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Cordyline fruticosa

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Species of plant
"Ti plant" redirects here; not to be confused withtea plant.

Cordyline fruticosa
Foliage and fruit
GreenC. fruticosa in Makawao Forest Reserve,Maui
Scientific classificationEdit this classification
Kingdom:Plantae
Clade:Tracheophytes
Clade:Angiosperms
Clade:Monocots
Order:Asparagales
Family:Asparagaceae
Subfamily:Lomandroideae
Genus:Cordyline
Species:
C. fruticosa
Binomial name
Cordyline fruticosa
Synonyms[1]

Convallaria fruticosaL.
Asparagus terminalisL.
Cordyline terminalisKunth
Dracaena terminalisLam.
Dracaena formosaW.BullTerminalis fruticosa(L.)Kuntze

Cordyline fruticosa is anevergreen flowering plant in the familyAsparagaceae. It is known by a wide variety ofcommon names, includingti plant,palm lily, andcabbage palm.

The plant has been cultivated in Asia and Oceania, with a number of uses including food and traditional medicine. It is of great cultural importance to the traditional inhabitants of thePacific Islands andMaritime Southeast Asia.

Description

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It is a palm-like plant growing up to 4.5 metres (15 feet) tall[2] with an attractive fan-like and spirally arranged cluster of broadly elongatedleaves at the tip of the slender trunk. The leaves range from red to green[2] and variegated forms. It is awoody plant with leaves 30–60 centimetres (12–24 inches) (rarely 75 cm or 30 in) long and 5–10 cm (2–4 in) wide at the top of a woody stem. It produces 40–60 cm (16–24 in) longpanicles of small scented yellowish to redflowers that mature into redberries.

Taxonomy

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Cordyline fruticosa was formerly listed as part of the families Agavaceae and Laxmanniaceae (now both subfamilies of theAsparagaceae in theAPG III system).

Names

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The reconstructedProto-Malayo-Polynesian word forti plant is*siRi. Cognates includeMalagasysíly;Palauansis;Ere andKurutisiy;Arakijihi;Arosidiri;Chuukesetii-n;Wuvulusi orti;Tongan;Samoan,Tahitian, andMāori; andHawaiian. The names in some languages have also been applied to the botanically unrelated garden crotons (Codiaeum variegatum), which similarly have red or yellow leaves. The cognates of Proto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian*sabaqaŋ, similarly, have been applied to both garden crotons and ti plants.[3][4]

In thePhilippines, they are also known by names derived from the Proto-Austronesian*kilala, "to know", due to its use indivination rituals. Cognates derived from that usage includeTagalogsagilala; andVisayan andBikolkilála orkilaa, though inCentral Visayas, this plant is calledti-as.[3] In New Zealand, the terms for ti were also transferred to the native and closely related cabbage tree (Cordyline australis), astī kōuka.[3]

Cultivation

[edit]
Specimens inMaui

Its original native distribution is unknown, but it is believed to be native to the region fromBangladesh, toMainland Southeast Asia,South China,Taiwan,Maritime Southeast Asia,New Guinea, andNorthern Australia. It has the highest morphological diversity in New Guinea and is believed to have been extensively cultivated there.[5][6]

It was carried throughoutOceania by Austronesians, reaching as far asHawaii,New Zealand (including theKermadec Islands), andEaster Island at their furthest extent. A particularly important type of ti in eastern Polynesia is a large green-leafed cultivar grown for their enlargededible rhizomes. Unlike the ti populations in Southeast Asia andNear Oceania, this cultivar is almost entirely sterile in the further islands of eastern Polynesia. It can be propagated only by cuttings from the stalks or therhizomes. It is speculated that this was the result of deliberateartificial selection, probably because they produce larger and less fibrous rhizomes more suitable for use as food.[5][7][8]

It was introduced to Europe as a houseplant in 1771.[9]

Uses

[edit]
Ti tree as wedding decorations inCirebon,Javanese culture

The roots and young leaves can be cooked and eaten assurvival food.[2] The leaves can make a rain cloak.[2]

In the Philippines, the roots were used to flavor the traditionalintus sugarcane wines of theLumad people ofMindanao.[10]

In Polynesia, the leaves of the green-leafed form are used to wrap food, lineearth ovens and fermentation pits ofbreadfruit, and their rhizomes harvested and processed into a sweet molasses-like pulp eaten like candy or used to produce a honey-like liquid used in various sweet treats. InHawaii, the roots mixed with water and fermented are also distilled into an alcoholic beverage known asokolehao.[5][11][12][13] Fibers extracted from leaves are also used in cordage and in making bird traps.[11]

The plants are widely used fortraditional medicine, dye, and ornamentation throughoutAustronesia andNew Guinea.[14] The flowers are a traditional treatment forasthma, and their anthocyanin content has been assessed to see if they might be commercial herbal remedy.[15]

Ti is a popularornamental plant, with numerouscultivars available, many of them selected for green or reddish or purple foliage.

Cultural significance

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Cordyline fruticosa (under its synonymterminalis) on aPitcairn stamp

The species is regarded as one of the most important plants related to the indigenous socio-cultural practices of the Pacific and Island Southeast-Asia. In particular, it was propagated throughout theAustronesian linguistic area by humans, not so much for its food value but mainly for socio-cultural reasons.[7] It is widely regarded as having mystical and spiritual importance in various cultures. It is common planted on grave sites, used in magical and ritual practices, including for healing.[14] It is also used as a decorative attire and ornamentation, and as a boundary markers. It is common for the red and green cultivars to be used differently in rituals. Red ti plants commonly symbolize blood, war, and the ties between the living and the dead; while green ti plants commonly symbolize peace and healing.[16][17][18] Their ritual uses in Island Southeast Asia have largely been obscured by the introduction of Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity, but they still persist in certain areas or are co-opted for the rituals of the new religions.[16]

InPhilippineanitism, ti were commonly used bybabaylan (femaleshamans) when conductingmediumship or healing rituals. A common belief in Filipino cultures is that the plant has the innate ability to hostspirits. Among theIfugao people ofNorthern Luzon, it is planted around terraces and communities to drive away evil spirits as well as mark boundaries of cultivated fields. The red leaves are believed to be attractive to spirits and is worn during important rituals as part of the headdresses and tucked into armbands. In the past, it was also worn during ceremonial dances calledbangibang, which was performed by both men and women for warriors who died in battle or through violent means. They are also used to decorate ritual objects.[19][20][21][22] Among thePalaw'an people, it is planted in burial grounds to prevent the dead from becoming malevolent spirits.[23]InIndonesia, red ti are used similarly as in the Philippines. Among theDayak,Sundanese,Kayan,Kenyah,Berawan,Iban andMongondow people, red ti are used as wards against evil spirits and as boundary markers. They are also used in rituals like in healing and funerals and are very commonly planted in sacred groves and around shrines.[16][24] The Dayak also extract a natural green dye from ti.[25] During healing rituals of theMentawai people, thelife-giving spirit are enticed with songs and offerings to enter ti stems which are then reconciled with the sick person.[26] Among theSasak people, green ti leaves are used as part of the offerings to spirits by thebelian shamans.[25] Among theBaduy people, green ti represent the body, while red ti represent the soul. Both are used in rice planting rituals. They are also planted on burial grounds.[27][28] Among theBalinese andKaro people, ti plants are planted near village or family shrines in asacred grove.[29][30] Among theToraja people, red ti plants are used in rituals and as decorations of ritual objects. They are believed to occur in both the material and the spirit worlds (a common belief in Austronesian animism). In the spirit world, they exist as fins and tails of spirits. In the material world, they are most useful as guides used to attract the attentions of spirits. The red leaves are also symbolic of blood and thus of life and vitality.[31][32][33] Among theNgaju people, ti plants were symbolic of thesacred groves of ancestors. They were also important in ritual promises dedicated to high gods. They were regarded as symbolic of the masculine "Tree of Life", in a dichotomy againstFicus species which symbolize the feminine "Tree of the Dead".[16]

The consumption of the sacred plant as food by Polynesians was originallytaboo, believed to have been a daring innovation of Polynesian cultures as a response to famine conditions.[clarification needed] The lifting of the taboo is believed to be tied to the development of thefirewalking ritual.[16]

InNew Guinea, ti are commonly planted to indicate land ownership for cultivation and are also planted around ceremonial men's houses. They are also used in various rituals and are commonly associated with blood and warfare.[34][35][36] Among theTsembaga Maring people, they are believed to house "red spirits" (spirits of men who died in battle). Prior to a highly ritualized (but lethal) warfare over land ownership, they are uprooted and pigs are sacrificed to the spirits. After the hostilities, they are re-planted in the new land boundaries depending on the outcome of the fight. The men involved ritually place their souls into the plants. The ritual warfare have been suppressed by thePapua New Guinea government, but parts of the rituals still survive.[18][37] Among theAnkave people, red ti is part of theircreation myth, believed as having arisen from the site of the first murder.[38] Among the Mendi and Sulka people they are made into dyes used as body paint, and their leaves are used for body adornments and purification rituals.[39] Among the Nikgini people, the leaves have magical abilities to bring good luck and are used indivination and in decorating ritual objects.[40] Among theKapauku people, ti plants are regarded as magical plants and are believed to be spiritual beings themselves. Unlike other magical plants which are controlled by other spirits, ti plants had their own spirits and are powerful enough to command other spiritual beings. Red plants are used inwhite magic rituals, while green plants are used inblack magic rituals. They are also commonly used in protection and warding rituals. Among theBaktaman people, red plants are used for initiation rites, while green plants are used for healing. TheOk-speaking peoples also regard ti plants as their collectivetotem.[16]

InIsland Melanesia, ti are regarded as sacred by various Austronesian-speaking peoples and are used in rituals for protection, divination, and fertility.[16] Among theKwaio people, red ti are associated with feuding and vengeance, while green ti are associated with ancestor spirits, markers of sacred groves, and wards against evil. The Kwaio cultivate these varieties around their communities.[41] Among the Maenge people ofNew Britain, ti leaves are worn as everyday skirts by women. The color and size of leaves can vary by personal preference and fashion. New cultivars with different colors are traded regularly and strands of ti are grown near the village. Red leaves can only worn by women past puberty. Ti is also the most important plant in magic and healing rituals of the Maenge. Some ti cultivars are associated with supernatural spirits and have names and folklore around them.[42] InVanuatu,Cordyline leaves, known locally by theBislama namenanggaria, are worn tucked into a belt in traditional dances likeMāʻuluʻulu, with different varieties having particular symbolic meanings. Cordylines are often planted outsidenakamal buildings.[43] InFiji, red ti leaves are used as skirts for dancers and are used in rituals dedicated to the spirits of the dead. They are also planted around ceremonial buildings used for initiation rituals.[16]

InMicronesia, ti leaves are buried under newly built houses inPohnpei to ward of malign sorcery.[34] In instances of an unknown death, shamans in Micronesia communicate with the dead spirit through ti plants, naming various causes of death until the plant trembles.[7] There is also archaeological evidence that the rhizomes of the plants were eaten in the past inGuam prior to theLatte Period.[44]

InPolynesia, green ti were cultivated widely for food and religious purposes. They are commonly planted around homes, in sacred places (includingmarae andheiau), and in grave sites. The leaves are also carried as a charm when traveling and the leaves are used in rituals that communicate with the species. Like in Southeast Asia, they are widely believed to protect against evil spirits and bad luck; as well as having the ability to host spirits of dead people, as well as nature spirits.[5][7][11]

Inancient Hawaiʻi the plant was thought to have great spiritual power; onlykahuna (shamans) andaliʻi (chiefs) were able to wear leaves around their necks during certain ritual activities. Ti was sacred to the god of fertility and agricultureLono, and the goddess of the forest and thehula dance,Laka. Ti leaves were also used to makelei, and to outline borders between properties it was also planted at the corners of the home to keep evil spirits away. To this day some Hawaiians plant near their houses to bring good luck. The leaves are also used forlava sledding. A number of leaves are lashed together and people ride down hills on them. The leaves were also used to make items ofclothing includingskirts worn in dance performances. TheHawaiianhula skirt is a dense skirt with an opaque layer of at least fifty green leaves and the bottom (top of the leaves) shaved flat. TheTongan dance dress, thesisi, is an apron of about 20 leaves, worn over atupenu, and decorated with some yellow or red leaves.[45][46][47]

InNew Zealand, certain place names are derived from the use and folklore of ti, like Puketī Forest andTemuka. The ti plants inKaingaroa are known asnga tī whakāwe o Kaingaroa ("the phantom trees of Kaingaroa"), based on the legend of two women who were turned into ti plants and seemingly follow people traveling through the area.[11]

See also

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References

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  1. ^"Cordyline fruticosa".Germplasm Resources Information Network.Agricultural Research Service,United States Department of Agriculture. Retrieved2009-11-17.
  2. ^abcdUnited States Department of the Army (2009).The Complete Guide to Edible Wild Plants. New York:Skyhorse Publishing. p. 104.ISBN 978-1-60239-692-0.OCLC 277203364.
  3. ^abcBlust, Robert; Trussel, Stephen (2013)."The Austronesian Comparative Dictionary: A Work in Progress".Oceanic Linguistics.52 (2):493–523.doi:10.1353/ol.2013.0016.S2CID 146739541.
  4. ^"*Tï".Te Mära Reo: The Language Garden. Benton Family Trust. Retrieved15 January 2019.
  5. ^abcdHinkle, Anya E. (May 2007). "Population structure of PacificCordyline fruticosa (Laxmanniaceae) with implications for human settlement of Polynesia".American Journal of Botany.94 (5):828–839.Bibcode:2007AmJB...94..828H.doi:10.3732/ajb.94.5.828.PMID 21636452.
  6. ^Philip, Simpson (9 September 2012)."Cordyline fruticosa (ti plant)".Invasive Species Compendium. Centre for Agriculture and Bioscience International. Retrieved19 January 2019.
  7. ^abcdHinkle, Anya E. (2004)."The distribution of a male sterile form of ti (Cordyline fruticosa) in Polynesia: a case of human selection?"(PDF).The Journal of the Polynesian Society.113 (3):263–290. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 2022-07-05. Retrieved2019-01-19.
  8. ^Trisha, Borland (2009)."Cordyline fruticosa: the distribution and continuity of a sacred plant"(PDF).UCB Moorea Class: Biology and Geomorphology of Tropical Islands. Student Research Papers, Fall 2009. University of California.
  9. ^Horwood, Catherine (2007).Potted history : the story of plants in the home. London: Frances Lincoln. p. 70.ISBN 978-0-7112-2800-9.OCLC 155682753.
  10. ^Garvan, John M. (1912)."Report on the drinks and drinking among the Mandaya, Manobo, and Mangguangan Tribes".The Philippine Journal of Science: Section A.7:106–114.
  11. ^abcdSimpson, Philip (1 January 1997)."Are Cabbage Trees Worth Anything? Relating Ecological and Human Values in the Cabbage Tree, tī kōuka".The Journal of New Zealand Studies.7 (1).doi:10.26686/jnzs.v7i1.395.
  12. ^Lanier, Clint (10 November 2016)."Okolehao, the Sweet Hawaiian Moonshine With an Unsavory Past".Eater. Retrieved21 January 2019.
  13. ^Griffith, Robert Eglesfeld (1847).Medical Botany. Lea and Blanchard. p. 655.
  14. ^abLense, Obed (1 April 2012)."The wild plants used as traditional medicines by indigenous people of Manokwari, West Papua".Biodiversitas.13 (2):98–106.doi:10.13057/biodiv/d130208.
  15. ^Adaku, Christopher; Skaar, Irene; Byamukama, Robert; Jordheim, Monica; Andersen, Øyvind M. (2020)."Anthocyanin Profile and Antioxidant Property of Anti-asthma Flowers of Cordyline terminalis (L.) Kunth (Agavaceae)".Natural Product Communications.15 (5): 1934578X2092263.doi:10.1177/1934578X20922637.ISSN 1934-578X.S2CID 218954103.
  16. ^abcdefghEhrlich, Celia (2000)."'Inedible' to 'edible': Firewalking and the ti plant [Cordyline fruticosa (L.) A. Chev.]".The Journal of the Polynesian Society.109 (4):371–400. Archived fromthe original on 2019-12-01. Retrieved2019-01-21.
  17. ^Ehrlich, Celia (1989)."Special problems in an ethnobotanical literature search:Cordyline terminalis (L.) Kunth, the "Hawaiian ti plant""(PDF).Journal of Ethnobiology.9 (1):51–63.
  18. ^abRappaport, Roy A. (1989).Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People, Second Edition. Waveland Press. pp. 19, 125, 231.ISBN 9781478610021.
  19. ^van Schooneveld, Inge (18 July 2018)."Punnuk rice harvest ritual celebrates the Earth's abundance".Sinchi. Retrieved19 January 2019.
  20. ^de Guzman, Daniel (6 July 2018)."Flora De Filipinas: A Short Overview of Philippine Plant Lore".The Aswang Project. Retrieved19 January 2019.
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  22. ^Balangcod, T.D.; Balangcod, A.K. (January 2009). "Underutilized Plant Resources in Tinoc, Ifugao, Cordillera Administrative Region, Luzon Island, Philippines".Acta Horticulturae (806):647–654.doi:10.17660/ActaHortic.2009.806.80.
  23. ^Novellino, Dario (2001)."Palawan Attitudes Toward Illness"(PDF).Philippine Studies.49 (1):78–93.
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  25. ^abRahayu, Mulyati; Rustiami, Himmah; Rugayah (2016)."Ethnobotanical Study of Sasak Ethnic, East Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara"(PDF).Journal of Tropical Biology and Conservation:85–99.
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  29. ^Domenig, Gaudenz (2014). Hoefte, Rosemarijn; Nordholt, Henk Schulte (eds.).Religion and Architecture in Premodern Indonesia: Studies in Spatial Anthropology. Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Vol. 294. BRILL. p. 74.ISBN 9789004274075.
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  33. ^Fox, James J. (2006).Inside Austronesian Houses: Perspectives on Domestic Designs for Living. ANU E Press. p. 21.ISBN 9781920942847.
  34. ^abSheridan, Michael (1 January 2016). "Boundary Plants, the Social Production of Space, and Vegetative Agency in Agrarian Societies".Environment and Society.7 (1):29–49.Bibcode:2016ESAR....7...29S.doi:10.3167/ares.2016.070103.
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  39. ^Hill, Rowena Catherine (2011).Colour and Ceremony: the role of paints among the Mendi and Sulka peoples of Papua New Guinea (MSc). Durham University.
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  42. ^Panoff, Françoise (2018). Barbira-Freedman, Françoise (ed.).Maenge Gardens: A study of Maenge relationship to domesticates. pacific-credo Publications.doi:10.4000/books.pacific.690.ISBN 9782956398189.
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  45. ^Kawate, M.; Uchida, J.; Coughlin, J.; Melzer, M.; Kadooka, C.; Kam, J.; Sugano, J.; Fukuda, S. (2014)."Ti Leaf (Cordyline terminalis orfruticosa) Diseases in Hawaii's Commercial Orchards"(PDF).HānaiʻAi/The Food Provider:1–11. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 2015-12-10. Retrieved2019-01-21.
  46. ^Gamayo, Darde (4 August 2016)."Ti Leaf: Canoe Plant of Ancient Hawai'i".Big Island Now. Retrieved21 January 2019.
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External links

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