45°26′21″N10°59′39″E / 45.43917°N 10.99417°E /45.43917; 10.99417
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TheCongress of Verona met atVerona from 20 October to 14 December 1822 as part of theseries of international conferences or congresses that opened with theCongress of Vienna in 1814–15, which had instituted theConcert of Europe at the close of theNapoleonic Wars.[1]
TheQuintuple Alliance was represented by the following persons:
Russia: EmperorAlexander I and CountKarl Robert Nesselrode (minister of foreign affairs). Count George Mocenigo (Ambassador of Russia inTurin) was also present;
Austria:Prince Metternich;
Prussia:Prince Hardenberg and CountChristian Gunther von Bernstorff;
France:Anne-Adrien-Pierre de Montmorency-Laval (minister of Foreign Affairs) andFrançois-René de Chateaubriand;
United Kingdom: TheDuke of Wellington, who was taking the place ofForeign SecretaryLord Londonderry after the latter's suicide on the eve of the congress. Accompanying Wellington was the British ambassador to Austria, the newLord Londonderry, the younger brother of the former Foreign Secretary.Aside from the five leading powers a variety of other nations were represented in Verona, marking the largest gathering since Vienna seven years earlier.[2] The attendees includedOscar,Crown Prince of Sweden.
A delegation of Greeks, currentlyfighting for their independence, was turned away atAncona.[3] Recognition was also refused to representatives of theUrgel Regency ofSpain, royalist opponents of the country'sliberal government.
While the representatives of Great Britain and the other European powers had at first, during the Congress of Vienna, acted largely in concert, the extent to which the concord epitomized in the expression the "Concert of Europe" had unraveled in seven years became apparent in the way in which the three main questions before this Congress were handled.
The instructions drawn up by Londonderry, as he then was, for his own guidance, had been handed to Wellington byGeorge Canning without alteration. They defined the British position towards the three questions which it was supposed would be discussed: theEastern question (currently surfacing in theGreek insurrection), the question of intervention in favor of theBourbon royal power in Spain and therevolted Spanish colonies in America, and the Italian Question.[4]
The matter of the Italian Question dealt with the continued Austrian rule in Northern Italy. Since Britain could not undertake to support a system in which she had merely acquiesced, Wellington did not even formally present his credentials until the other Powers had disposed of the matter, and the British diplomatCharles Vane, 3rd Marquess of Londonderry (Castlereagh's half-brother and successor in the Londonderry title) attended merely to keep informed and to see that nothing was done inconsistent with the European system and the treaties.[4]
In the Greek Question, the probable raising of which had alone induced the British government to send aminister plenipotentiary to the Congress, Wellington was instructed to suggest the eventual necessity for recognizing the belligerent rights of the Greeks, and, in the event of concerted intervention, to be careful not to commit Britain, beyond a supporting role.[4] (SeeGreek War of Independence.)
As for Russia and Austria, the immediate problems arising out of the Greek Question had already been privately settled between the Emperor Alexander and Metternich, to their mutual satisfaction, at the preliminary conferences held at Vienna in September.[4]
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When the plenipotentiaries met in Verona, the only question raised was the Spanish Question, of the proposed French intervention in Spain, in which Wellington's instructions were to express London's uncompromising opposition to the whole principle of intervention.[4]
The discussion was opened by three questions formally propounded by Montmorency:
A series of gilt-copper medals apparently struck in England represent participants of the Congress in less than flattering lights: the "Count de Chateaubriand" (Ludwig Ernst Bramsen,Médallier) bears an inscription that offers the British view of the French position in a nutshell: "TheKing of France, my master, demands the freedom ofFerdinand VII to give his people institutions which they cannot hold but from him", while the EmperorFrancis I of Austria asserts "My troops occupy Naples to chastise the Neapolitans for daring to change their constitution."
The reply of Alexander, who expressed his surprise at the desire of France to keep the intervention wholly French, was to offer to march 150,000 Russians through Germany toPiedmont, where they could be held ready to act against anyJacobins, whether in Spain or France. This solution appealed as little to Metternich and Montmorency as to Wellington; but though united in opposing it, four days of confidential communications revealed a fundamental difference of opinion. Wellington, firmly based on theprinciple of non-intervention, refused to have anything to do with the suggestion, made by Metternich, that the powers should address a common note to the Spanish government in support of the action of France. Finally, Metternich proposed that the Allies should hold a common language, but in separate notes, though uniform in their principles and objects. This solution was adopted by the continental powers; but Wellington, in accordance with his instructions not to countenance any intervention in Spanish affairs, took no part in the conferences that followed. On October 30 the powers handed in their formal replies to the French memorandum.[4]
Russia, Austria and Prussia would act as France should in respect of withdrawing their ministers, and would give to France every assistance she might require, the details to be specified in a treaty. Wellington, on the other hand, replied on behalf of Great Britain that having no knowledge of the cause of dispute, and not being able to form a judgment upon a hypothetical case, he could give no answer to any of the questions.[4]
Thus was proclaimed the open breach of Britain with the principles and policy of theQuintuple Alliance, as it had become with the admission of France in 1818, which development is what gives to the congress its main historical interest.[4] The ensuing French intervention ended with theBattle of Trocadero, which reinstatedFerdinand VII of Spain and opened a reactionary period of Spanish and European politics that led to theYear of Revolutions, 1848.
This article incorporates text from a publication now in thepublic domain: Phillips, Walter Alison (1911). "Verona, Congress of". InChisholm, Hugh (ed.).Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 27 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 1036–1037.as held by theNational Archives of Austria:Schneider, Karin; Kurz, Stephan, eds. (2018).Mächtekongresse 1818-1822. Digitale Edition. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences.ISBN 978-3-9504783-0-3.