Conservative People's Party of Estonia Eesti Konservatiivne Rahvaerakond | |
|---|---|
| Chairman | Martin Helme |
| Deputy chairmen | Mart Helme |
| Founded | 24 March 2012; 13 years ago (2012-03-24) |
| Merger of | |
| Headquarters | Toompuiestee 27,Tallinn |
| Newspaper | Konservatiivide Vaba Sõna |
| Youth wing | Blue Awakening (2012–2024)Turning Point Estonia 2025-Present |
| Membership(2025) | |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Far-right |
| European affiliation | Patriots.eu |
| European Parliament group | ID Group (2019–2024) ECR Group (2024) |
| Colours | Blue |
| Riigikogu | 10 / 101 |
| Municipalities | 164 / 1,688 |
| European Parliament | 0 / 7 |
| Party flag | |
| Website | |
| ekre.ee | |
TheConservative People's Party of Estonia (Estonian:Eesti Konservatiivne Rahvaerakond,EKRE) is anationalist andright-wing populist political party inEstonia led byMartin Helme. It was founded in March 2012 with the merger ofPeople's Union of Estonia andEstonian Patriotic Movement while legally remaining the same entity as thePeople's Union of Estonia. Its first leader,Margo Miljand, served as the chairman until 2013 when he was succeeded byMart Helme. Its popularity remained low until late 2014, when the party began to draw supporters from the right; in the2015 Estonian parliamentary election, it passed the electoral threshold and won seats in parliament for the first time. Since then, its support has grown, turning it into one of the largest parties in Estonia. In the2019 Estonian parliamentary election, EKRE placed third, winning 19 seats in total. Mart was succeeded as party chairman by his son, Martin Helme, in July 2020.[5]
Since its inception, EKRE has been described as aradical right[6][7] or afar-right party.[8] The party's leadership rejects theleft–right political spectrum.[9] Widely described as anationalist,[10][11][12][13]ultranationalist,[14][15][16][17] andnational-conservative party,[3][18] it opposes immigration, including Russian immigration, into Estonia.[19][20] The party supports the transition of the public school education, which until now has been provided inRussian to the Russian-speaking Soviet immigrant minority in Estonia, into Estonian-language education,[21] and wishes to implement Swiss-styledirect democracy, e.g.popular initiatives.[22][23] Due to its right-wing populist and anti-Russian rhetoric,[24][25][26] it has been described by critics asxenophobic andracist.[27][28] On social issues, it is traditionalist,[29][30] while its foreign views are orientated towardsEuroscepticism.[31]
The party is a descendant of several earlier Estonian nationalist movements and political groups.[32] TheEstonian Patriotic Movement (ERL) was a politicalpressure group founded in 2006.[33] From 2008, the movement was led by Martin Helme.[a] ERL was set up in the middle of 2006 to promote the removal of the "Bronze Soldier of Tallinn", aStalinist war monument, from the centre of capital cityTallinn. After 2007, the main political positions of the ERL were opposition to the building of the Russian-GermanNord Stream 1 pipeline through theBaltic Sea, criticism of the loss of Estonian sovereignty due to membership in theEuropean Union, support for aNATO military base being installed in Estonia, and active opposition to theEstonian Centre Party's pro-Russia policies and other perceived improper acts.[35] The movement repeatedly expressed displeasure for theRussian Federation's covert interference in Estonia's internal affairs. In June 2007, ERL issued a press release demanding the declaration of the Russian Ambassador to Estonia, Nikolai Uspenski, apersona non grata based on his repeated attempts at such interference.
The party (EKRE) was formally founded in March 2012 when an agrarian centrist partyPeople's Union of Estonia and the Estonian Patriotic Movement (ERL) merged.[36] The People's Union had started to look for a possible merging partner already in 2010. The talks then with theSocial Democratic Party were concluded and a special congress was convened to approve the merger agreement. However, at the party congress, only 172 delegates out of 412 supported the deal.[37] Following the failed merger attempt, many leading members (MPs) left the party and joined the Social Democrats.[38] In the2011 parliamentary election, the People's Union did not pass the 5% threshold.
Mart Helme and several of his close allies ran at the election as independent candidates, none of whom passed the threshold necessary for an independent to enter the parliament. After the election, the leader of the People's Union, Margo Miljand, met with Helme. To save the party, Helme advised him to change the party name and alter the program. With links to the nationalist Estonian Patriotic Movement, Helme advised a deal between the two. The movement promised it would help redo the party programme and elect new leaders.[9]
In March 2012, the Estonian Patriotic Movement merged into the People's Union and the latter changed its name to the Conservative People's Party of Estonia.[39] At the assembly inPõltsamaa, where the party was founded, EKRE made its first political statement: "No political party in theRiigikogu represents the Estonian people, our national interest or traditional values. The government acts on right- and left liberal, also socialist ideas that our countrymen are simply statistical units or taxpayers, consumers at best. It is not far right or far left, just ultra-liberalism. The Conservative People's Party gives a solution to the voters who are sick of forced choice betweenAnsip andSavisaar, East and West, left and right."[40] For the first three months, EKRE's support according to the polls was zero, then it began to gradually rise.[9]
Representatives of EKRE have taken part in the yearly gatherings of the veterans of theEstonian Legion at theSinimäed Hills. In 2013, the attendance ofMart Helme was praised inEstonian media while the abstention of other parties' leaders was frown upon and seen as a result ofRussian anti-fascist propaganda.[41]
During the local elections in October 2013, the party gained representation in several smaller municipalities, such as the parishes ofTudulinna[42] andHäädemeeste.[43] A member of the party also became mayor of the town ofSaue;[44] however, he was set up independently of EKRE in a local party's list.
The first party since the 1990s to politically organiseEstonian diaspora, EKRE founded itsFinland branch in October 2014.[45]
In the run-up to the2015 parliamentary election, EKRE managed to draw supporters from the mainstream right, including defectors mainly from theIRL, but also from the liberalReform Party and theFree Party's initiative group.[46] In the election, EKRE won 8.1% of the vote and seven seats in theRiigikogu.[47] Soon after, the winning Reform Party excluded EKRE from the coalition talks, citing as a reason a blog post by EKRE's MPJaak Madison, written in January 2012. In the blog post, Madison, commented on the economic policies inNazi Germany in the 1930s: "There is no perfect form of government, not even democracy. I consider that (German) fascism was a (negative) ideology that also included several positive nuances that could be needed in order to preserve the nation-state."[48]
The formerpresident of EstoniaArnold Rüütel voiced his support for Mart Helme in the2016 Estonian presidential election.[49][50]
As of 2018, EKRE was the onlypolitical party in Estonia with growing membership numbers. While all other parties were losing members, EKRE was gaining a few hundred members on a yearly basis.[51]
In March 2019 Mart Helme said to the press that he wishes that one day his party would be the sole ruling party of Estonia.[52]
After gaining 17.8% of the votes in the2019 parliamentary election, EKRE joinedJüri Ratas' second cabinet with five out of fifteen cabinet positions.[53][54] In 2021, Jüri Ratas resigned and thenew government was formed without EKRE.
In 2021, pundits noticed that since 2019 EKRE support grew in theRussian community (notably inIda-Viru County) This might be attributed to party's social conservative stance on social policy matters (e. g. opposition to the same-sex marriage).[55][56]
The leadership of dissolvedEstonian Independence Party joined EKRE in October 2022.[57][58]
In the March 2023general election, EKRE received 16,05% of the vote and won 17 seats.[59] The party remained in opposition.[60]
A major split in the party took place after the2024 European Parliament election, with several MPs being expelled from the party, and the party's sole MEP,Jaak Madison leaving the party. Those who departed EKRE accused the EKRE leadership of pro-Russian stances and called for a less aggressive communication style towards political opponents.[61] Several of the politicians who left EKRE subsequently formed the 'Estonian Nationalists and Conservatives' party.[62]
EKRE describes itself as "a principled and bravely patriotic Estonian party with an unshakable mission to protect Estonian national values and interests".[33]
The Estonian Conservative People's Party program states that it is founded on the continuity of the Republic of Estonia and itsConstitution, and it unites people who fight for the nation state,social cohesion anddemocratic principles.[63]
EKRE states that the activities of the party are based on three fundamental values:
It has also been labelled "far-right" by Kari Käsper, the Executive Director of Estonian Human Rights Centre,[64] and in foreign media byBBC News[65] andThe Christian Science Monitor.[66] According toFox News, EKRE is a far-right party, "considered by some to have Fascist-Neo-Nazi sympathies similar to many other flourishing nationalist parties in the Baltics and Eastern Europe".[67] TheSimon Wiesenthal Center has called EKRE youth organisation's annual torchlight procession an "extreme right march".[68]
Martin Helme, the party leader, has said that the accusations of extremism simply reflect the unfamiliarity and discomfort of the ruling class and media with the new political rhetoric of EKRE: "The mainstream has become so orthodox, so narrow, that whatever is not immaculately, diligently, fervently more-catholic-than-pope mainstream is immediately labelled extremism."[9]
The programme of EKRE states that the citizens must actively guard against the external as well as the internal enemy in order to secure the Estonian nation, the survival of its independence and its status as an ethno-state. It also states as its objectives the creation of the environment needed for the survival of the Estonian language and culture.[31] The party calls for implementation ofdirect democracy,[69]balanced state budget, and strict control over immigration to Estonia.[citation needed] Mart Helme has also expressed wishes for EKRE to gain the parliamentary majority and become the sole governing party (in contrast with Estonia's usualcoalition governments).[52]
The EKRE strongly opposes the widespread closure of schools in the countryside. Its program requires the teachers to speak high-level Estonian and be loyal to the Estonian state. To raise the quality of education, EKRE desires to raise the wages of teachers.[70]
According to the program of the party, the importance of health care is linked to the preservation of the Estonian nation. The party stands for free dental treatment,[71] wants to limit the availability of tobacco, alcohol and narcotics, and opposes abortion.[70]
According to EKRE, demography is one of the most crucial aspects in the survival of the Estonian state. According to Mart Helme, Estonia is in a "demographic crisis", characterised by low birth rate and emigration of more than 100,000 Estonians in recent years.[72] To counter the falling birth rate, the party has proposed family welfare programs such as paying back a quarter of a married couple'smortgage loan with every child's birth and lowering a parent's income tax by 5% rate for every child being raised in the family.[71][73]
EKRE has actively stood againstimmigration from the Middle East and Africa,[74] especially regarding the quota system proposed by EU Commission in 2015 to resettle the immigrants to all EU member states.[31] Citing a large number of Russians already imported during the Soviet occupation, the party has repeatedly ruled out supporting any further mass immigration into Estonia. The party upholds that the Estonian migration policies must advance the aim of "expanding the amount and percentage of Estonians in Estonia" and if the liberal government allows immigration to "alter the ethnic makeup of Estonia", it is "scandalous and undemocratic".[75]
Commenting on riots in socially segregated suburbs in Sweden,Martin Helme, then board member and the party leader's son said in a TV talk show in May 2013: "Estonia shouldn't allow things to go as far as in England, France and Sweden. Our immigration policy should have one simple rule: if you're black, go back. As simple as that. We shouldn't allow this problem to emerge in the first place."[74]
According to the political scientist Tõnis Saarts, the will to show the Russian minority "their proper place" by making the language and citizenship laws more strict seems to be the "ancient urge of this party".[76]
In response to the arrest ofEstonian Defence Forces Major Deniss Metsavas, who has ethnic Russian background, for giving classified information to theGRU, Blue Awakening has proposedethnic profiling when giving non-ethnic Estonian officers access to government secrets. EKRE representative Ruuben Kaalep reasoned: "The only logical explanation for his actions is that blood is thicker than water. Loyalty is not guaranteed by Estonian citizenship or even a soldier's oath given to the Estonian state. Loyalty is based on a feeling of ethnic belonging and a bond with one's ancestors."[77]
Prior to the2019 Estonian parliamentary election, Mart Helme said that there was an "overlap" between the party's "very conservative" attitudes towards immigration and "homosexual propaganda" and those of Russians in Estonia.[78] Mart Helme has criticised Ukrainian immigration to Estonia, on the basis that both Estonian and Russian residents would "lose their jobs" to lower-wage Ukrainian migrants.[79]
The party strictly opposed the civil partnership law on registered partnership for same-sex couples that was adopted byRiigikogu in October 2014. Arguing the law grants adoption rights to homosexual couples, the party believes it essentially establishes same-sex marriage. Instead, the party proposes laws that would help to raise the birth rate and strengthen the societal attitudes towards having children, including the need to strengthen the traditional family model.[80]
EKRE also says that pushing through the law while opinion polls showed that the majority of Estonian people opposed it was undemocratic. The party platform proposes a referendum on the civil partnership law.[71]
The party's chairman Mart Helme has characterised the Baltic Pride as "some kind of a parade ofperverts".[81]
The safeguarding of a parade of perverts is not the job of the police.[82]
— Mart Helme, chairman of EKRE, talking about the LGBT Pride march in Tallinn, in Uued Uudised, 2017
Homosexual- and multicultural propaganda has to be taken out of schools. Children need to get the best education, an Estonian-minded upbringing and healthy values from school. We support giving children a patriotic education. We do not allow so-called tolerance propaganda in schools. Education should not be played with![83]
— One of the "10 commandments" of EKRE
EKRE views Estonia's form of government as heavily biased towardsrepresentative democracy, without means for the people to have an influence on politics other than elections. To change that, the party wants to return to more traditional ways ofdirect democracy, such as provided by the earlierEstonian constitutions of 1920 and 1934.[84]
The party program includes support of the right of citizens to createinitiatives if at least 25,000 registered voters sign a petition to put a bill on referendum. EKRE supports public presidential elections,recall elections and public elections of judges, prosecutors and local police prefects. The party wants to abolishD'Hondt method from the parliamentary elections.[84]
The party program states that the development of the market must serve the national interest.[70] The party calls for creation of a nationalpublic bank.[85] It has also supportedcooperative banking inTartu, including in its program the establishment of an alternative interest-free currency.[86]
EKRE has voiced criticism over the execution of theRail Baltica project. According to the party, Rail Baltica could potentially bring great benefit to the economy of Estonia, but the current project has a questionable impact on the environment and local communities, as well as a doubtful economic viability.[87] In 2016, both Mart Helme and Henn Põlluaas proposed that the current project should be replaced with avactrain orHyperloop connecting Estonia to Central Europe.[88][89] The party has supported limiting the sale of land to foreigners.[90]
According to EKRE, the "untouched natural beauty" of Estonia must be preserved more effectively. Therefore, the party supports alternative and environment-friendly sources of energy. EKRE wants to intensify the fight against littering and says the offenders must be punished at least with a sum necessary to compensate for the harm created to nature.[70] The party's program includes a ban on allgenetically modified foods and their import.[70] EKRE has been described as beingskeptical of climate change.[91]
The Conservative People's Party of Estonia often calls to protect Estonia's independence and sovereignty fromsupranational unions. They say that theEuropean Union is moving towards a federal state and Estonia should veto any legislation that centralises more power to the hands of EU.[92] On 30 August 2012, EKRE organised a protest atToompea against the ratification ofEuropean Stability Mechanism treaty.[93]
While the party does not advocate Estonia's exit from the EU, it believes that the union has to undergo a drastic change. According to EKRE, the EU has to become a military alliance that would defend all European ethnicities based on the concept ofethnopluralism. EKRE wants to strongly limit the amount of bureaucracy in the EU.[94]
EKRE strongly opposes a proposed border treaty between Estonia and Russia, which, according to the party, would cede 5.2% of Estonia's territory[when?] to the latter permanently and without compromise or compensation to Estonia. The party has called the possible signing of the treaty "treason" and the Estonian politicians who would sign it "traitors to the state".[95] However, EKRE more recently[when?] has expressed support for the eventual normalisation of relations with Russia, urging a similar policy towards Russia as that of Finland, and to "not parlay up every minor incident into a drama".[78] Although Mart Helme supports existing sanctions imposed against Russia, he has criticised American and EU sanctions policies towards Russia, warning that tougher sanctions would not "make Russia become a democracy", and believes "diplomatic negotiations" are the only way to resolve Estonia's disputes with Russia.[79] He has also rejected suggestions that Russian PresidentVladimir Putin is an enemy of Estonia, describing Putin as a "pragmatist" who is "pretty neutral" towards Estonia.[79] These mildly pro-Russian positions were abruptly reversed after the2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine: after the invasion started, the EKRE proposed a ban on the ownership of weapons byRussians in Estonia and supported the proposal of stopping gas importations from Russia to Estonia.[96][97] However, Martin Helme later expressed criticism of Estonian aid to Ukraine, citing the need to prioritize infrastructure investment,[98] and suggested that Estonia "concentrate on striving for peace".[99] He later advocated for Ukraine ceding territory to Russia in order to achieve a peace deal, supporting U.S. President Donald Trump'speace efforts.[100]
The party opposes theaccession of Turkey to the European Union and has called for reconsidering Turkey's membership in NATO. After the2016 Turkish coup d'état attempt, EKRE expressed regret over its defeat and called Turkey "no more democratic country than Russia".[101][102]
The EKRE proposes a national defence policy based on self-reliance of Estonia. The security of the country would be safeguarded by the existence of initial defence, compulsory military service, total defence, international cooperation and the membership ofNATO.[70] The platform of the party includes formation of two tank battalions and acquisition of medium-range anti-aircraft systems.[71]
Martin Helme has expressed sympathy for American presidential candidateDonald Trump, including his argument the Baltic countries need to make a financial contribution in exchange for the military alliance with the United States. "He can see no reason why the United States should make the national defense of other countries its duty. And I believe this question is completely justified. It's namely our party that has been saying for a long time that making initial independent defense capability strong is the most important thing, allies being the next component," said Helme.[103][104]
One of the party's members, Georg Kirsberg, running for election in 2017, supported "a correct teaching of the history of the Third Reich." However, party leader Martin Helme stated that was not the policy of the party, and only "the thought of one person."[105]
The party is supportive ofIsrael and was the first party to support Estonian recognition of Jerusalem as its capital.[106] During the2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, Martin Helme proposed a weapon deal between Estonia and Israel to defend the country from Russia.[107]
Helme has expressed support for theGeorgian government's stances on national sovereignty andLGBT issues, opposing a parliamentary statement in support of the Georgian opposition that condemned the rulingGeorgian Dream party.[108][109]

The party's affiliated nationalist youth movement, Blue Awakening, with links to the pan-EuropeanIdentitarian movement and thealt-right in North America, states "a new national awakening of the Estonians" as its principal aim.[110] This would come as a continuation to the19th century Estonian national awakening and theSinging Revolution, leading the way to the establishment of "an eternal Estonian ethno-state".[111]
Blue Awakening was founded on 30 November 2012 by Ruuben Kaalep and other youth from theEstonian Patriotic Movement.[111] The young activists have been behind many of the party's protest marches. In addition to politics, the youth of Blue Awakening focus on art, music and right-wing philosophy such as theTraditionalist School ofJulius Evola andRené Guénon.[112] The movement is disciplined and its activists have formed several squads.[113] In 2019, it was reported that Kaalep had organised firearms training with pistols and assault rifles to youths from the Blue Awakening.[114][115] Their activities have included rituals shaped aftershamanism,[111] and celebrations of sunrise on ancienttumuli.[116]
Blue Awakening was the main organiser of the annual torchlight procession through Tallinn on 24 February to commemorate the 1918Independence Day of Estonia. The first such Independence Day demonstration was held in 2014. According to Blue Awakening, "the event is meant to honor those who have fallen for the nation of Estonia and to signify that Estonian youth have not abandoned the patriotic principles."[117][118][119][120] The event has been condemned by theSimon Wiesenthal Center who described it as "Nuremberg-esque" and likened the ideology of the participants to that of the Estonian collaborators with the Nazi German regime during World War II.[121][122]
On 6 July 2024, Blue Awakening left EKRE to join the newly formedEstonian Nationalists and Conservatives.[123]
EKRE has close links with similar right-wing nationalist parties in Latvia and Lithuania.On 23 August 2013, EKRE signed the Declaration of Bauska together with political partiesNational Alliance andLithuanian Nationalist Union. The declaration calls for a new national awakening of the Baltic countries and warns about threats posed by internationalglobalism, multiculturalism and Russian imperialist ambitions.[124][125]
In 2014, the party's congress in Tallinn was visited by a delegation from theUK Independence Party. The delegation was led byRoger Helmer who gave a speech in support of Euroscepticism in Estonia.[126]
Organisations with whom EKRE cooperates take regularly part of the annual torchlight march in Tallinn. They include all signatories of the Declaration of Bauska and the Scandinavian nationalist youth movement Nordisk Ungdom.[127]
The party also has contacts among Ukrainian nationalists. DuringEuromaidan, Mart Helme sent an address to the protestors in Kyiv, urging the Ukrainian patriots not to succumb to Russian demands.[128]
In February 2019, EKRE joined theIdentity and Democracy Party, which was rebranded asPatriots.eu in 2024.
In July 2019, Mart Helme met with Hungarian Prime Minister andFidesz leaderViktor Orbán, and stressed that "Fidesz and EKRE are political parties based on Christian traditions and a desire to create a political Christian alliance-based alignment, in order to resist the liberal worldview throughout Europe".[129]
In December 2021, the party participated in the Warsaw summit with Fidesz,Law and Justice, theFinns Party, theChristian Democratic National Peasants' Party,Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance,Vox,National Rally,JA21 andVlaams Belang.[130] The party also has links with theNational Party of Ireland.[131]
In May 2025, Martin Helme met with Georgian Prime Minister andGeorgian Dream party chairmanIrakli Kobakhidze, describing him as a "Georgian patriot" and pledging to send an EKRE delegation to visit Georgia after the2025 Estonian municipal elections.[132]
EKRE's support base has also attracted scholarly interest. Jokubas Salyga argues[133] that it should be understood as comprising various disenfranchised working-class and middle-class segments. Among the former one finds agricultural laborers, larger households who struggle financially, elderly individuals living in poverty, and disillusioned young people.
In 2019, EKRE also attracted support from the middle-class segments in Estonia. Martin Helme described the electoral cartography of the 2019 polls by noting that while wealthier municipalities voted for the neoliberal Reform Party, and the poorer for the left-leaning Centre Party, those of Pro Patria and EKRE were distinctly middle-class. The districts in which the party came a close second (Laane-Viru, Jarva and Viljandi) are typified by the highest average standard output per agricultural holding. They also qualify as those hardest hit by the economic recession, which is indicative of the far-right’s ability to marshal support from relatively better-off electorate, disillusioned with their previous choice of the Reform Party.
Additionally, some owners of small and large businesses who are unhappy with policies that benefit multinational corporations and the wealthy ruling class also support the far-right party. This support is particularly strong in the rural areas of the country. Interestingly, even some locally owned companies based in Tallinn, such as the software consultancy multinational Helmes, showed support for the far-right party's economic agenda.
| Election | Leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | Status |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2015 | Mart Helme | 46,772 | 8.15 (#6) | 7 / 101 | New | Opposition |
| 2019 | 99,671 | 17.76 (#3) | 19 / 101 | Coalition(2019–2021) | ||
| Opposition(2021–2023) | ||||||
| 2023 | Martin Helme | 97,966 | 16.05 (#2) | 17 / 101 | Opposition |
| Election | List leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | EP Group |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2014 | Martin Helme | 13,247 | 4.03 (#6) | 0 / 6 | New | – |
| 2019 | Mart Helme | 42,265 | 12.73 (#4) | 1 / 7 | ID | |
| 2024 | Martin Helme | 54,712 | 14.86 (#4) | 1 / 7 | –[a] |
| Election | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|
| 2013 | 8,337 | 1.3% (#5) |
| 2017 | 39,003 | 6.7% (#5) |
| 2021 | 77,236 | 13.2% (#3) |
Helme sõnul toetab EKRE otsedemokraatia kõiki meetodeid, mitte ainult rahvaalgatust, mis on selle võti.
in Estonia the social conservatism and EU/NATO skepticism of a party named EKRE
Helme sõnul toetab EKRE otsedemokraatia kõiki meetodeid, mitte ainult rahvaalgatust, mis on selle võti.
Neist haigustest kõige fataalsema lõpuga ähvardav on kahtlemata meie demograafiline kriis. Kui võtta lähtepunktiks Laulva revolutsiooni periood, mil Eestis sündis aastas 25 000 last, siis on meil 90. aastate algul järsult langenud sündivuse tulemusena järgneva kahekümne aasta vältel sündimata jäänud umbes 200 000 last – seda on kahe Tartu linna jagu. Kui lisada siia 100 000 piiri ületanud massiline riigist lahkumine, saamegi kokku hirmuäratava rahvastikukao, mis on kõrvutatav koguni stalinlike repressioonide läbi kantud inimkaotustega.