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Combat was a large movement in theFrench Resistance created in thenon-occupied zone of France during theWorld War II (1939–1945).
Combat was one of the eight great resistance movements which constituted theConseil national de la Résistance.
Combat, also known under its former nameNational Liberation Movement [fr] (MLN),[1] was active both in the unoccupied zone in southern France and in the occupied north.
Combat was created in August 1940 inLyon byHenri Frenay, supported byBerty Albrecht. Through a system of regional heads, he spread the movement through six regions within the free zone:
New regions appeared later, particularly in the north of France (e.g.Jura andBrittany).
Little by little, the MLN (subsequently renamed theMouvement de Libération Française), merged with other smaller networks in the regions where it took root. On merging with theLiberté network at the end of 1941, the movement took on the name of Combat. At this point, however, Combat took aGaullist approach, causing a split with other networks which tended towardsPhilippe Pétain. The break caused Combat's sources of information to be diminished somewhat.A satellite organization by the name ofCombat Zone nord [fr], was also created in the occupied zone, specifically in Paris. The organiser wasRobert Guédon, calledRobert.Combat Zone nord proved to be quite active, quickly growing its network into several regions of the occupied zone such as theNord-Pas-de-Calais .
Among the initial Combat members planted in the occupied zone, there was an agent of theAbwehr,Henri Devillers, involved in linking and communications between the parts of the movement in the free and occupied zones.Jean-Paul Lien [fr], another member of combat, learned about Devilliers' treachery by accident from two German agents. Lien alerted Henri Frenay, who had no power to stop Devilliers. 47 members of Combat were arrested, 31 by theGestapo and 16 by the French police, of whom only two would be released. They were tried by theVolkgerichthof (people's tribunal) and 23 were sentenced to death; this was referred to as theaffaire Continent. The movement was completely disbanded in the occupied zone between the end of 1941 and the beginning of 1942. Frenay decided not to rebuild there but to concentrate all his efforts in the free zone. A new movement was born from the ashes ofCombat Zone nord,Ceux de la Résistance, founded by[[[Jacques Lecompte-Boine]] [[[:fr:[Jacques Lecompte-Boine|fr]]]].
Frenay also declined repeated offers to put himself at the service of theDeuxième Bureau of theVichy Regime or of theIntelligence service of London, preferring to keep his independence and continue to fight for France alone rather than a foreign power.
In the beginning of summer 1942, another network calledCarte, which was directly linked to theBritishSpecial Operations Executive and therefore better armed at that time than the other French networks in the free zone, took over two of Combat's groups on theCôte d'Azur. Frenay sent a message to the SOE asking them to stop taking his teams away from him. It did not happen again. This may have been due to the displeasure expressed by Frenay in his message, or alternatively to the invasion of the free zone by the Germans a few months later.
After the Allies landed in North Africa, the Germans invaded the free zone. This plunged Combat undercover, since they now had to deal with the well-organisedGestapo. Secrecy and security measures were reinforced. Messages were encrypted, rendezvous locations were specified by letters and generally were moved to outside Lyon, which became by degrees the capital of the French resistance. Arrests took place from February onwards, followed by escapes. Combat was infiltrated byGestapo andAbwehr agents.
In January, the idea of amalgamating the three big resistance movements of the south (Combat,Libération andFranc-tireurs) gradually gained ground, culminating between February and March inMouvements Unis de la Résistance (MUR). The steering committee of each movement lost much of its importance. Combat was represented on the steering committee of the MUR by Frenay, who was also the commissioner on military affairs of the three networks. The press of the three movements remained independent, andCombat's newspaper continued to exist in its own right. Combat's structure was unchanged by its affiliation to the MUR; it retained a steering committee, and branches for political and military affairs among others.
Combat was led by a steering committee, over which Frenay permanently presided. In March 1943, the other five members were Georges Bidault,Claude Bourdet,Maurice Chevance [fr],Alfred Coste-Floret [fr],François de Menthon (former head ofLiberté), etPierre-Henri Teitgen. In January 1943, Combat contained a total of 14 specialised services and more than 100 permanent agents, paid by the network.
The network was split into four branches:
Initially Combat was mainly financed through gifts coming from all over France, solicited by Frenay from high-ranking members of society. This situation changed quickly, however, and soon most resources were provided from London, through the agency ofJean Moulin. At the beginning of 1943, the money received by Combat from London went up to five million Francs, of whichLibération received 1.5 million, andFranc-Tireur, just under a million.
Moulin tried to separate the different activities of the network, particularly the information and theChoc (shock, heavy military operations), following directions given to him in London. He finally won his case when theMUR was created.
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The activities of Combat originally revolved around the dispersal of information using secret newspapers. These pieces of information were provided to Frenay initially from army offices, then, after the disbandment of the French army, from theDeuxième Bureau of the Vichy regime. Combat quickly distanced itself from Vichy, after which information was gathered through various resistance groups with which Combat had links. These pieces of information fed into newspapers which were published from time to time. In the beginning Frenay mainly distributed bulletins in army offices; these bulletins stopped after the army broke up.
In the occupied zone, the newspaperLes Petites Ailes du Nord et du Pas-de-Calais (little wings of the North and Pas-de-Calais) appeared. In time it becameLes Petites Ailes de France, thenRésistance.In the free zone, an underground newspaper was established, modelled onPetites Ailes de France. Its name wasVérités (Truths).Vérité (Truth) had been considered for the name, but was judged too philosophical; according to Frenay, the truth was difficult, if not impossible to express. After the merger of Combat withLiberté,Vérités was scuttled and its place taken by a new newspaper bearing the name of the network,Combat.
Other small journals also saw the light of day, but gradually separated from the Combat movement. Examples areVeritas (French newspaper) [fr] and theCatholic-orientedTémoignage chrétien [fr]] (Christian witness notebooks). These journals, particularly the important ones, contained propaganda articles against the Vichy regime, which revealed and criticised the actions of the government and state apparatus, as well as substantive pieces dealing withe.g.Nazism orcollaboration. Frenay generally constructed the editorial of the Combat newspaper in person, until he joined de Gaulle inAlgeria. The subtitle of the Combat newspaper wasOrgane du Mouvement de la Libération Française, accompanied by a quote fromGeorges Clemenceau:"Dans la guerre comme dans la paix, le dernier mot est à ceux qui ne se rendent jamais." (In war as in peace, the last word is theirs that never surrender). In 1943, a sectionAttentats (attacks) was added to the paper; it contained a list of the paramilitary operations of Combat.
The first issue of the Combat newspaper appeared in late 1941 in Lyon, with a press run of 10,000.André Bollier replaced Martinet, the initial printer for the movement. He distributed the printing across 14 presses in the free zone, thus reducing the need for transporting papers from Lyon, and allowing the run to be increased. In May 1944, the newspaper had a run of 250,000. Bollier was also responsible for printingDéfense de la France (the futureFrance-Soir),Action (a paper with communist sympathy), the first issues ofTémoignage chrétien, and certain issues of theFranc-Tireur paper andLa Voix du Nord.
Alongside the underground press activities, information was sent to London by circuitous routes. These operations were directed by Jean Gemahling, fromAlsace. TheNoyautage des administrations publiques (infiltration of public services) was also established, with the original aim of recruiting public figures who would be able to assure the return of the republic after the Vichy regime fell. However, theNAP gradually changed direction and allowing itself necessary cooperation with public services and the ability to obtain basic information about German army movements. TheNAP-police were created, whose members would warn their comrades about forthcoming arrests. Another branch, theNAP-fer led byRené Hardy, provided theGroupes Francs with schedules of German supply trains from 1943. The NAP also operated within the customs service.
TheGroupes de Choc were set up, generally specializing in attacks against collaborators and shopkeepers who sold collaborationist papers like the Nazi magazineSignal (the shops of the latter were generally blown up). From 1942 onwards theGC gradually merged into the Armée secrète which was assimilating by degrees the various paramilitary groups of Combat, Libération and Franc-Tireur. This merging was encouraged by Frenay and Moulin, who wanted the operations of theGC remained separate from any intelligence and propaganda activities. For this reason, the leadership of theArmée Secrète was not conferred upon Frenay as he had initially wanted (his movement being more significant than the other two members of theMUR) but rather upon the division generalCharles Delestraint, who was recruited by the chef de Combat.
TheSabotage andMaquis sections were added to the network in 1943.
Frenay put Jacques Renouvin in charge of mountingGroupes Francs, mobile armed squads, in each of the six regions covered by the network. They were organised in theChoc branch of the network. They worked independently of theArmée Secrète but in contact with it to organise their operations and provide intelligence.
TheGroupes Frances organised their operations on their own initiative, following the general framework which was given them. They communicated the results of their operations to the steering committee.
Before November 1942, the operations of theGroupes Francs were similar to those of theGroups de Choc. They were responsible for obtaining their own arms from supply dumps or police posts, and making their ownexplosives or stealing them from mines.
After the German invasion of the free zone in November 1942, theGroups Francs changed their operations style. They were ordered to attack trains containing German soldiers or going to Germany, to sabotage railway lines, to destroy arms factories and dumps and to assassinateGestapo agents. TheGF were supplied and armed by Britain through parachute dumps which provided them withSten guns,pistols,ammunition, explosives,grenades and other equipment.
TheGF also organised escapes for captured resistance fighters such as that ofPaul Reynaud (planned and prepared but never executed) and the successful escape ofBerty Albrecht who was being held at the Lyon-Bron psychiatric hospital.
In January 1943, Jacques Renouvin, was arrested by theGestapo getting off a train. He was held inFresnes prison. A commando raid was mounted to free him but all its members were arrested. Renouvin was deported toMauthausen concentration camp where he died. He was replaced as head of theGF by a member ofLibération.
In 1943 the steering committee of Combat learned that refugees from theService du travail obligatoire forced labour had fled toHaute-Savoie and theMaquis had been created in the mountainousmassifs. Theservice Maquis was established in Combat's Military affairs branch with the aim of helping all those who had "taken themaquis" to survive and to fight, and of providing them lives and armaments, and of integrating them into Combat's network. While the objective for Combat was to develop, oversee and organise these armed groups, there were some divisions relating to this at the heart of theMUR; some, likeCharles Delestraint, saw the Maquis as actual pockets of resistance within French territory, whereas others like Frenay saw them as armed bands operating by ambush and disappearing once their mission was accomplished.
Combat hadChristian-conservative andGaullist political leanings.[2] Its founder, Henri Frenay, was a staunch right-winger andanti-Communist. Among his deputies, Renouvin and Bénouville had been active in thefar-rightAction Française. Bénouville, a Catholicmonarchist, had left AF for the secret terrorist networkLa Cagoule in 1934.[3] In Montpellier, Combat members painted the words "I would never have collaborated!" on the base of theequestrian statue of Louis XIV [fr] in thepromenade du Peyrou.[4]
The Montpellier leaders of Combat, Courtin and Teitgen, were involved in organising theComité Général d'Etudes,[5] which acted as an undergroundConseil d'État.[6]
Afterliberation, several members of Combat (Bidault, Menthon, Teitgen) formed the Christian democratic partyPopular Republican Movement as a pro-Gaullist counterweight toFrench Communist Party on 26 November 1944, with Bidault as its first leader.[7] The MRP became the main party of the right, linked with the internationalsocial Catholic movement and opposed in its pursuit ofEuropean integration to the influence of both theSoviet Union and the United States.[8] It pursued hardline colonial policies inVietnam andAlgeria on the basis of French national interests, and refused to invite international military assistance.[9] Bidault went further than his party in his support forFrench Algeria[10] by allegedly enlisting in theOAS. Bénouville, who followed a different political path in the GaullistRally of the French People and its successorsUnion for the New Republic andUnion of Democrats for the Republic, similarly backed the Algerianultras by joiningJacques Soustelle'sUnion pour le salut et le renouveau de l'Algérie française in 1958. He later praisedAntónio de Oliveira Salazar as the "wise man of the West".[11]
and many others.
Media related toCombat (French Resistance) at Wikimedia Commons
