Political philosophy based on tradition and social order
"Conservatives" redirects here. For specific political parties, seeConservative Party.
This article is about conservatism as a political and social philosophy. For other uses of conservatism and conservative, seeConservatism (disambiguation).
The 18th-century Anglo-Irish statesmanEdmund Burke, who opposed theFrench Revolution but supported theAmerican Revolution, is credited as one of the forefathers of conservative thought in the 1790s along with Savoyard statesmanJoseph de Maistre.[8] The first established use of the term in a political context originated in 1818 withFrançois-René de Chateaubriand during the period ofBourbon Restoration that sought to roll back the policies of the French Revolution and establish social order.[9]
Scholars have tried to define conservatism as a set of beliefs or principles. Political scientistAndrew Heywood argues that the five central beliefs of conservatism are tradition, human imperfection, organic society, authority/hierarchy, and property.[18] HistorianRussell Kirk developed five canons of conservatism inThe Conservative Mind (1953):
A belief in a transcendent order, which Kirk described variously as based in tradition,divine revelation, ornatural law;
An affection for the "variety and mystery" of human existence;
A conviction that society requires orders and classes that emphasize natural distinctions;
A faith in custom,convention, and prescription, and a recognition that innovation must be tied to existing traditions and customs, which entails a respect for the political value ofprudence.[19]
Some political scientists, such asSamuel P. Huntington, have seen conservatism as situational. Under this definition, conservatives are seen as defending the established institutions of their time.[20] According toQuintin Hogg, the chairman of the BritishConservative Party in 1959: "Conservatism is not so much a philosophy as an attitude, a constant force, performing a timeless function in the development of a free society, and corresponding to a deep and permanent requirement of human nature itself."[21] Conservatism is often used as a generic term to describe a "right-wing viewpoint occupying the political spectrum between [classical]liberalism andfascism".[1]
Conservatism has been called a "philosophy of human imperfection" by political scientistNoël O'Sullivan, reflecting among its adherents a negative view ofhuman nature and pessimism of the potential to improve it through 'utopian' schemes.[22]Thomas Hobbes, the "intellectual godfather of the realist right", argued that thestate of nature for humans was "poor, nasty, brutish, and short", requiring centralized authority with royalsovereignty to guaranteelaw and order.[23]Edmund Burke, often called the father of modern conservatism, believed that human beings are steeped inoriginal sin and that society therefore needs traditional institutions, such as anestablished church and a landedaristocracy, in order to function.[7]
Despite the lack of a universal definition, certain themes can be recognized as common across conservative thought. According toMichael Oakeshott:
To be conservative […] is to prefer the familiar to the unknown, to prefer the tried to the untried, fact to mystery, the actual to the possible, the limited to the unbounded, the near to the distant, the sufficient to the superabundant, the convenient to the perfect, present laughter to utopian bliss.[24]
Such traditionalism may be a reflection of trust in time-tested methods of social organization, giving 'votes to the dead'.[25] Traditions may also be steeped in a sense ofidentity.[25]
In contrast to the tradition-based definition of conservatism, some left-wing political theorists likeCorey Robin define conservatism primarily in terms of a general defense ofsocial andeconomic inequality.[26] From this perspective, conservatism is less an attempt to uphold old institutions and more "a meditation on—and theoretical rendition of—the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, and trying to win it back".[27] On another occasion, Robin argues for a more complex relation:
Conservatism is a defense of established hierarchies, but it is also fearful of those established hierarchies. It sees in their assuredness of power the source of corruption, decadence and decline. Ruling regimes require some kind of irritant, a grain of sand in the oyster, to reactivate their latent powers, to exercise their atrophied muscles, to make their pearls.[28]
InConservatism: A Rediscovery (2022), political philosopherYoram Hazony argues that, in a traditional conservative community, members have importance and influence to the degree they arehonored within the social hierarchy, which includes factors such as age, experience, and wisdom.[29] Conservatives often glorify hierarchies, as demonstrated in an aphorism by conservative philosopherNicolás Gómez Dávila: "Hierarchies are celestial. In hell all are equal."[30] The word hierarchy has religious roots and translates to 'rule of a high priest.'[31]
Authority is a core tenet of conservatism.[32][33][34] More specifically, conservatives tend to believe intraditional authority. According to sociologistMax Weber, this form of authority is "resting on an established belief in thesanctity of immemorial traditions and the legitimacy of those exercising authority under them".[35][36] PhilosopherAlexandre Kojève distinguishes between two different forms of traditional authority:
The Authority of the Father—represented by actual fathers as well as conceptual fathers such as priests and monarchs.
The Authority of the Master—represented by aristocrats and military commanders.[37]
SociologistRobert Nisbet acknowledges that the decline of traditional authority in the modern world is partly linked with the retreat of old institutions such asguild,order,parish, andfamily—institutions that formerly acted as intermediaries between the state and the individual.[38][39] PhilosopherHannah Arendt argues that the modern world suffers an existential crisis with a "dramatic breakdown of all traditional authorities," which are needed for the continuity of an established civilization.[40][41]
Anglo-Irish statesmanEdmund Burke has been widely regarded as the philosophical founder of modern conservatism.[42][43] He served as the private secretary to theMarquis of Rockingham and as official pamphleteer to theRockingham branch of the Whig party.[44] Together with the Tories, they were the conservatives in the late 18th century United Kingdom.[45]
Burke's views were a mixture of conservatism and republicanism. He supported theAmerican Revolution of 1775–1783 but abhorred the violence of theFrench Revolution of 1789–1799. He accepted the conservative ideals ofprivate property and the economics ofAdam Smith, but he thought thatcapitalism should remain subordinate to the conservative social ethic and that the business class should be subordinate to aristocracy.[46] He insisted on standards ofhonor derived from the medieval aristocratic tradition and saw the aristocracy as the nation's natural leaders.[47] That meant limits on the powers of the Crown, since he found the institutions of Parliament to be better informed than commissions appointed by the executive. He favored an established church, but allowed for a degree ofreligious toleration.[48] Burke ultimately justified the social order on the basis of tradition: tradition represented the wisdom of the species, and he valued community and social harmony over social reforms.[49]
Both Burke and Maistre were critical ofdemocracy in general, though their reasons differed. Maistre was pessimistic about humans being able to follow rules, while Burke was skeptical about humans' innate ability to make rules. For Maistre, rules had a divine origin, while Burke believed they arose from custom. The lack of custom for Burke, and the lack of divine guidance for Maistre, meant that people would act in terrible ways. Both also believed that liberty of the wrong kind led to bewilderment and political breakdown. Their ideas would together flow into a stream of anti-rationalist, romantic conservatism, but would still stay separate. Whereas Burke was more open to argumentation and disagreement, Maistre wanted faith and authority, leading to a more illiberal strain of thought.[54]
Authoritarian conservative movements were prominent in the same era asfascism, with which they sometimes clashed.[68] Although both ideologies shared core values such as nationalism and had common enemies such ascommunism, there was nonetheless a contrast between the traditionalist and elitist nature of authoritarian conservatism and the revolutionary and populist nature of fascism—thus it was common for authoritarian conservative regimes to suppress rising fascist andNazi movements.[66] The hostility between the two ideologies is highlighted by the struggle for power in Austria, which was marked by the assassination of the ultra-Catholic dictatorEngelbert Dollfuss byAustrian Nazis. Likewise,Croatian fascists assassinated KingAlexander I of Yugoslavia.[69] In Romania, as the fascistIron Guard was gaining popularity andNazi Germany was making advances on the European political stage, KingCarol II ordered the execution ofCorneliu Zelea Codreanu and other top-ranking Romanian fascists.[70] The exiled German EmperorWilhelm II was an enemy ofAdolf Hitler and stated that Nazism made him ashamed to be a German for the first time in his life.[71] The Catholic seminarianAntónio de Oliveira Salazar, who was Portugal's dictator for 40 years, denounced fascism and Nazism as a "paganCaesarism" that did not recognize legal, religious, or moral limits.[72]
Political scientistSeymour Martin Lipset has examined the class basis of right-wing extremist politics in the 1920–1960 era. He reports:
Conservative or rightist extremist movements have arisen at different periods in modern history, ranging from theHorthyites in Hungary, theChristian Social Party of Dollfuss in Austria,Der Stahlhelm and other nationalists in pre-Hitler Germany, andSalazar in Portugal, to the pre-1966Gaullist movements and the monarchists in contemporary France and Italy. The right extremists are conservative, not revolutionary. They seek to change political institutions in order to preserve or restore cultural and economic ones, whileextremists of the centre [fascists/Nazis] and left [communists/anarchists] seek to use political means for cultural and social revolution. The ideal of the right extremist is not atotalitarian ruler, but a monarch, or a traditionalist who acts like one. Many such movements in Spain, Austria, Hungary, Germany, and Italy have been explicitly monarchist […] The supporters of these movements differ from those of the centrists, tending to be wealthier, and more religious, which is more important in terms of a potential for mass support.[73]
Edmund Fawcett states that fascism is totalitarian, populist, and anti-pluralist, whereas authoritarian conservatism is somewhat pluralist but most of all elitist and anti-populist. He concludes: "The fascist is a nonconservative who takesanti-liberalism to extremes. The right-wing authoritarian is a conservative who takes fear of democracy to extremes."[74]
During theCold War, right-wing military dictatorships were prominent in Latin America, with most nations being under military rule by the middle of the 1970s.[75] One example of this was GeneralAugusto Pinochet, who ruled over Chile from 1973 to 1990.[76] According toErik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, military dictatorships arise in democratic systems in order to stop leftist parties from becoming totalitarian.[77] The most recent instance occurred in Bolivia in 2024, when GeneralJuan José Zúñiga staged a coup in order to overthrow the far-left presidentLuis Arce.[78]
In the 21st century, the authoritarian style of government experienced a worldwide renaissance with conservative statesmen such as PresidentVladimir Putin in Russia, PresidentRecep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey, Prime MinisterViktor Orbán in Hungary, Prime MinisterNarendra Modi in India, and PresidentDonald Trump in the United States.[79]
Liberal conservatism is a variant of conservatism that is strongly influenced by liberal stances.[80] It incorporates theclassical liberal view of minimaleconomic interventionism, meaning that individuals should be free to participate in the market and generate wealth without government interference.[81] However, individuals cannot be thoroughly depended on to act responsibly in other spheres of life; therefore, liberal conservatives believe that a strong state is necessary to ensure law and order, and social institutions are needed to nurture a sense ofduty and responsibility to the nation.[81] Originally opposed to capitalism and theindustrial revolution,[82][83] the conservative ideology in many countries adoptedeconomic liberalism, especially in the United States where this ideology is known asfiscal conservatism.[84][85]
Paternalistic conservatism is a strand in conservatism which reflects the belief that societies exist and develop organically and that members within them have obligations towards each other.[91] There is particular emphasis on the paternalistic obligation (noblesse oblige) of those who are privileged and wealthy to the poorer parts of society, which is consistent with principles such asduty,organicism, andhierarchy.[92] Its proponents often stress the importance of asocial safety net to deal with poverty, supporting limitedredistribution of wealth along with government regulation of markets in the interests of both consumers and producers.[93]
In 19th-centuryGermany, ChancellorOtto von Bismarck adopted a set of social programs, known asstate socialism, which included insurance for workers against sickness, accident, incapacity, and old age. The goal of this conservative state-building strategy was to make ordinary Germans, not just theJunker aristocracy, more loyal to state andEmperor.[7] ChancellorLeo von Caprivi promoted a conservative agenda called the "New Course".[96]
In the United States, PresidentTheodore Roosevelt has been identified as the main exponent of progressive conservatism. Roosevelt stated that he had "always believed that wise progressivism and wise conservatism go hand in hand".[97] TheRepublican administration of PresidentWilliam Howard Taft was progressive conservative, and he described himself as a believer in progressive conservatism.[97] PresidentDwight D. Eisenhower also declared himself an advocate of progressive conservatism.[98]
Reactionary conservatism, also known as reactionism, opposes policies for thesocial transformation of society.[100] In popular usage, reactionism refers to a staunchtraditionalist conservative political perspective of a person who supports the status quo and opposes social, political, and economic change.[101] Some adherents of conservatism, rather than opposing change, seek to return to thestatus quo ante and tend to view the modern world in a negative light, especially concerningmass culture andsecularism, although different groups of reactionaries may choose different traditional values to revive.[7][102]
Some political scientists, such asCorey Robin, treat the words reactionary and conservative as synonyms.[103] Others, such asMark Lilla, argue that reactionism and conservatism are distinct worldviews.[104]Francis Wilson defines conservatism as "a philosophy of social evolution, in which certain lasting values are defended within the framework of the tension of political conflict".[105]
Some reactionaries favor a return to thestatus quo ante, the previous political state of society, which that person believes possessed positive characteristics absent from contemporary society. An early example of a powerful reactionary movement wasGerman Romanticism, which centred around concepts of organicism,medievalism, and traditionalism against the forces of rationalism, secularism, and individualism that were unleashed in theFrench Revolution.[106]
In political discourse, being a reactionary is generally regarded as negative; Peter King observed that it is "an unsought-for label, used as a torment rather than a badge of honor".[107] Despite this, the descriptor has been adopted by intellectuals such as Italian esoteric traditionalistJulius Evola,[108] Austrian monarchistErik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn,[109] Colombianpolitical theologianNicolás Gómez Dávila, and American historianJohn Lukacs.[110]
Religious conservatism principally applies the teachings of particular religions to politics—sometimes by merely proclaiming the value of those teachings, at other times by having those teachings influence laws.[111] In most democracies, political conservatism seeks to uphold traditional family structures and social values. Religious conservatives typically oppose abortion,LGBT behavior (or, in certain cases, identity), drug use,[112] and sexual activity outside of marriage. In some cases, conservative values are grounded in religious beliefs, and conservatives seek to increase the role of religion in public life.[113]
Christian democracy is a moderately conservativecenter-right ideology inspired byChristian social teaching.[114] It originated as a reaction against the industrialization and urbanization associated withlaissez-faire-capitalism.[115] In post-war Europe, Christian-democratic parties dominated politics in several nations—theChristian People's Party in Belgium,CDU andCSU in Germany,Fine Gael andFianna Fáil in Ireland, andChristian Democracy in Italy.[116] Many post-war Europeans saw Christian democracy as a moderate alternative to the extremes of right-wing nationalism and left-wing communism.[117] Christian-democratic parties were especially popular among European women, who often voted for these parties to a large extent due to their pro-family policies.[118]
Social conservatives believe that society is built upon a fragile network of relationships which need to be upheld through duty, traditional values, and established institutions; and that the government has a role in encouraging or enforcing traditional values or practices. A social conservative wants to preserve traditional morality and socialmores, often by opposing what they consider radical policies orsocial engineering.[119] Some social-conservative stances are the following:
Conservative parties vary widely from country to country in the goals they wish to achieve.[4] Both conservative andclassical liberal parties tend to favor private ownership of property, in opposition tocommunist,socialist, andgreen parties, which favor communal ownership or laws regulating responsibility on the part of property owners. Where conservatives and liberals differ is primarily on social issues, where conservatives tend to reject behavior that does not conform to somesocial norm. Modern conservative parties often define themselves by their opposition to liberal or socialist parties. The United States usage of the term conservative is unique to that country, where its first modern usage was for pro-free enterprise opponents of theNew Deal.[128]
Chinese conservatism can be traced back toConfucius, whosephilosophy is based on the values of loyalty, duty, and respect. He believed in a hierarchically organized society,modeled after the patriarchal family and headed by anabsolute sovereign. However, Confucius also believed that the state should employ ameritocratic class of administrators and advisers, recruited bycivil service exams. An alternative school of thought calledLegalism argued that administrative discipline, not Confucian virtue, was crucial for the governance of the state.[129]
For thousands of years, China was ruled by monarchs of various imperial dynasties. TheMandate of Heaven theory was invoked in order to legitimize the absolute authority of the Emperor.[130] TheXinhai Revolution of 1911 overthrewPuyi, the last Chinese Emperor, and ushered in theRepublic of China. Between 1927 and 1949, China was ruled by the nationalist partyKuomintang, which became right-wing after GeneralChiang Kai-shek purged communists from his party. Following his defeat in theChinese Civil War by theChinese Communist Party (CCP), Chiang continued ruling the island ofTaiwan until his death in 1975.[131]
On the mainland, Chinese conservatism was vehemently opposed and suppressed by the CCP, especially during theCultural Revolution. Members of the "Five Black Categories"—landlords, rich farmers, counter-revolutionaries, bad influencers, and right-wingers—were violently persecuted. Young people formed cadres ofRed Guards throughout the country and sought to destroy theFour Olds: old ideas, old culture, old customs, and old habits—leading to the destruction of a large part of China'scultural heritage, including historical artifacts and religious sites.[132] Among them, some Red Guards who embraced local officials were pejoratively called "conservatives".[133]
In recent decades, Chinese conservatism has experienced a national revival.[134] The ancient schools of Confucianism and Legalism have made a return into mainstream Chinese thought.[135][136][137]Wang Huning, widely regarded as thegrey eminence and chief ideologue of the CCP, has criticized aspects ofMarxism and recommended that China combine its historical and modern values.[138] General SecretaryXi Jinping has called traditionalChinese culture the "soul" of the nation and the "foundation" of the CCP.[139][140] China has also developed a form ofauthoritarian capitalism in recent years, further breaking with the orthodox communism of its past.[141]Neoauthoritarianism is a current of political thought that advocates a powerful state to facilitatemarket reforms.[142] A major concern of modern Chinese conservatism is the preservation of traditional culture.[143]
Indian politics has long been dominated by aristocratic and religious elites in one of the most hierarchically stratified nations in the world.[144][145] In modern times, theBharatiya Janata Party (BJP), led byNarendra Modi, represents conservative politics. With over 170 million members as of October 2022, the BJP is by far the world'slargest political party.[146][147][148] It promotesHindu nationalism, quasi-fascistHindutva, a hostile foreign policy against Pakistan, and a conservative social and fiscal policy.[149][150] The BJP movement is both elitist and populist, attracting privileged groups that fear encroachment on their dominant positions as well as "plebeian" groups that seek recognition around a majoritarian rhetoric of cultural pride, social order, and national strength.[151]
After the declaration of theState of Israel, politics was initially dominated by left-wing parties, but overtime right-wing parties became increasingly powerful with conservatism now being the dominant ideology.[156] In the2022 election, right-wing parties received 75 percent of the popular vote, a centrist party 17 percent and left-wing parties 7 percent, and the subsequent government has been variously described as the most right-wing, as well as the most religious, in Israeli history.[157][158]
Conservatism has been the dominant political ideology throughout modern Japanese history.[159][160] The right-wing conservativeLiberal Democratic Party has been the dominant ruling party since 1955, often referred to as the1955 System.[161] Therefore, some experts consider Japan a democratically electedone-party state since the populace always votes for the same conservative party.[162]
Up until 1868, Japan was largely afeudal state ruled by members of the aristocraticSamurai order with itsbushido code of honor. In theMeiji era, a process of modernization, industrialization, and nationalization was initiated.[163] Power struggles between the old decentralized Samurai aristocracy and the new centralized imperial monarchy culminated in theSatsuma Rebellion in 1877 with imperial victory.[164] During the era ofWorld War II, Japan was transformed into an ultranationalist, imperialist state that conquered much of east and southeast Asia.[165] Contemporary conservatives, notably during the second premiership ofShinzo Abe from 2012 to 2020, advocate for revising the country's constitution, particularlyArticle 9 which renounces war and prohibits Japan from maintaining a military.[166]
Japan is the oldest continuing monarchy in the history of mankind, withNaruhito currently serving asEmperor of Japan.[167] In accordance with the principle of monarchy, Japanese society has an authoritarian family structure with a traditionalist fatherly authority that is primarily transferred to the oldest son.[168]
Nippon Kaigi is an ultraconservative and ultranationalist organization that exerts a significant influence over contemporary Japanese politics. In 2014, a majority ofNational Diet members were part of the group. Many ministers and a few prime ministers, includingFumio Kishida,Tarō Asō,Shinzō Abe, andYoshihide Suga, have been members.[174]
A highly developed and industrialized nation, Japan is more capitalistic and Western-oriented than other Asian nations. Therefore, some experts consider Japan part of theWestern world.[175] In 1960a treaty was signed that establisheda military alliance between the United States and Japan. However, the ultraconservative reactionary traditionalistYukio Mishima feared that his fellow Japanese were too enamored of modernization and Western-style capitalism to protect traditionalJapanese culture.[176]
Singapore's conservative party is thePeople's Action Party (PAP), which promotes conservative values in the form of Asian democracy andAsian values.[177] These values include: nation before community and society above self; family as the basic unit of society; regard and community support for the individual; consensus instead of contention, and racial and religious harmony. They are a contrast against the "more Westernised, individualistic, and self-centred outlook on life" and uphold the "traditional Asian ideas of morality, duty and society".[178]
The PAP is currently ingovernment and has been since independence in 1965. Having governed for over six decades, the PAP is the longest uninterrupted governing party among modern multiparty parliamentary democracies.[179]Singapore is acity state and has a reputation as ananny state, owing to the considerable number of governmentregulations and restrictions on its citizens' lives.[180] FormerPrime MinisterLee Kuan Yew, the architect of the modern Singapore, observed: "If Singapore is a nanny state, then I am proud to have fostered one".[181] In an interview in theStraits Times in 1987, Lee said:
I am often accused of interfering in the private lives of citizens. Yes, if I did not, had I not done that, we wouldn't be here today. And I say without the slightest remorse, that we wouldn't be here, we would not have made economic progress, if we had not intervened on very personal matters–who your neighbour is, how you live, the noise you make, how you spit, or what language you use. We decide what is right. Never mind what the people think.[182]
When the conservative party was beaten by the opposition party in the general election, it changed its form again to follow the party members' demand for reforms. It became theNew Korea Party, but it changed again one year later since the President Kim Young-sam was blamed by the citizen for theInternational Monetary Fund.[clarification needed] It changed its name toGrand National Party (GNP). Since the lateKim Dae-jung assumed the presidency in 1998, GNP had been the opposition party untilLee Myung-bak won the presidential election of2007.
European conservatism has taken many different expressions. Early forms were oftenreactionary andromantic, idealizing theMiddle Ages and itsfeudal social order with aristocratic rule and an established church.[184][185] In the late 19th century, conservatism became increasinglyprogressive, adopting capitalism and espousing nationalism—which up until now had been anti-traditionalist and anti-imperialist forces.[186] During the first half of the 20th century, as socialist movements were becoming more powerful and theTsarist regime was overthrown in theRussian Revolution, conservatism in Austria, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Romania transformed into thefar-right, becoming moreauthoritarian andextreme.[187] In the post-war era, conservatism assumed a moremoderate form with center-right Christian-democratic parties dominating politics acrossWestern Europe throughout the rest of the century,[116] although the authoritarian regimes ofFrancoist Spain andSalazarian Portugal survived for a few more decades.[188] Towards the end of the century, afterthe collapse of the Soviet Union, conservatism took on a moreliberal form. In recent decades,nationalist parties have been on the rise across Europe in opposition toglobalism.[189]
While having close ties toFascist Italy, which was still amonarchy as well as a fellow Catholic nation, Austrian conservatives harbored strong anti-Prussian and anti-Nazi sentiment. Austria's most prominent conservative intellectual, the Catholic aristocratErik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, published several books in which he interpretedNazism as aleftist,ochlocratic, anddemagogic ideology opposed to the traditional rightist ideals of aristocracy, monarchy, and Christianity.[194] Austria's dictatorEngelbert Dollfuss saw Nazism as another form of totalitariancommunism, and he sawAdolf Hitler as the German version ofJoseph Stalin. The conservatives banned theAustrian Nazi Party and arrested many of its activists, causing tens of thousands of Nazi sympathisers to flee toNazi Germany in order to avoid persecution.[195] A few months later, Nazi forces initiated theJuly Putsch and managed to assassinate Chancellor Dollfuss in an attempt to overthrow the conservative government.[196] In response,Benito Mussolini mobilized a part of the Italian army on the Austrian border and threatened Hitler with war in the event of a German invasion of Austria. In 1938, when Nazi Germany annexed Austria in theAnschluss, conservative groups were suppressed: members of theAustrian nobility and theCatholic clergy were arrested and their properties were confiscated.[197][198]Otto von Hapsburg, the lastCrown Prince of Austria-Hungary, was a fervent anti-Nazi, for which reason the Nazi regime ordered that he was to be executed immediately if caught.[199]
FollowingWorld War II and the return to democracy, Austrian conservatives and socialists alike abandoned their extremism, believing in political compromise and seeking consensus in the middle.[200] The conservatives formed theAustrian People's Party, which has been the major conservative party in Austria ever since. In contemporary politics, the party was led bySebastian Kurz, whom theFrankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung nicknamed the "youngMetternich".[201]
Having its roots in the conservativeCatholic Party, theChristian People's Party retained a conservative edge through the 20th century, supporting the King in theRoyal Question, supporting nuclear family as the cornerstone of society, defending Christian education, and opposingeuthanasia. The Christian People's Party dominated politics in post-war Belgium. In 1999, the party's support collapsed, and it became the country's fifth-largest party.[202][203][204] Since 2014, theFlemish nationalist and conservativeNew Flemish Alliance is the largest party in Belgium.[205]
Danish conservatism emerged with the political groupingHøjre (literally "Right"), which due to its alliance with KingChristian IX of Denmark dominated Danish politics and formed all governments from 1865 to 1901. When a constitutional reform in 1915 stripped the landedgentry of political power, Højre was succeeded by theConservative People's Party of Denmark, which has since then been the main Danish conservative party.[206] Another Danish conservative party was theFree Conservatives, who were active between 1902 and 1920. Traditionally and historically, conservatism in Denmark has been morepopulist andagrarian than in Sweden and Norway, where conservatism has been moreelitist andurban.[207]
The Conservative People's Party led the government coalition from 1982 to 1993. The party had previously been member of various governments from 1916 to 1917, 1940 to 1945, 1950 to 1953, and 1968 to 1971. The party was a junior partner in governments led by theLiberals from 2001 to 2011[208] and again from 2016 to 2019. The party is preceded by 11 years by theYoung Conservatives (KU), today the youth movement of the party.
The Conservative People's Party had a stable electoral support close to 15 to 20% at almost all general elections from 1918 to 1971. In the 1970s it declined to around 5%, but then under the leadership ofPoul Schlüter reached its highest popularity level ever in1984, receiving 23% of the votes. Since the late 1990s the party has obtained around 5 to 10% of the vote. In2022, the party received 5.5% of the vote.[209]
Conservative thinking has also influenced other Danish political parties. In 1995, theDanish People's Party was founded, based on a mixture of conservative, nationalist, and social-democratic ideas.[206] In 2015, the partyNew Right was established, professing a national-conservative attitude.[210]
The conservative parties in Denmark have always considered themonarchy a central institution in Denmark.[211][212]
The conservative party in Finland is theNational Coalition Party. The party was founded in 1918, when several monarchist parties united. Although right-wing in the past, today it is a moderate liberal-conservative party. While advocating economic liberalism, it is committed to thesocial market economy.[213]
Early conservatism in France focused on the rejection of the secularism of the French Revolution, support for the role of the Catholic Church, and the restoration of the monarchy.[218] After the first fall ofNapoleon in 1814, theHouse of Bourbon returned to power in theBourbon Restoration.Louis XVIII andCharles X, brothers of the executed KingLouis XVI, successively mounted the throne and instituted a conservative government intended to restore the proprieties, if not all the institutions, of theAncien Régime.[219]
After theJuly Revolution of 1830,Louis Philippe I, a member of the more liberalOrléans branch of the House of Bourbon, proclaimed himself as King of the French. TheSecond French Empire saw an ImperialBonapartist regime ofNapoleon III from 1852 to 1870.[220] The Bourbon monarchist cause was on the verge of victory in the 1870s, but then collapsed because the proposed king,Henri, Count of Chambord, refused to fly the tri-colored flag.[221] The turn of the century saw the rise ofAction Française—an ultraconservative, reactionary, nationalist, and royalist movement that advocated a restoration of the monarchy.[222]
Tensions between Christian rightists and secular leftists heightened in the 1890–1910 era, but moderated after the spirit of unity in fighting World War I.[223] An authoritarian form of conservatism characterized theVichy regime of 1940–1944 under MarshalPhilippe Pétain with heightened antisemitism, opposition to individualism, emphasis on family life, and national direction of the economy.[59]
Conservatism has been the major political force in France since World War II,[224] although the number of conservative groups and their lack of stability defy simple categorization.[163] Following the war, conservatives supportedGaullist groups and parties, espousednationalism, and emphasised tradition, social order, and the regeneration of France.[225] Unusually, post-war conservatism in France was formed around the personality of a leader—army general and aristocratCharles de Gaulle who led theFree French Forces against Nazi Germany—and it did not draw on traditional French conservatism, but on theBonapartist tradition.[226] Gaullism in France continues underThe Republicans (formerlyUnion for a Popular Movement), a party previously led byNicolas Sarkozy, who served as President of France from 2007 to 2012 and whose ideology is known asSarkozysm.[227]
During the second half of the 19th century, German conservatism developed alongsidenationalism, culminating in Germany's victory over France in theFranco-Prussian War, the creation of the unifiedGerman Empire in 1871, and the simultaneous rise of ”Iron Chancellor”Otto von Bismarck on the European political stage. Bismarck'sbalance of power model maintained peace in Europe for decades at the end of the 19th century.[231] His "revolutionary conservatism" was a conservative state-building strategy, based onclass collaboration and designed to make ordinary Germans—not just theJunker aristocracy—more loyal to state andEmperor.[7] He created the modernwelfare state in Germany in the 1880s.[232] According to scholars, his strategy was:
granting social rights to enhance the integration of a hierarchical society, to forge a bond between workers and the state so as to strengthen the latter, to maintain traditional relations of authority between social and status groups, and to provide a countervailing power against the modernist forces of liberalism and socialism.[233]
Bismarck also enacteduniversal manhood suffrage in the new German Empire in 1871.[234] He became a great hero to German conservatives, who erected many monuments to his memory after he left office in 1890.[235]
During theinterwar period—after Germany's defeat in World War I, the abdication of EmperorWilhelm II, and the introduction of parliamentary democracy—German conservatives experienced a cultural crisis and felt uprooted by a progressively modernist world.[236] This angst was expressed philosophically in theConservative Revolution movement with prominent exponents such as historianOswald Spengler, juristCarl Schmitt, and authorErnst Jünger.[237] The major conservative party of this era was the reactionaryGerman National People's Party, who advocated a restored monarchy.[238]
There's a man alone, without family, without children, without God ... He builds legions, but he doesn't build a nation. A nation is created by families, a religion, traditions: it is made up out of the hearts of mothers, the wisdom of fathers, the joy and the exuberance of children ... This man could bring home victories to our people each year, without bringing them either glory or danger. But of our Germany, which was a nation of poets and musicians, of artists and soldiers, he has made a nation of hysterics and hermits, engulfed in a mob and led by a thousand liars or fanatics.[71]
Post-World War II Germany developed a special form of conservatism calledordoliberalism, which is centred around the concept ofordered liberty.[240] Neither socialist nor capitalist, it promotes a compromise between state and market, and argues that the national culture of a country must be taken into account when implementing economic policies.[241]Alexander Rüstow andWilhelm Röpke were two prominent exponents of this economic theory, and its implementation is largely credited as a reason behind theGerman miracle—the rapid reconstruction and development of the war-wrecked economies ofWest Germany andAustria after World War II.[242]
More recently, the work of conservativeChristian Democratic Union leader and ChancellorHelmut Kohl helped bring aboutGerman reunification, along with the closerEuropean integration in the form of theMaastricht Treaty. Today, German conservatism is often associated with politicians such as ChancellorAngela Merkel, whose tenure was marked by attempts to save the common European currency (Euro) from demise. The German conservatives were divided under Merkel due to the refugee crisis in Germany, and many conservatives in theCDU/CSU opposed the immigration policies developed under Merkel.[243] The 2020s also saw the rise of the right-wing populistAlternative for Germany.[244]
The main inter-war conservative party was called thePeople's Party (PP), which supportedconstitutional monarchy and opposed therepublicanLiberal Party. Both parties were suppressed by the authoritarian, arch-conservative, and royalist4th of August Regime of GeneralIoannis Metaxas in 1936–1941. The PP was able to re-group after World War II as part of a United Nationalist Front which achieved power campaigning on a simple anti-communist, nationalist platform during theGreek Civil War in 1946–1949. However, the vote received by the PP declined during the so-called "Centrist Interlude" in 1950–1952.
In 1952, MarshalAlexandros Papagos created theGreek Rally as an umbrella for the right-wing forces. The Greek Rally came to power in 1952 and remained the leading party in Greece until 1963. After Papagos' death in 1955, it was reformed as theNational Radical Union underKonstantinos Karamanlis. Right-wing governments backed by the palace and the army overthrew theCentre Union government in 1965 and governed the country until the establishment of the far-rightGreek junta (1967–1974). After theregime's collapse in August 1974, Karamanlis returned from exile to lead the government and founded theNew Democracy party. The new conservative party had four objectives: to confrontTurkish expansionism in Cyprus, to reestablish and solidify democratic rule, to give the country a strong government, and to make a powerful moderate party a force in Greek politics.[245]
The dominance of the political right ofinter-war Hungary, after the collapse of a short-lived communist regime, was described by historianIstván Deák:
Between 1919 and 1944 Hungary was a rightist country. Forged out of a counter-revolutionary heritage, its governments advocated a "nationalist Christian" policy; they extolled heroism, faith, and unity; they despised the French Revolution, and they spurned the liberal and socialist ideologies of the 19th century. The governments saw Hungary as a bulwark againstbolshevism and bolshevism's instruments:socialism,cosmopolitanism, andFreemasonry. They perpetrated the rule of a small clique of aristocrats, civil servants, and army officers, and surrounded with adulation the head of the state, the counterrevolutionaryAdmiral Horthy.[247]
Horthy's authoritarian conservative regime suppressed communists and fascists alike, banning theHungarian Communist Party as well as the fascistArrow Cross Party. The fascist leaderFerenc Szálasi was repeatedly imprisoned at Horthy's command.[60]
Founded in 1924 as theConservative Party, Iceland'sIndependence Party adopted its current name in 1929 after the merger with theLiberal Party. From the beginning, they have been the largest vote-winning party, averaging around 40%. They combined liberalism and conservatism, supported nationalization of infrastructure, and advocatedclass collaboration. While mostly in opposition during the 1930s, they embraced economic liberalism, but accepted the welfare state after the war and participated in governments supportive of state intervention and protectionism. Unlike other Scandanivian conservative (and liberal) parties, it has always had a large working-class following.[251] After the financial crisis in 2008, the support level has dropped to 20–25%.
Fianna Fáil and its historic rival,Fine Gael, are both considered historically to be conservative parties. However, there are some differences: mainly, Fianna Fáil is usually considered more republican,[255][256] while Fine Gael tends to be more classically-liberal.[257][258]
After theunification of Italy, the country was governed successively by theHistorical Right, which represented conservative, liberal-conservative, and conservative-liberal positions, and theHistorical Left. AfterWorld War I, the country saw the emergence of its first mass parties, notably including theItalian People's Party (PPI), a Christian-democratic party that sought to represent theCatholic majority, which had long refrained from politics. The PPI and theItalian Socialist Party decisively contributed to the loss of strength and authority of the old liberal ruling class, which had not been able to structure itself into a proper party: theLiberal Union was not coherent and theItalian Liberal Party came too late.
In 1921,Benito Mussolini founded theNational Fascist Party (PNF), and the next year, through theMarch on Rome, he was appointedPrime Minister by KingVictor Emmanuel III. Fascism originated as a populist, revolutionary, anti-royalist, anti-clerical, anti-capitalist, and anti-conservative ideology,[260] viewed by many socialists as a leftist heresy rather than a rightist opponent, but it transformed and became distinctly right-wing when it made compromises with the conservative establishment in order to consolidate authority and suppress communist movements.[261][262] Mussolini commented on the dynamic pragmatism of fascism:
We do not believe in dogmatic programs. ... We permit ourselves the luxury of being aristocratic and democratic, conservative and progressive, reactionary and revolutionary, legalists and illegalists, according to the circumstances of the moment, the place and the environment.[263]
In 1926, all parties were dissolved except the PNF, which remained the only legal party in theKingdom of Italy until the fall of the regime in July 1943. By 1945, fascists were discredited, disbanded, and outlawed, while Mussolini was executed in April that year.[264] The1946 Italian institutional referendum concerned the fate of the monarchy. While southern Italy and parts of northern Italy were royalist, other parts, especially in central Italy, were predominantly republican. The outcome was 54–46% in favor of a republic, leading to a collapse of the monarchy.[265]
AfterWorld War II, the center-right was dominated by the centrist partyChristian Democracy (DC), which included both conservative and center-left elements.[266] With its landslide victory over theItalian Socialist Party and theItalian Communist Party in 1948, the political center was in power. InDenis Mack Smith's words, it was "moderately conservative, reasonably tolerant of everything which did not touch religion or property, but above all Catholic and sometimesclerical".[267] DC dominated politics until its dissolution in 1994, having governed for 47 out of 52 years.[116] Among DC's frequent allies there was the conservative-liberalItalian Liberal Party. At the right of DC stood parties like the royalistMonarchist National Party and the post-fascistItalian Social Movement.
Luxembourg's major conservative party, theChristian Social People's Party, was formed as the Party of the Right in 1914 and adopted its present name in 1945. It was consistently the largest political party in Luxembourg and dominated politics throughout the 20th century.[270]
Liberalism has been strong in the Netherlands. Therefore, rightist parties are often liberal-conservative or conservative-liberal. One example is thePeople's Party for Freedom and Democracy. Even the right-wing populist and far-rightParty for Freedom, which dominated the2023 election, supports liberal positions such as gay rights, abortion, and euthanasia.[271]
TheConservative Party of Norway (Norwegian:Høyre, literally "Right") was formed by the old upper-class of state officials and wealthy merchants to fight the populist democracy of theLiberal Party, but it lost power in 1884, when parliamentarian government was first practiced. It formed its first government under parliamentarism in 1889 and continued to alternate in power with the Liberals until the 1930s, whenLabour became the dominant party. It has elements both ofpaternalism, stressing the responsibilities of the state, and ofeconomic liberalism. It first returned to power in the 1960s.[272] DuringKåre Willoch's premiership in the 1980s, much emphasis was laid on liberalizing the credit and housing market and abolishing theNRK TV and radio monopoly, while supportinglaw and order in criminal justice and traditional norms in education.[273]
The dominant conservative party in Poland isLaw and Justice (PiS). Polish conservatism is characterized by social and cultural conservatism, patriotism, adherence toCatholic social teaching, and cooperation with theCatholic Church.[274] Contemporary Polish conservatives believe inAtlanticism and strong relations with the United States, meanwhile taking a stand against Russia.[275]
PiS has taken a populist and statist approach to economics, expanding regulations, state control over industries and media, greatly expanding social welfare and applyingKeynesian-esque "anti-crisis shields",[274] differentiating itself from previous conservative political parties and movements likeAWS orEndecja[276] which believed in economic liberalism. Another difference to AWS is PiS' euroscepticism.[274] Though not opposing European Union membership, PiS pursues an assertive policy of conflict with theEuropean Commission,[275] which, in reaction, took a hostile stance against PiS. In the European Parliament, PiS belongs to theEuropean Conservatives and Reformists group. Liberal media in Poland is vehemently biased against PiS and opposed to its rule, often calling it authoritarian.[274] Liberal scholar Antoni Dudek rejects giving PiS the authoritarian label, suggesting that PiS rejects the ideals ofliberal democracy and instead embraces a "national democratic" orilliberal democratic form of governance.[274]
Russian conservatism has experienced a revival in recent decades.[278] UnderVladimir Putin, the dominant leader since 1999, Russia has promoted explicitly conservative policies in social, cultural, and political matters, both at home and abroad.[279] Putin has criticized globalism and economic liberalism, claiming that "liberalism has become obsolete" and that the vast majority of people in the world opposemulticulturalism,free immigration, andrights for LGBT people.[280] Russian conservatism is special in some respects as it supports amixed economy witheconomic intervention, combined with a strong nationalist sentiment andsocial conservatism which is largelypopulist. As a result, Russian conservatism opposesright-libertarian ideals such as the aforementioned concept of economic liberalism found in other conservative movements around the world.
Putin has also promoted newthink tanks that bring together like-minded intellectuals and writers. For example, theIzborsky Club, founded in 2012 byAlexander Prokhanov, stressesRussian nationalism, the restoration of Russia's historical greatness, and systematic opposition to liberal ideas and policies.[281]Vladislav Surkov, a senior government official, has been one of the key ideologues during Putin's presidency.[282]
In cultural and social affairs, Putin has collaborated closely with theRussian Orthodox Church.[283][284] UnderPatriarch Kirill of Moscow, the Church has backed the expansion of Russian power into Crimea and eastern Ukraine.[285] More broadly,The New York Times reports in September 2016 how the Church's policy prescriptions support the Kremlin's appeal to social conservatives:
A fervent foe of homosexuality and any attempt to put individual rights above those of family, community, or nation, the Russian Orthodox Church helps project Russia as the natural ally of all those who pine for a more secure, illiberal world free from the tradition-crushing rush of globalization, multiculturalism, and women's and gay rights.[286]
Early parliamentary conservatism in Sweden was explicitly elitist. TheConservative Party was formed in 1904 with one major goal in mind: to stop the advent ofuniversal suffrage, which they feared would result in socialism. Yet, it was a Swedish admiral, the conservative politicianArvid Lindman, who first extended democracy by enactingmale suffrage, despite the protests of more traditionalist voices, such as the later prime minister, the arch-conservative and authoritarian statesmanErnst Trygger, who railed at progressive policies such as the abolition of thedeath penalty.[289]
Once a democratic system was in place, Swedish conservatives sought to combine traditional elitism with modern populism. Sweden's most renowned political scientist, the conservative politicianRudolf Kjellén, coined the termsgeopolitics andbiopolitics in relation to hisorganic theory of the state.[290] He also developed thecorporatist-nationalist concept ofFolkhemmet ('the people's home'), which became the single most powerful political concept in Sweden throughout the 20th century, although it was adopted by theSocial Democratic Party who gave it a more socialist interpretation.[291]
After a briefgrand coalition between Left and Right during World War II, the center-right parties struggled to cooperate due to their ideological differences: the agrarian populism of theCentre Party, the urban liberalism of theLiberal People's Party, and the liberal-conservative elitism of theModerate Party (the old Conservative Party). However, in1976 and in1979, the three parties managed to form a government underThorbjörn Fälldin—and again in1991 under aristocratCarl Bildt and with support from the newly foundedChristian Democrats, the most conservative party in contemporary Sweden.[292]
In modern times,mass immigration from distant cultures caused a large populist dissatisfaction, which was not channeled through any of the established parties, who generally espousedmulticulturalism.[293] Instead, the 2010s saw the rise of the right-wing populistSweden Democrats, who were surging as the largest party in the polls on several occasions.[294][295] Due to its fascist roots, the party was ostracized by the other parties until 2019 when Christian Democrat leaderEbba Busch reached out for collaboration, after which the Moderate Party followed suit.[296] In2022, the center-right parties formed agovernment with support from the Sweden Democrats as the largest party.[297] The subsequentTidö Agreement, negotiated inTidö Castle, incorporated authoritarian policies such as a stricter stance on immigration and a harsher stance on law and order.[298]
In some aspects, Swiss conservatism is unique, as Switzerland is an old federal republic born from historically sovereigncantons, comprising three major nationalities and adhering to the principle ofSwiss neutrality.
The SVP was formed from the 1971 merger of theParty of Farmers, Traders and Citizens, formed in 1917, and the smaller Democratic Party, formed in 1942. The SVP emphasised agricultural policy and was strong among farmers in German-speaking Protestant areas. As Switzerland considered closer relations with the European Union in the 1990s, the SVP adopted a more militantprotectionist andisolationist stance. This stance has allowed it to expand into German-speaking Catholic mountainous areas.[302] TheAnti-Defamation League, a non-Swiss lobby group based in the United States has accused them of manipulating issues such as immigration, Swiss neutrality, and welfare benefits, awakening antisemitism and racism.[303] TheCouncil of Europe has called the SVP "extreme right", although some scholars dispute this classification. For instance,Hans-Georg Betz describes it as "populist radical right".[304] The SVP has been the largest party since 2003.
The authoritarianUkrainian State was headed by Cossack aristocratPavlo Skoropadskyi and represented the conservative movement. The 1918Hetman government, which appealed to the tradition of the 17th–18th centuryCossack Hetman state, represented the conservative strand in Ukraine's struggle for independence. It had the support of the proprietary classes and of conservative and moderate political groups.Vyacheslav Lypynsky was a main ideologue of Ukrainian conservatism.[305]
Modern English conservatives celebrate Anglo-Irish statesmanEdmund Burke as their intellectual father. Burke was affiliated with theWhig Party, which eventually split among theLiberal Party and theConservative Party, but the modern Conservative Party is generally thought to derive primarily from theTories, and the MPs of the modern conservative party are still frequently referred to as Tories.[306]
Shortly after Burke's death in 1797, conservatism was revived as a mainstream political force as the Whigs suffered a series of internal divisions. This new generation of conservatives derived their politics not from Burke, but from his predecessor, theViscount Bolingbroke, who was aJacobite and traditional Tory, lacking Burke's sympathies for Whiggish policies such asCatholic emancipation andAmerican independence (famously attacked bySamuel Johnson in "Taxation No Tyranny").[306]
In the first half of the 19th century, many newspapers, magazines, and journals promotedloyalist or right-wing attitudes in religion, politics, and international affairs. Burke was seldom mentioned, butWilliam Pitt the Younger became a conspicuous hero. The most prominent journals includedTheQuarterly Review, founded in 1809 as a counterweight to the Whigs'Edinburgh Review, and the even more conservativeBlackwood's Magazine. TheQuarterly Review promoted a balanced Canningite Toryism, as it was neutral on Catholic emancipation and only mildly critical ofNonconformist dissent; it opposed slavery and supported the current poor laws; and it was "aggressivelyimperialist". Thehigh-church clergy of the Church of England read theOrthodox Churchman's Magazine, which was equally hostile to Jewish, Catholic,Jacobin,Methodist andUnitarian spokesmen. Anchoring theultra-Tories,Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine stood firmly against Catholic emancipation and favored slavery, cheap money,mercantilism, theNavigation Acts, and theHoly Alliance.[306]
Conservatism evolved after 1820, embracingfree trade in 1846 and a commitment to democracy, especially underBenjamin Disraeli. The effect was to significantly strengthen conservatism as a grassroots political force. Conservatism no longer was the philosophical defense of the landed aristocracy, but had been refreshed into redefining its commitment to the ideals of order, both secular and religious, expanding imperialism, strengthenedmonarchy, and a more generous vision of the welfare state as opposed to the punitive vision of the Whigs and liberals.[307] As early as 1835, Disraeli attacked the Whigs and utilitarians as slavishly devoted to an industrialoligarchy, while he described his fellow Tories as the only "really democratic party of England", devoted to the interests of the whole people.[308] Nevertheless, inside the party there was a tension between the growing numbers of wealthy businessmen on the one side and the aristocracy and rural gentry on the other.[309] The aristocracy gained strength as businessmen discovered they could use their wealth to buy a peerage and a country estate.
Some conservatives lamented the passing of a pastoral world where the ethos ofnoblesse oblige had promoted respect from the lower classes. They saw theAnglican Church and the aristocracy as balances against commercial wealth.[310] They worked toward legislation for improved working conditions and urban housing.[311] This viewpoint would later be calledTory democracy.[312] However, since Burke, there has always been tension between traditional aristocratic conservatism and the wealthy liberal business class.[313]
In 1834, ToryPrime MinisterRobert Peel issued the "Tamworth Manifesto", in which he pledged to endorse moderate political reform. This marked the beginning of the transformation fromHigh Tory reactionism towards a more modern form of conservatism. As a result, the party became known as theConservative Party—a name it has retained to this day. However, Peel would also be the root of a split in the party between the traditional Tories (by theEarl of Derby andBenjamin Disraeli) and the "Peelites" (led first by Peel himself, then by theEarl of Aberdeen). The split occurred in 1846 over the issue offree trade, which Peel supported, versusprotectionism, supported by Derby. The majority of the party sided with Derby while about a third split away, eventually merging with theWhigs and theradicals to form theLiberal Party. Despite the split, the mainstream Conservative Party accepted the doctrine of free trade in 1852.
In the second half of the 19th century, the Liberal Party faced political schisms, especially overIrishHome Rule. LeaderWilliam Gladstone (himself a former Peelite) sought to give Ireland a degree of autonomy, a move that elements in both the left and right-wings of his party opposed. These split off to become theLiberal Unionists (led byJoseph Chamberlain), forming a coalition with the Conservatives before merging with them in 1912. The Liberal Unionist influence dragged the Conservative Party towards the left as Conservative governments passed a number of progressive reforms at the turn of the 20th century. By the late 19th century, the traditional business supporters of the Liberal Party had joined the Conservatives, making them the party of business and commerce as well.
After a period of Liberal dominance before World War I, the Conservatives gradually became more influential in government, regaining full control of the cabinet in 1922. In the inter-war period, conservatism was the major ideology in Britain[314][315][316] as the Liberal Party vied with theLabour Party for control of the left. After World War II, the first Labour government (1945–1951) underClement Attlee embarked on a program of nationalization of industry and the promotion of social welfare. The Conservatives generally accepted those policies until the 1980s.
In the 1980s, the Conservative government ofMargaret Thatcher, guided byneoliberal economics, reversed many of Labour's social programmes, privatized large parts of the UK economy, and sold state-owned assets.[317] The Conservative Party also adoptedsoft eurosceptic politics and opposedFederal Europe. Other conservative political parties, such as theDemocratic Unionist Party (DUP, founded in 1971), and theUnited Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP, founded in 1993), began to appear, although they have yet to make any significant impact at Westminster. As of 2014, the DUP is the largest political party in the ruling coalition in theNorthern Ireland Assembly, and from 2017 to 2019 the DUP provided support for the Conservativeminority government under a confidence-and-supply arrangement.
Conservative elites have long dominated Latin American nations. Mostly, this has been achieved through control of civil institutions, the Catholic Church, and the military, rather than through party politics. Typically, the Church was exempt from taxes and its employees immune from civil prosecution. Where conservative parties were weak or non-existent, conservatives were more likely to rely onmilitary dictatorship as a preferred form of government.[318]
However, in some nations where the elites were able to mobilize popular support for conservative parties, longer periods of political stability were achieved. Chile, Colombia, and Venezuela are examples of nations that developed strong conservative parties. Argentina, Brazil, El Salvador, and Peru are examples of nations where this did not occur.[319]
Political scientistLouis Hartz explained conservatism in Latin American nations as a result of their settlement as feudal societies.[320]
Conservatism in Brazil originates from the cultural and historical tradition of Brazil, whose cultural roots areLuso-Iberian andRoman Catholic.[321] More traditional conservative historical views and features include belief in politicalfederalism andmonarchism. Brazil is the only Latin American nation with a relatively strong royalist sentiment, and throughout modern history a significant minority of the population has always supported a monarchical restoration.[77][322]
Themilitary dictatorship in Brazil was established on April 1, 1964, after acoup d'état by theBrazilian Army with support from the United States government, and it lasted for 21 years, until March 15, 1985. The coup received support from almost all high-ranking members of the military along with conservative sectors in society, such as the Catholic Church and anti-communist civilian movements among the Brazilian middle and upper classes. The dictatorship reached the height of its popularity in the 1970s with the so-calledBrazilian Miracle. Brazil's military government provided a model for other military regimes throughoutLatin America, being systematized by the "National Security Doctrine", which was used to justify the military's actions as operating in the interest of national security in a time of crisis.[323]
Chile's conservative party, theNational Party, disbanded in 1973 following a military coup and did not re-emerge as a political force after the return to democracy.[326] During themilitary dictatorship of Chile, the country was ruled by amilitary junta headed by GeneralAugusto Pinochet. His ideology, known asPinochetism, was anti-communist, militaristic, nationalistic, andlaissez-faire capitalistic.[327] Under Pinochet,Chile's economy was placed under the control of a group of economists known collectively as theChicago Boys, whoseliberalizing policies have been described asneoliberal.[328]
TheColombian Conservative Party, founded in 1849, traces its origins to opponents of GeneralFrancisco de Paula Santander's 1833–1837 administration. While the term "liberal" had been used to describe all political forces in Colombia, the conservatives began describing themselves as "conservative liberals" and their opponents as "red liberals". From the 1860s until the present, the party has supported strong central government and the Catholic Church, especially its role as protector of the sanctity of the family, and opposedseparation of church and state. Its policies include the legal equality of all men, the citizen's right to own property, and opposition to dictatorship. It has usually been Colombia's second largest party, with theColombian Liberal Party being the largest.[329]
North American conservatism, combiningtraditionalist conservatism,economic liberalism, andright-wing populism, is different from European conservatism and can be traced back to theclassical liberalism of the 18th and 19th centuries,[330] although Canada developed an American-style conservatism that competed with the olderTory conservatism.[331] According to political scientistLouis Hartz, French Canada is a fragment of feudal Europe, whereas the United States and English Canada are liberal fragments.[332] SociologistReginald Bibby asserts that conservatism has been strong and enduring throughout North America because of the propagation of religious values from generation to generation.[333]
Canada's conservatives had their roots in the Toryloyalists who left America after theAmerican Revolution.[334] They developed in the socio-economic and political cleavages that existed during the first three decades of the 19th century and had the support of the mercantile, professional, and religious elites in Ontario and to a lesser extent in Quebec. Holding a monopoly over administrative and judicial offices, they were called theFamily Compact in Ontario and theChateau Clique in Quebec.John A. Macdonald's successful leadership of the movement to confederate the provinces, and his subsequent tenure as prime minister for most of the late 19th century, rested on his ability to bring together the English-speaking Protestant aristocracy and theultramontane Catholic hierarchy of Quebec and to keep them united in a conservative coalition.[335]
The conservatives combinedToryism and pro-market liberalism. They generally supported an activist government and state intervention in the marketplace, and their policies were marked bynoblesse oblige—a paternalistic responsibility of the elites for the less well-off.[336] The party was known as the Progressive Conservatives from 1942 until 2003, when the party merged with theCanadian Alliance to form theConservative Party of Canada.[337]
The conservative andautonomistUnion Nationale, led byMaurice Duplessis, governed the province of Quebec in periods from 1936 to 1960 and in a close alliance with the Catholic Church, small rural elites, farmers, and business elites. This period, known by liberals as theGreat Darkness, ended with theQuiet Revolution and the party went into terminal decline.[338]
Yoram Hazony, a scholar on the history and ideology of conservatism, identified Canadian psychologistJordan Peterson as the most significant conservative thinker to appear in the English-speaking world in a generation.[339]
The meaning of conservatism in the United States is different from the way the word is used elsewhere. Following theAmerican Revolution, Americans rejected the core ideals of European conservatism, which were based on landed nobility, hereditary monarchy, established churches, and powerful armies. However, the prominent American conservative historianRussell Kirk argued, in his influential workThe Conservative Mind (1953), that conservatism had been brought to the United States and he interpreted theAmerican Revolution as a "conservative revolution" against royal innovation.[340] The revolution was also supported by Anglo-Irish statesmanEdmund Burke, widely known as the father of conservatism, although Burke and a fewFounding Fathers, most notablyJohn Adams, were highly critical of theFrench Revolution.[341]
American conservatism is a broad system of political beliefs in theUnited States, which is characterized by respect for American traditions, support forJudeo-Christian values, economic liberalism, anti-communism, and a defense ofWestern culture.Liberty within the bounds of conformity to conservatism is a core value, with a particular emphasis on strengthening thefree market, limiting the size and scope of government, and opposing high taxes as well as government or labor union encroachment on the entrepreneur.
The 1830sDemocratic Party became divided betweenSouthern Democrats, who supported slavery, secession, and later segregation, and theNorthern Democrats, who tended to support the abolition of slavery, union, and equality.[342] Many Democrats were conservative in the sense that they wanted things to be like they were in the past, especially as far as race was concerned. They generally favored poorer farmers and urban workers, and were hostile to banks, industrialization, and high tariffs.[343]
In late 19th century, theDemocratic Party split into two factions; the more conservative Eastern business faction (led byGrover Cleveland) favored gold, while the South and West (led byWilliam Jennings Bryan) wanted more silver in order to raise prices for their crops. In 1892, Cleveland won the election on a conservative platform, which supported maintaining the gold standard, reducing tariffs, and taking alaissez-faire approach to government intervention. A severe nationwidedepression ruined his plans. Many of his supporters in 1896 supported theGold Democrats when liberalWilliam Jennings Bryan won the nomination and campaigned forbimetallism, money backed by both gold and silver. The conservative wing nominatedAlton B. Parker in 1904, but he got very few votes.[346][347]
The major conservative party in the United States today is the Republican Party, also known as the GOP (Grand Old Party). Modern American conservatives often considerindividual liberty as the fundamental trait of democracy, as long as it conforms to conservative values,small government,deregulation of the government, and economic liberalism—which contrasts withmodern American liberals, who generally place a greater value onsocial equality andsocial justice.[348][349] Other major priorities within American conservatism include support for the nuclear family, law and order, theright to bear arms,Christian values, anti-communism, and a defense of "Western civilization from the challenges of modernist culture and totalitarian governments".[350] Economic conservatives and libertarians favor small government, low taxes, limited regulation, and free enterprise. Some social conservatives see traditional social values threatened by secularism; so, they supportschool prayer, andoppose abortion.[351]Neoconservatives want to expand American ideals throughout the world, and show a strong support for Israel.[352]Paleoconservatives opposemulticulturalism and press for restrictions on immigration.[353]
The conservative movement of the 1950s attempted to bring together the divergent conservative strands, stressing the need for unity to prevent the spread of "godless communism", which Reagan later labeled an "evil empire".[354][355] During theReagan administration, conservatives also supported the so-calledReagan Doctrine, under which the US as part of a Cold War strategy provided military and other support to guerrilla insurgencies that were fighting governments identified as socialist or communist. The Reagan administration also adoptedneoliberalism andReaganomics (pejoratively referred to astrickle-down economics), resulting in the 1980s economic growth and trillion-dollar deficits. Other modern conservative positions includeanti-environmentalism.[356] On average, American conservatives desire tougher foreign policies than liberals do.[357]
TheTea Party movement, founded in 2009, proved a large outlet for populist American conservative ideas. Their stated goals included rigorous adherence to the US constitution, lower taxes, and opposition to a growing role for the federal government in health care. Electorally, it was considered a key force in Republicans reclaiming control of the US House of Representatives in 2010.[358][359]
Long-term shifts in conservative thinking following the election ofDonald Trump have been described as a "new fusionism" of traditional conservative ideology and right-wing populist themes.[360] These have resulted in shifts towards greater support fornational conservatism,[361]protectionism,[362]cultural conservatism, a morerealist foreign policy, a repudiation ofneoconservatism, reduced efforts to roll back entitlement programs, and a disdain for traditional checks and balances.[360]
TheLiberal Party of Australia adheres to the principles ofsocial conservatism andliberal conservatism.[363] It is liberal in the sense of economics. Commentators explain: "In America, 'liberal' means left-of-center, and it is a pejorative term when used by conservatives in adversarial political debate. In Australia, of course, the conservatives are in the Liberal Party."[364] TheNational Right is the most organized and reactionary of the three factions within the party.[365]
Political scientistJames Jupp writes that "[the] decline in English influences on Australian reformism and radicalism, and appropriation of the symbols of Empire by conservatives continued under the Liberal Party leadership of SirRobert Menzies, which lasted until 1966".[366]
The largest party in the country is theAustralian Labor Party, and its dominant faction isLabor Right, asocially conservative element. Australia undertook significant economic reform under the Labor Party in the mid-1980s. Consequently, issues like protectionism, welfare reform, privatization, and deregulation are no longer debated in the political space as they are in Europe or North America.
Historic conservatism in New Zealand traces its roots to the unorganized conservative opposition to theNew Zealand Liberal Party in the late 19th century. In 1909 this ideological strand found a more organized expression in theReform Party, a forerunner to the contemporaryNew Zealand National Party, which absorbed historic conservative elements.[367] The National Party, established in 1936, embodies a spectrum of tendencies, including conservative and liberal. Throughout its history, the party has oscillated between periods of conservative emphasis and liberal reform. Its stated values include "individual freedom and choice" and "limited government".[368]
In the 1980s and 1990s both the National Party and its main opposing party, the traditionally left-wingLabour Party, implemented free-market reforms.[369]
TheNew Zealand First party, which split from the National Party in 1993, espouses nationalist and conservative principles.[370]
The Big Five personality model has applications in the study ofpolitical psychology. It has been found by several studies that individuals who score high inConscientiousness (the quality of working hard and being careful) are more likely to possess a right-wing political identification.[371][372][373] Since conscientiousness is positively related to job performance,[374][375] a 2021 study found that conservative service workers earn higher ratings, evaluations, and tips than social liberal ones.[376]
A number of studies have found thatdisgust is tightly linked to political orientation. People who are highly sensitive to disgusting images are more likely to align with the political right and value traditional ideals of bodily and spiritual purity, tending to oppose, for example,abortion andgay marriage.[377][378][379][380]
Research in the field ofevolutionary psychology has also found that people who are more disgust sensitive tend to favor their ownin-group overout-groups.[381] A proposed reason for this phenomenon is that people begin to associate outsiders with disease while associating health with people similar to themselves.[382]
The higher one's disgust sensitivity is, the greater the tendency to make more conservative moral judgments. Disgust sensitivity is associated with moralhypervigilance, which means that people who have higher disgust sensitivity are more likely to think that suspects of a crime are guilty. They also tend to view them as evil, if found guilty, and endorse harsher punishment in the setting of a court.[383]
A study done on Israeli and Palestinian students in Israel found that RWA scores of right-wing party supporters were significantly higher than those of left-wing party supporters.[386] However, a 2005 study by psychologist H. Michael Crowson and colleagues suggested a moderate gap between RWA and other conservative positions, stating that their "results indicated that conservatism is not synonymous with RWA".[387]
According to political scientistKaren Stenner, who specializes in authoritarianism, conservatives will embrace diversity and civil liberties to the extent that they are institutionalized traditions in the social order, but they tend to be drawn to authoritarianism when public opinion is fractious and there is a loss of confidence in public institutions.[388]
In 1973, psychologistGlenn Wilson published an influential book providing evidence that a general factor underlying conservative beliefs is "fear of uncertainty".[389] A meta-analysis of research literature found that many factors, such asintolerance of ambiguity and need forcognitive closure, contribute to the degree of one's political conservatism and its manifestations in decision-making.[390][391] A study by Kathleen Maclay stated that these traits "might be associated with such generally valued characteristics as personal commitment and unwavering loyalty". The research also suggested that while most people are resistant to change, social liberals are more tolerant of it.[392]
Social dominance orientation (SDO) is apersonality trait measuring an individual's support forsocial hierarchy and the extent to which they desire theirin-group be superior toout-groups. PsychologistFelicia Pratto and her colleagues have found evidence to support the claim that a high SDO is strongly correlated with conservative views and opposition tosocial engineering to promote equality. Pratto and her colleagues also found that high SDO scores were highly correlated with measures ofprejudice.[393]
However, psychologistDavid J. Schneider argued for a more complex relationships between the three factors, writing that "correlations between prejudice and political conservatism are reduced virtually to zero when controls for SDO are instituted, suggesting that the conservatism–prejudice link is caused by SDO".[394] Political theoristKenneth Minogue criticized Pratto's work, saying:
It is characteristic of the conservative temperament to value established identities, to praise habit and to respect prejudice, not because it is irrational, but because such things anchor the darting impulses of human beings in solidities of custom which we do not often begin to value until we are already losing them. Radicalism often generates youth movements, while conservatism is a condition found among the mature, who have discovered what it is in life they most value.[395]
A 1996 study by Pratto and her colleagues examined the topic ofracism. Contrary to what these theorists predicted, correlations between conservatism and racism were strongest among the most educated individuals, and weakest among the least educated. They also found that the correlation between racism and conservatism could be accounted for by their mutual relationship with SDO.[396]
In his bookGross National Happiness (2008),Arthur C. Brooks presents the finding that conservatives are roughly twice as happy as social liberals.[397] A 2008 study suggested that conservatives tend to be happier than social liberals because of their tendency to justify the current state of affairs and to remain unbothered by inequalities in society.[398] A 2012 study disputed this hypothesis, demonstrating that conservatives expressed greater personal agency (e.g., personal control, responsibility), more positive outlook (e.g., optimism, self-worth), and more transcendent moral beliefs (e.g., greater religiosity, greater moral clarity).[399]
^abHamilton, Andrew (2019)."Conservatism".Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
^Encyclopædia Britannica: "Conservatism, political doctrine that emphasizes the value of traditional institutions and practices."
^Heywood 2004, pp. 166–167: "In particular, conservatives have emphasized that society is held together by the maintenance of traditional institutions such as the family and by respect for an established culture, based upon religion, tradition and custom."
^abO'Hara, Kieron (2011).Conservatism. London: Reaktion.ISBN978-1-86189-812-8.It is clear that conservatives are influenced not only by their ideology, but also by the political context – no surprise there – but contexts vary and so, therefore, do conservatives.
^Neill 2021, p. 2: "[C]onservatives favour the importance of ‘natural’ forms of authority, such as the monarchy, the church, the nation and the family."
^Giubilei 2019, p. 37: "Conservatives aim to conserve the natural and fundamental elements of society, which are: private property, family, the homeland, and even religion […] the right-wing conservative is such not because he wants to conserve any regime and any institutions, but rather specific institutions and particular values."
^Heywood 2017, p. 74: "While contemporary conservatives are keen to demonstrate their commitment to democratic, particularly liberal-democratic, principles, there is a tradition within conservatism that has favoured authoritarian rule, especially in continental Europe."
^Micklethwait, John; Wooldridge, Adrian (2004).The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America. Penguin Books Limited.ISBN1594200203.Americans who describe themselves as 'conservatives' nevertheless disagree on almost all the most fundamental questions of life. […] TheStraussians at theWeekly Standard are philosophical elitists who believe that the masses need to be steered by an educated intelligentsia. The antitax crusaders who march behindGrover Norquist are populists who believe that pointy-headed intellectuals need to be given a good ducking.
^Heywood 2017, p. 63: "The Canadian Conservative Party adopted the title Progressive Conservative precisely to distance itself from reactionary ideas."
^Fawcett 2020, p. 59: "Conservatives can be radical or moderate. It depends on the state of the contest, on the stakes in the contest, and on which party is attacking, which defending."
^Finseraas, Henning (2010). "What if Robin Hood is a social conservative? : How the political response to increasing inequality depends on party polarization".Socio-Economic Review.8 (2):283–306.doi:10.1093/ser/mwp012.ISSN1475-1461.
^Howard J. Wiarda, Margaret MacLeish Mott.Catholic Roots and Democratic Flowers: Political Systems in Spain and Portugal. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001. p. 49
^Seymour M. Lipset, "Social Stratification and 'Right-Wing Extremism'"British Journal of Sociology 10#4 (1959), pp. 346–382on-lineArchived April 22, 2022, at theWayback Machine
^Lilla, Mark (2016). "Introduction".The Shipwrecked Mind: On Political Reaction. New York Review of Books. pp. xii.ISBN978-1590179024.Reactionaries are not conservatives. This is the first thing to be understood about them. They are, in their way, just as radical as revolutionaries and just as firmly in the grip of historical imaginings.
^abSiegfried, Heit; Johnston, Otto W. (1980). "German Romanticism: An Ideological Response to Napoleon".Consortium on Revolutionary Europe 1750–1850: Proceedings. Vol. 9. pp. 187–197.
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^"The World & I".The World & I. Vol. 1, no. 5. Washington Times Corp. 1986. RetrievedAugust 19, 2011.militant atheism was incompatible with conservatism
^Witt, Michael A.; Redding, Gordon (2013). "China: Authoritarian Capitalism".The Oxford Handbook of Asian Business Systems. OUP Oxford.ISBN9780199654925.
^"Narendra Modi's Message to America".National Review. June 23, 2022.Archived from the original on July 1, 2023. RetrievedJuly 1, 2023.His Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, or "Indian People's Party") is on the right of the Indian political spectrum. It is the largest political party in the world, with more members than the Chinese Communist Party, and supports Hindu nationalist ideology and economic development.
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^Fella, Stefano; Ruzza, Carlo (2009).Re-inventing the Italian Right: Territorial Politics, Populism and 'Post-Fascism'. Routledge.
^Bocca, Giorgio (1981).Storia della Repubblica italiana (in Italian). Rizzoli. pp. 14–16.
^Pepijn Corduwener,The Problem of Democracy in Postwar Europe: Political Actors and the Formation of the Postwar Model of Democracy in France, West Germany and Italy (Taylor & Francis, 2016), pp. 15, 17, 27, 40, 42.
^Mack Smith, Denis (1997).Modern Italy: A Political History. pp. 491––496.
^Daniele Albertazzi, et al., eds.Resisting the tide: cultures of opposition under Berlusconi (2001–06) (Bloomsbury Publishing USA, 2009).
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^Panizza, Francisco.Populism and the mirror of democracy. London: Verso, 2005.ISBN978-1-85984-489-2 p. 180
^Conway, John Frederick.Debts to pay: the future of federalism in Quebec. Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 2004.ISBN978-1-55028-814-8 pp. 57, 77
^John M. Pafford,The Forgotten Conservative: Rediscovering Grover Cleveland (Simon and Schuster, 2013).
^(Schneider 2009, pp. 4–9, 136): "The label (conservatism) is in frequent use and has come to stand for a skepticism, at times an outright hostility, toward government social policies; a muscular foreign policy combined with a patriotic nationalism; a defense of traditional Christian religious values; and support for the free market economic system."
^Sherwood Thompson,Encyclopedia of Diversity and Social Justice p. 7: "Historically...social justice became associated with liberalism in which equality is the ideal.", Rowman & Littlefield, 2014,ISBN978-1-4422-1604-4.
^Cal Jillson (February 22, 2011).Texas Politics: Governing the Lone Star State. Taylor & Francis.ISBN978-0-203-82941-7. RetrievedJanuary 19, 2012.Social conservatives focus on moral or values issues, such as abortion, marriage, school prayer, and judicial appointments.
^Michael Foley (2007).American credo: the place of ideas in US politics. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-152833-0. RetrievedJanuary 18, 2012.Against accusations of being pre-modern or even anti-modern in outlook, paleoconservatives press for restrictions on immigration, a rollback of multicultural programmes, the decentralization of the federal polity, the restoration of controls upon free trade, a greater emphasis upon economic nationalism and isolationism in the conduct of American foreign policy, and a generallyrevanchist outlook upon a social order in need of recovering old lines of distinction and in particular the assignment of roles in accordance with traditional categories of gender, ethnicity, and race.
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^Brown, T. J., Mowen, J. C., Donavan, D. T., & Licata, J. W. (2002). The customer orientation of service workers: Personality trait effects on self-and supervisor performance ratings. Journal ofMarketing Research, 39, 110–119.
^Neal, A., Yeo, G., Koy, A., & Xiao, T. (2012). Predicting the form and direction of work role performance from the Big 5 model of personality traits. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 33, 175–192.
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^Navarrete, Carlos David; Fessler, Daniel M.T. (2006). "Disease avoidance and ethnocentrism: The effects of disease vulnerability and disgust sensitivity on intergroup attitudes".Evolution and Human Behavior.27 (4):270–282.Bibcode:2006EHumB..27..270N.doi:10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2005.12.001.
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^Crowson, H. Michael; Thoma, Stephen J.; Hestevold, Nita (August 7, 2010). "Is Political Conservatism Synonymous With Authoritarianism?".The Journal of Social Psychology.145 (5):571–592.doi:10.3200/SOCP.145.5.571-592.PMID16201679.
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^Brooks, Arthur C. (2008).Gross National Happiness: Why Happiness Matters for America—and How We Can Get More of It.New York: Basic Books.ISBN978-1-5113-9186-3.
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^Saatkamp, Herman; Coleman, Martin (2023),"George Santayana", in Zalta, Edward N.; Nodelman, Uri (eds.),The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2023 ed.), Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University, retrievedDecember 26, 2023
^Suisheng Zhao (1995).Power by Design: Constitution-Making in Nationalist China. University of Hawaii Press. pp. 116–119.ISBN9780824863982.
^Rosenthal, John."London of John Constable".Encyclopedia Britannica.An economic depression after the Napoleonic Wars had led to agrarian riots, and yet Constable, a loyal Tory, chose to portray an abstracted, well-ordered English society that was untouched by the industrial and social changes surrounding him.
^"CEZANNE; Parting Ways With Zola".New York Times. August 25, 1991.In John Russell's essay "The Poet Who Kick-Started a Stalled Cezanne", the reference to Cezanne's having been abandoned by Emile Zola, his lifelong friend and supporter, is true as far as it goes. It might have gone a bit further, though, and revealed why the coldness developed between the author of "J'accuse" and the anti-Dreyfusard painter.
^Wegener, Fredrick (December 2000). ""Rabid Imperialist"': Edith Wharton and the Obligations of Empire in Modern American Fiction".American Literature.72 (4):783–812.doi:10.1215/00029831-72-4-783.S2CID162758720.
^Allison, Jonathan (ed.). 1996.Yeats's Political Identities: Selected Essays. University of Michigan Press
^Bordwell, David (1983).The Films of Carl Theodor Dreyer. University of California Press. p. 191.
^Joshi, Sunand T. (2001).A dreamer and a visionary: H. P. Lovecraft in his time. Liverpool science fiction texts and studies (1. publ ed.). Liverpool: Liverpool Univ. Press. pp. 8–16.ISBN978-0-85323-946-8.
^Lybarger, Jeremy (April 21, 2021)."The Turbulent Life of Francis Bacon".The New Republic.Bacon was a conservative at heart—when drunk, he'd sometimes lambaste poor people for their supposed weakness—but his art, as channeled through his queerness, cast a critical, if oblique, eye on the prevailing culture.
^Brown, Neal (May 5, 1998)."Francis Bacon".Frieze.Bacon's often very beautiful, grandee swirlings and sexualised skidmarks of paint are depictive of certain principal categories of subject. These are either other right-wing libertines like himself, or suicides and alcoholics – alcoholics, of course, just being suicides in slow motion.
^Lurie, Robert Dean (September 7, 2012)."The Conservative Kerouac".The American Conservative.My father and my mother and my sister and I have always voted Republican, always." This had nothing to do with party planks and everything to do with family identity, with holding onto something, no matter how arbitrary, in an otherwise disorienting world. We're Kerouacs and this is what we do
^Kauffman, Bill (July 7, 2022)."Who was the most right-wing member of the Beat Generation?".The Spectator.The gentle Catholic-Buddhist Jack Kerouac, spontaneous-bop prosody prince of the Old Right, has the strongest claim. In 1952, shortly after finishing the novel that would be published five years later as On the Road, he argued for Robert Taft, "Mr. Republican," for president, while his pal Allen Ginsberg was puffing up Cold Warrior and son of a robber baron Averell Harriman.