility.^[62] These relationships were of a feudal nature and were presented in this context. To demonstrate this, the crusaders were God's vassals fighting the restore to him the Holy Land.^[63] Muslims were presented as having stolen this land. Their mistreatment of its Christian inhabitants was considered an injustice for which revenge was required. In return, the perception of the Islamicpolities resulted in an opposing position. This encouraged violent resistance to the idea of the imposition Christian governance on these terms.^[64]

The origins of the crusading movement lie within the nature of Western Christian society in the late eleventh century rather than any external provocation, despite intense propaganda about theTurks' actions. While theSeljuk Turks' incursions intoAnatolia increased after the Byzantine defeat at theBattle of Manzikert in 1071, Islam had controlled Jerusalem since 638 without eliciting a comparable Western reaction.Urban II's appeal at Clermont in 1095 resonated strongly because it aligned with attitudes already prevalent in Western Christian experience.^[65]

In the late 11th and early 12th centuries, the papacy became an entity capable of organized violence in the same manner as secular kingdoms and principalities. At this point, the necessary command and control systems for military action were not fully developed or efficient. So, the papacy needed to use secular fighting forces for its own ends.^[66] This development derived from changes enacted by reformists within the Church during the papacy ofPope Alexander II. The Church became involved in, and gave approval for, conflict with Muslims in the Mediterranean region, including theNorman conquest of Sicily, thecapture of territory from Muslim Spain and theMahdia campaign of 1087 where it allied with the republics ofPisa andGenoa.^[67] In 1095, Urban II laid the foundations of the Crusading movement at theCouncil of Clermont. He was responding to requests for military support from the Byzantine EmperorAlexios I Komnenos that had first been received during the earlierCouncil of Piacenza. Alexios was fightingTurkish people who were migrating intoAnatolia, threatenedConstantinople and had formed theSeljuk Empire. Urban expressed two key objectives for the Crusade: Firstly, the freeing of Christians from Muslim rule; Secondly, freeing the church known as the Holy Sepulchre from Muslim control. This church was believed by the Church to mark the location of Chris's tomb in Jerusalem.^[68][2]

In the 12th century,Gratian and theDecretists included key elements of traditional opinions about war and soldiers inDecretum, drawing upon the writings ofSaint Augustine. Gratian addressed questions such as whether bearing arms was lawful to defend the faithful and whether the possessions of heretics could be seized in self-defence. According to Frederick Russell in "The Just War in the Middle Ages", Augustine “cast the die” for the medieval just war, influencing opinion throughout the Middle Ages including Aquinas' work in the 13th century.^[69][70] The reformers philosophy was to end secular control of the Latin church, impose control over theEastern Orthodox Church and to work in the secular world for the imposition of what the church considered justice.^[71]

After the initial success of the early Crusades the settlers who remained or later migrated were militarily vulnerable. During the 12th and 13th centuries, frequent supportive expeditions were required to maintain territory that had been gained. A cycle developed of military failure, pleas for support and declarations of Crusades from the church.^[72] The success of the First Crusade that began the Crusading movement and the century was seen as astonishing. The explanation for this was given that it was only possible through the will of God.^[73]Paschal II, who reigned as pope from 1099-1118, showed special interest in crusading, especially in Spain. Paschal II offered remission of sins to encourage Spaniards to fight Muslims at home rather than in the Jerusalem war. Paschal II also offered plenary remission for conflicts against his political opponents and Byzantium.^[74]

Early Crusade recruitment and funding was concentrated in certain social and feudal networks. Although it may have been pragmatic acceptance of the pressure of the reform movement that prompted the sales of churches andtithes. These families often had a history of pilgrimage, honoured the same saints, shared connections toCluniac monasticism and also the reformed papacy. These cultural mores spread through marriage into wider society.^[75] Paschal's successorPope Calixtus II shared his Spanish interests and in 1123 at theFirst Council of the Lateran it was decided that crusading would be deployed in both Iberia and theLevant. This led to the campaign byAlfonso the Battler against Granada in 1125.^[17][76]Eugenius III, who reigned as pope from 1145 to 1153, played a crucial role in the crusading movement, particularly by issuing the bullQuantum praedecessores in 1145, which called for what became theSecond Crusade. This bull, framed by the memory of the First Crusade, offered remission of sins and temporal privileges to crusaders, thus consolidating papal influence and authority. Although initially the response was muted, the involvement ofBernard of Clairvaux and theCistercian order gained momentum for the effort, which ultimately shaped the ideology and practice of crusading.^[77][78]

TheRenaissance of the 12th century coincided with the early years of crusading. Crusading themes were the subject of developingvernacular literature in the languages of Western Europe. Examples ofEpic poetry include theChanson d'Antioche describing the events in theSiege of Antioch andCanso de la Crozada about thecrusading against theCathars in Southern France. These are given the collective name ofChansons de geste in theFrench language which is borrowed from Latin for the term deeds done.^[79] Survivingsongs about Crusading are rarer. But there are examples in the literary language of southern France,Occitan, French, German, Spanish, and Italian that touch on the topic in an allegorical that date from the later half of the century. Two notable Occitantroubadours wereMarcabru andCercamon. They composed songs in the styles calledsirventes andpastorela on the subject of lost love. Crusading wasn't a distinct genre, but the subject. The troubadours had northern French equivalents calledTrouvère and German ones calledMinnesänger. Collectively they left bodies of works themed on the crusades.^[80] This material transmitted information about crusading unmediated by the church. It is reinforced the status quo, the class identity of the nobility and its position in society. When the outcomes of events was less positive this was also a method of spreading criticisms of organization and behaviour.^[81]

In the latter part of the century Europeans developed language, fashion and cultural mores for crusading. Terms were adopted for those involved such ascrucesignatus orcrucesignata. These indicated that they were marked by the cross, an idea reinforced by the cloth crosses that they attached to their clothes. This was taken from the Bible, in bothLuke 9:23,Mark 8:34 andMatthew 16:24 believers are implored to pick up their cross and follow Christ.^[82][83] This formed a personal relationship between crusaders and God that demonstrated their beliefs. Doing this enabled anyone to become involved, irrespective of gender, wealth, or social standing in aimitatio Christi, an "imitation of Christ", a sacrifice motivated by charity for fellow Christians. At the same time, it began to be considered that all those who died campaigning were martyrs.^[84]

At the turn of the centuryeschatology,the belief that everything that happened was predestined, either by God or fate, andapocalypticism greatly influenced the crusading movement. The medieval prophetJoachim of Fiore married the fight with infidels to his view of world history.^[85] Apocalypticism and the expectation of an imminentSecond Coming, provided apocalyptic themes because the goal of Christian control of Jerusalem highlighted its eschatological role within religious thinking. Eschatology was more important in later crusades, particularly those launched after the loss of Jerusalem in 1187. .^[86] The response to which led to a focus on the image of the cross and the act of crusading was extrapolated into a general religious revival.^[87] As news spread of the serious threat to the faith preachers' rhetoric emphasised the sanctity of Apostolic poverty, while demonstrations and marches in northern France and the Rhineland broke out that later became known as the Children’s Crusade. .^[88]

Creating a single accepted ideology and understanding of that ideology was a practical challenge for the crusading movement. The church did not have bureaucratic systems that could consolidate thinking across the papacy, the monastic orders,mendicant friars, and the developing universities.^[89] Ideas were transmitted through inclusion in literary works that included romances, travelogues likeMandeville's Travels, poems such asPiers Plowman andJohn Gower'sConfessio Amantis, and works byGeoffrey Chaucer.^{[90][91][92][93]} At this point in time the ideas of nationalism were largely absent. A more atomized society meant that literature tended to rather praise individual deeds of heroes likeCharlemagne and the actions of major families.^[94] Innocent III developed new practices and revised the ideology of crusading from 1198 when he became pope. This included a new executive office constituted for the organization of the Fourth Crusade. Executives were appointed in each church province in addition to autonomous preaching by the like ofFulk of Neuilly. This led to papal sanctioned provincial administrations and the codification of preaching. Local church authorities were required to report to these administrators on crusading policy. Propaganda was now more coherent despite an occasionally ad-hoc implementation.^[95] Funding was increased through the introduction ofhypothecated tax and greater donations.^[18][19] He was also the first pope to deploy the apparatus of crusading against his fellow Christians.^[20][21] This innovation became a frequent approach by the papacy that was used against those it considereddissenters,heretics, orschismatics.^[96]

The Children's Crusade was the first of a number of similar events which lasted until theHungarian Peasants' Crusade in 1514. What these all had in common was that they were independent of the church. The first seems to have been a response to the preaching of the Albigensian Crusade and also religious processions seeking God's support for the fighting in Iberia. The church considered such outbreaks by rather unconventional crusaders as unauthorized and therefore illegitimate.^[97] There is little remaining evidence for the identities, thoughts and feelings of those who took part.^[98] One unaccredited piece is theAustrian Rhymed Chronicle. This includes allegedly verbatim lyrics of the marching song of children heading east and offers evidence of eschatological beliefs.^[99] The church was unable to comprehend the charisma of impoverished non-priestly leaders likeNicholas of Cologne and how this could be used in recruiting such large followings.^[100] Modern academic opinion is split on the definition of a crusade. Riley-Smith disregards these popular uprisings as not meeting the criteria, while Gary Dickson has produced in depth research.^[101] His research challenges traditional interpretations of the crusades by focusing on the social and religious dimensions of popular participation. In this he demonstrates that the term pueri referred to youths or individuals of low social status, and that this movement was not solely composed of children but included marginalized groups like shepherds and agricultural workers. Dickson's work interprets the "Children's Crusade" as a form of social critique driven by a desire to return to apostolic simplicity and dissatisfaction with societal leaders. Additionally, his examination of the early 19th-century historiography of the crusades highlights a tendency to view them through a lens of materialism and romanticism. His research also emphasizes the importance of including popular crusades and unsanctioned outbreaks in the broader study of the crusading movement, arguing that rigid definitions can obscure the complexity and variety of the phenomenon. He notes that historians have "reinvented" or reinterpreted the crusades throughout history.^[102][103]

The crusading movement experienced both sympathy and criticism.^[104][105]Occitan troubadours expressed discontent with expeditions in southern France. Crusading was accompanied with accounts of sexual immorality, greed, and arrogance that were not considered compatible with the principles of the instituition. Writers used this as an explanation of the failures of what was thought to be the work of God. Some, such asGerhoh of Reichersberg associated failure with an imminent arrival of the Antichrist.^[106][107] The Church responded to criticism with puritanism, processions and reforms, such as gambling bans and restrictions on women. Critical primary sources include theWürzburg Annals and Humbert of Romans's workDe praedicatione crucis which translates asconcerning the preaching of the cross. Some crusaders were thought to have fallen under satanic influence and doubts were raised about forcible conversion.^[108] These events happened at a time when the movement provided the ability to deploy military action against the Church's opponents and papal power was at its zenith. This did not prevent the developing disenchantment with the movement that derived from the various failures, high taxation required to fund it and the papacy's political machinations. The defeat ofLouis IX of France at theBattle of Mansurah in 1250 caused a step change in opinion. It led to despair, criticism of God and widespread loss of faith. The Church appreciated the spiritual value of the movement, but in some opinions the institution was seen as deeply flawed.^[104][105]

The movement continued developing innovative organisational financial methods, but by 1274 it was at a significant low.^[109] In response theSecond Council of Lyons initiated the search for new ideas. The response to which showed a resilience that would enable the continuation of the movement.^[109] This was not without opposition. Matthew Paris inChronica Majora and Richard of Mapham, thedean of Lincoln both raised noteworthy concerns and the Teutonic Order for one, among others of the military orders were criticized for arrogance, greed, using their great wealth to pay for luxurious lifestyles, and an inadequate response in the Holy Land. Collaboration was difficult because of open conflict between the Templars and Hospitallers and among Christians in the Baltic. The autonomy of the orders was viewed in the church as leading to a loss of effectiveness in the East and overly friendly relations with Muslims. A minority within the church includingRoger Bacon made the case that aggression in areas like the Baltic actually hindered conversion.^[110]Pope Gregory X developed the objective of reunification with the Greek church as an essential prerequisite for further crusades.^[111] In planning the funding of this crusade he created a complex tax gathering regime by Latin Christendom into twenty-six collectorates, each directed by a general collector. In order to tackle fraud each collector would further delegate tax liability assessment. This system raised vast amounts which in turn prompted further clerical criticism of obligatory taxation.^[112]

The 14th century saw further outbreaks of popular and unsanctioned crusading enthusiasm. These were often prompted by major events such as the Mongol victory at theBattle of Wadi al-Khaznadar. At the grassroots movements in France and Germany continued.^[113] TheTeutonic Order recruited crusaders in Prussia andLivonia. This was without authorization from the church, but the order utilized privileges granted half a century earlier by Innocent IV. The campaigns known as journeys orReisen were popular and attracted knights from across the Catholic states of Europe. In this way they became a chivalric cult.^[114] Following the tradition started by Innocent III, popes requested advice on strategies that could be implemented in the recovery of the Holy Land. Over twenty example papers remain from the period that is book-ended by the 1274 council of Lyon and the 1314 council of Vienna. The movement continuedInstitutionalisation with developments for the intended funding of professional armies, including a six-year tithe on clerical incomes. However, the politics of theCapetian dynasty andHouse of Barcelona prevented progress. Egypt was not blockaded and no new foothold was established in the East.^[113]

In 1132 a new approach and crusading institution had been devised called aHoly League, the first of several temporary alliances between the church and other Christian polities. In 1344, theSmyrniote crusades successfully captured Smyrni. The precedent was later followed successfully in the 1571Battle of Lepanto and in the late 17th century for the recovery of territory in theBalkans.^[115]

From 1378 until 1417 the papacy was divided in what is known as theWestern Schism between the RomanPope Urban VI against his Avignon rivalClement VII. Italy experienced a state of political anarchy with the church in Rome granting crusade indulgences to anyone who could be recruited to fight against the threat presented bymerceneries and the popes and the papacy that was now based inAvignon. Both Roman and Avignon popes authorized crusades during succession wars in Naples. Urban VI associated the crusade with BishopHenry le Despenser of Norwich’s campaign inFlanders in 1383. Inadequate church taxation restricted the ability to underwrite substantial campaigns, and papal claims underpinning crusade theory were traduced, even if crusading against heretics, pagans, Egypt, and Ottomans retained support.^[116] Eventually the movement and the papacy united in the face of the growing threat of theOttoman Turks.^[117]

By the end of the century, theReisen was obsolete and the only contact that common people had with the movement was the preaching of the indulgence. While the success or failure of propaganda varied in extent, local attitude and capability, there is no evidence that it was popular apathy or hostility that caused the failure to mobilize large scale crusading against the Turks.^[118]

FollowingEugenius IV's elevation to the papacy in 1431 the church engaged inecumenical negotiation with the Byzantine Empire. The discussions withJohn V Palaiologos resulted in agreement to unify the Latin, Greek Orthodox,Armenian,Nestorian, andCypriot Maronite churches and commitments of military support for the Byzantines. Eugenius coordinated this support in defence of Constantinople from 1440 and 1444. Despite this the Turks were decisively victorious at theBattle of Varna in November 1444, captured the city in 1453 and expanded territorially over a 28-year period.^[119]

The movement continued levying of church taxes and preaching of indulgences. As it did the commissioning of advisory tracts reconsidering the political, financial, and military issues with luminaries like asCardinal Bessarion dedicating their lives to the cause. Frankish exiles from the East toured Christendom's courts seeking assistance.Pius II attempted to persuadeMehmed II to convert and failed in attempts to raise a crusade in 1464. In this period the funding and military capability was inadequate, timed badly or just misdirected.^[120] One contributing factor was that warfare was now both increasingly professional and costly.^[118] The nature of crusading changed, with a notable increase in contractual recruitment, the need for intelligence and espionage, the importance of naval warfare, the grooming of alliances, the development of innovative tactics, and the expense of expertise in siege warfare.^[121] The difficulties of the movement caused disillusionment and doubts that the objectives of the movements were practical. The political authority of the papacy was eroded by the Western Schism to such an extent that congresses ignored. Increasingly independent secular rulers prioritized their own ambitions. No doubt was evident that Europe needed a crusade to resist the Ottoman threat, but self interest became an unavoidable barrier to this. In this situation it is difficult to find evidence of popular sentiment, particularly as actual crusading had long become divorced from most commoners' lives. In one case from 1488Wageningen parishioners were influenced by their priest's criticism of crusading to such an extent that they prevented collectors taking away donations. Contrasting accounts record successful preaching inErfurt and an extraordinary response for a crusade to relieve Belgrade in 1456.^[118]

During the late 15th and early 16th centuries, the military orders were transformed.Castile nationalized theirs between 1487 and 1499. In 1523, the Hospitallers retreated from Rhodes to Crete and Sicily and in 1530 to Malta and Gozo. TheState of the Teutonic Order became the hereditaryDuchy of Prussia when the last Prussian master,Albrecht of Brandenburg-Ansbach, converted toLutheranism and became the first duke under oath to his uncleSigismund I the Old of Poland.^[122] Rivalry between Catholic monarchs prevented anti-Protestant crusades, but individual some military actions were still rewarded with crusader privileges. These include Irish Catholicrebellions againstEnglish Protestant rule and theSpanish Armada's attack onElizabeth I of England.^[116] In 1562,Cosimo I de' Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany became the hereditary Grand Master of theOrder of Saint Stephen. This was a Tuscan military order he founded that was modelled on the knights of Malta.^[123] The Hospitallers remained the only independent military order with a positive strategy. Other orders continued as aristocratic corporations while lay powers absorbed local orders, outposts, and priories.^[124]

In the 17th century, crusading activity was mainly related to theHabsburgs and issues associated with Spanish national identity. That said theCretan War (1645–1669), theBattle of Vienna, and theHoly League (1684) were all supported with crusade indulgences and taxation. By the 18th century the crusading movement ended practical terms, although the Hospitallers continued.^[125] Other orders were largely irrelevant outside the Hapsburg Empire and following theFrench Revolution there were widespread confiscations.^[124] In 1798Napoleon ended the Hospitallers military ability by capturing their Maltese base.^[115][126] In 1809, he suppressed the Order of St Stephen, and the Teutonic Order's identity as a military order ended when it lost its German possessions and relocated to Vienna.^[123] In 1936, the Spanish Catholic church supportedFrancisco Franco's coup by declaring a crusade againstMarxism andatheism. Thirty-six years ofNational Catholicism followed. In this period the idea developed of Reconquista as a foundational historical memory. It became celebrated as part of Spanish national identity and was entrenched in conservative circles. When Spain restored democracy in 1978, Reconquista lost this historiographical hegemony. However, because of its strong ideological connotations it remains fundamental to understanding of the medieval period within conservative circles.^[127]

The crusading movement left an enduring legacy. It was a significant influence on western culture in the late medieval period and left an historical impact on the Islamic world. The impact touched nearly every aspect of European life.^[128] Historians have debated whether the Latin States created by the movement in the Eastern Mediterranean were the first examples ofEuropean colonialism. TheOutremer is the name that is often used for these states. This translates as aEurope Overseas.^[46][129] In mid-19th century historiography this became a focus for Europeannationalism and associated with European colonialism.^[130][131] This is a view that was contested. The Latin settlements did not align neatly with the typical definition a colony. They were neither directly controlled or exploited by a homeland. A different definition, of a religious colony, describes a territory conquered and settled with religious motivation. This territory maintains close contact with its homeland, share the same religious views and requires support in both military and financial terms. The polities ofVenetian Greece offer a better match to the traditional model of colonialism. These were carved out of the Byzantine Empire as a result of the crusading movement and the Fourth Crusade The republic of Venice had a political and economic stake in these territories to such a degree that the region attracted settlers that would otherwise migrated to the Latin East. In this way its success actually weakened the crusader states.^[132]

The crusading movement created a flourishing system of trade in the Mediterranean. New routes were created to serve the Outremer withGenoa and Venice planting profitable trading outposts across the region.^[133] Many historians argue that the increasingly frequent contact between the Latin Christian and Islamic cultures was a positive. It was foundational in the progress of European civilization and theRenaissance.^[134] Closer contact with the Muslim and Byzantine worlds enabled access for western European scholars to classical Greek and Roman texts. This led to the rediscovery by pre-Christian philosophy, science, and medicine.^[135] It is difficult to identify exactly the source of cultural interchange. The increase of knowledge of Islamic culture was the result of contact that stretched the breadth of theMediterranean Sea.^[136]

The movement allowed the papacy to strengthen its leadership within the Latin Church. The clergy became inured to violence, while the church developed closer links withfeudalism and military capability.^[46] TheMedieval Inquisition, Dominican and military orders as were all institutionalized.^[137] A catalyst for the Reformation was the growing opposition to developments in the use of indulgences.^[138] Relations between western Christians, the Greeks and the Muslims were also soured by the behaviour of the crusaders. These differences became an enduring barrier between the Latin, the Orthodox and Islamic worlds. The crusading movement had a reputation of a defeated aggressor and unification of the Christian churches became problematic.^[46]Political Islam makes historical parallels, provoking paradigms of jihad and struggle.Arab nationalism looks on the movement as an example ofWestern imperialism.^[139] Thinkers, politicians, and historians in the Islamic world draw an equivalence with more recent events like theLeague of Nationsmandates to govern Syria, Lebanon,Palestine, and theUnited Nations Partition Plan for Palestine.^[140] An opposing analogy has developed inWestern world right-wing circles. Here, Christianity is considered to be under a similar existential Islamic religious and demographic threat. The result isanti-Islamic rhetoric and symbols. This provides an argument for a contest with a religious foe.^[141]Thomas F. Madden argues that these modern tensions are the result of constructed view developed during the 19th century by the colonial powers. This in turn led to the rise of Arab nationalism. For Madden, the crusading movement is a defensive and solely medieval phenomenon.^[142]

Almost immediately, the First Crusade provoked literary examination. Initially this served as propaganda for the crusading movement and was based on a few separate but related works. One of these,Gesta Francorum (literally 'the deeds of the Franks'). It created a template for later works based on papal, northern French, andBenedictine ideas. It considered military success or failure entirely to God's will in its promotion of violent action.^[143]

Albert of Aachen produced contrasting vernacular stories of adventure.^[144] At this point the early chroniclers concentrated on the moral lessons that could be taken from the crusades. This reinforced normative moral and cultural positions.^[145] Academic crusade historian Paul Chevedden argued that the early accounts were already ananachronism. The writers were writing with the knowledge of the unexpected success of the First Crusade. For Chevedden, more can be learned about how the crusading movement was viewed in the 11th century in the works of Urban II who died ignorant of the crusade's success.^[146] Albert's adventure stories were developed and extended in turn byWilliam of Tyre before the end of the 12th century.^[144] William documented the early history of the militaryCrusader States. In this he illustrated the tension between secular andprovidential motivation.^[144]

In the 16th century theReformation and the Ottoman expansion shaped opinion. ProtestantmartyrologistJohn Foxe writing in his 1566 workHistory of the Turks blamed the sins of the Catholic Church for the failure of the crusades. He also criticized the use of crusading against those he considered had maintained the faith, such as the Albigensians and Waldensians. The Lutheran scholar Matthew Dresser (1536–1607) went further. He praised for their faith, but considered that Urban II was motivated by his conflict withEmperor Henry IV. Dresser considered that the flaw in the crusading movement was that the idea of restoring the physical holy places was "detestable superstition".^[147] One of the first to number the crusades was the French Catholic lawyerÉtienne Pasquier. His suggestion was that there were six. In his work he highlighted the failures. In addition he raised the damage that religious conflict had inflicted on France and the church. The key points were the victims of papal aggression, the sale of indulgences, abuses in the church, corruption, and conflicts at home.^[148]

Age of Enlightenment philosophers and historians such asDavid Hume,Voltaire andEdward Gibbon used crusading as a conceptual tool to critique religion, civilization and cultural mores. For them the positives effects of crusading, such as the increasing liberty that municipalities were able to purchase from feudal lords, were only by-products. This view was then criticized in the 19th century by Crusade enthusiasts as being unnecessarily hostile to, and ignorant of, the crusades.^[149] Alternatively,Claude Fleury andGottfried Wilhelm Leibniz proposed that the crusades were one stage in the improvement of European civilization; that paradigm was further developed by theRationalists.^[150]

The idea that the crusades were an important part of national history and identity continued to evolve. In scholarly literature, the term "holy war" was replaced by the neutral Germankreuzzug and Frenchcroisade.^[151] Gibbon followedThomas Fuller in dismissing the concept that the crusades were a legitimate defence, as they were disproportionate to the threat presented; Palestine was an objective, not because of reason but because of fanaticism and superstition.^[152]William Robertson expanded on Fleury in a new, empirical, objective approach, placing crusading in a narrative of progress towards modernity. The cultural consequences of growth in trade, the rise of the Italian cities and progress are elaborated in his work. In this he influenced his studentWalter Scott.^[153] Much of the popular understanding of the Crusades derives from the 19th-century novels of Scott and the French histories byJoseph François Michaud.^[154] Michaud's viewpoint provoked Muslim attitudes. Previously, the crusading movement had aroused little interest among Islamic and Arabic scholars. This changed with the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the penetration of European power into the Eastern Mediterrarean.^[139]

In the 2001 article "The Historiography of the Crusades", Giles Constable attempted to categorize what is meant by "Crusade" into four areas of contemporary crusade study. His view was thatTraditionalists such asHans Eberhard Mayer are concerned with where the Crusades were aimed,Pluralists such asJonathan Riley-Smith concentrate on how the Crusades were organized,Popularists including Paul Alphandery and Etienne Delaruelle focus on the popular groundswells of religious fervour, andGeneralists, such as Ernst-Dieter Hehl focus on the phenomenon of Latin holy wars.^[155][156] The historianThomas F. Madden argues that modern tensions are the result of a constructed view of the Crusades created by colonial powers in the 19th century and transmitted into Arab nationalism. For him the Crusades are a medieval phenomenon in which the crusaders were engaged in adefensive war on behalf of their co-religionists.^[142]

The Byzantines harboured a negative perspective on holy warfare, failing to grasp the concept of the Crusades and finding them repugnant. Although some initially embraced Westerners due to a common Christianity, their trust soon waned. With a pragmatic approach, the Byzantines prioritized strategic locations such as Antioch over sentimental objectives like Jerusalem. They couldn't comprehend the merging of pilgrimage and warfare. The advocacy for infidel eradication by St. Bernard and the militant role of the Templars would deeply shock them. Suspicions arose among the Byzantines that Westerners aimed for imperial conquest, leading to growing animosity. Despite occasionally using the term "holy war" in historical contexts, Byzantine conflicts were not inherently holy but perceived as just, defending the empire and Christian faith. War, to the Byzantines, was justified solely for the defence of the empire, in contrast to Muslim expansionist ideals and Western knights' notion of holy warfare to glorify Christianity.^[157]

Scholars likeCarole Hillenbrand assert that within the broader context of Muslim historical events, the Crusades were considered a marginal issue when compared to the collapse of theCaliphate, theMongol invasions, and the rise of the Turkish Ottoman Empire, supplanting Arab rule.^[158] Arab historians, influenced by historical opposition to Turkish control over their homelands, adopted a Western perspective on the Crusades.^[158] Syrian Christians proficient in Arabic played a vital role by translating French histories into Arabic. The first modern biography of Saladin was authored by the Ottoman TurkNamık Kemal in 1872, while the Egyptian Sayyid Ali al-Hariri produced the initial Arabic history of the Crusades in response to KaiserWilhelm II's visit to Jerusalem in 1898.^[159] The visit triggered a renewed interest in Saladin, who had previously been overshadowed by more recent leaders likeBaybars. The reinterpretation of Saladin as a hero against Western imperialism gained traction among nationalist Arabs, fuelled by anti-imperialist sentiment.^[160] The intersection of history and contemporary politics is evident in the development of ideas surrounding jihad and Arab nationalism. Historical parallels between the Crusades and modern political events, such as the establishment ofIsrael in 1948, have been drawn.^[140] In contemporary Western discourse, right-wing perspectives have emerged, viewing Christianity as under threat analogous to the Crusades, using crusader symbols and anti-Islamic rhetoric for propaganda purposes.^[141] Madden argues that Arab nationalism absorbed a constructed view of the Crusades created by colonial powers in the 19th century, contributing to modern tensions. Madden suggests that the crusading movement, from a medieval perspective, engaged in adefensive war on behalf of co-religionists.^[142]

• History of the Jews and the Crusades
• List of principal crusaders
• List of Crusader castles
• Women in the Crusades
• Criticism of crusading

• Crusades

• Articles with short description
• Short description is different from Wikidata
• Use Oxford spelling from December 2024
• All articles with vague or ambiguous time
• Vague or ambiguous time from January 2025
• Articles containing Lingala-language text
• Wikipedia articles needing clarification from January 2025
• Articles containing Latin-language text
• Articles containing Spanish-language text
• Articles containing French-language text
• Articles containing German-language text
• Articles containing Tagalog-language text