During theRusso-Ukrainian war (2022–present), there have been numerous incidents of Ukrainians collaborating withRussia to undermineUkraine from within. This phenomenon, which has had a significantly negative impact on the country's aspiration and ability to recover theRussian-occupied territories, has involved both countries' politicians, military officials and soldiers, and ordinary citizens. In response, the Ukrainian government has adopted new legislation that enables the targeting of collaborators by more specifically defining collaborationist acts and by introducing strict punishments for Ukrainians who are found to have colluded with the Russian military campaign in any capacity.
According to theBBC, by August 2024, almost 2,000 Ukrainians had been convicted of collaboration with Russia over the course of the previous two and a half years.[1] Concerns have been raised over the effects of the anti-collaboration legislation on those whose actions do not validly endanger Ukraine's security, such as people who resort to accepting Russia's authority in an attempt to survive and adapt daily aspects of life to the circumstances of long-term (or indefinite) military occupation; Ukraine's methods for prosecuting collaborators have thus been classified byHuman Rights Watch and theUnited Nations OHCHR as standing in violation ofinternational humanitarian law.[2][3][4]
As of January 2025[update], approximately 20% of Ukraine's sovereign territory, containing an estimated 3.5 million Ukrainian citizens, is occupied by Russian troops. Much of this territory—not including parts that werelost in 2014—has not been controlled by Ukraine for well over two years and wasannexed by Russia in September 2022.
After the Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, theVerkhovna Rada adopted two laws on collaborationism, which were later signed by Ukrainian PresidentVolodymyr Zelenskyy:[5][6]
The law on collaborationism has been discussed since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014, but the Ukrainian authorities feared that too many residents of the occupied territories could fall under its action. To prosecute collaborators, articles on treason, financing of terrorism, obstruction of the lawful activities of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, etc. were used. The new law made it possible to impose punishment for the very fact of cooperation with the occupiers without the need to prove, for example, damage to the security of the state (as in the case of treason).[7]
Depending on the corpus delicti, Article 111-1 of the Criminal Code provides for penalties of varying severity. The minimum is the deprivation of the right to hold certain positions or engage in certain activities for people holding positions in illegal government bodies that are not related to the adoption of administrative or organizational decisions, as well as for those who spoke out in support of Russia in the media and the Internet.[7] As an additional measure of punishment, confiscation of property may be applied.[8]
The Ukrainian authorities noted that they were not going to persecute people who were forced to work in the occupied territories — public utilities employees, doctors, etc. At the same time, policemen and judges who continued to work after the occupation unequivocally fall under the law.[7]
Meduza journalists noted that the Russian authorities were probably acting on the basis of the notions of 2014, when the political confrontation in Ukraine allowed them to win over the elites in some regions, members of Viktor Yanukovych 'sParty of Regions, and somegrassroots movements.[9]
However, after the beginning of the invasion in February 2022, the opposite situation developed: society and political forces consolidated around the sovereignty of Ukraine. In the occupied territories, many politicians who previously spoke from pro-Russian positions refused to cooperate with the Russian military, and the occupation administrations were formed from among insignificant politicians, petty officials and random people.[9]
In February-June 2022, the Chesno movement added 47 collaborating politicians to its list: 12 in the Donetsk region, 10 in Kharkiv region, 9 in Kherson region, 8 in Zaporizhzhia region, 3 each in Luhansk and Sumy regions, 2 in Mykolaiv region. By party affiliation, most of the collaborators were members of the pro-Russian Opposition Platform - For Life (19 out of 34 members of political parties)[10]
Following the invasion, Russia began to organize military-civilian administrations in occupied territories, despite the fact that Russian President Vladimir Putin stated that Russia's plans do not include the occupation of Ukrainian territories.[11][12]
Volodymyr Saldo, the mayor of Kherson between 2002 and 2012, and a supporter of repressions against the opposition in 2014, became the head of the occupation administration of the Kherson region. In the local elections in 2020, Saldo lost toIhor Kolykhaiev, and his party received only 7% of the vote in the regional council and 11% in the regional one. After the occupation in March 2022, Saldo became one of the founders of the collaborationistSalvation Committee for Peace and Order, and a month later, the Russian military seized the city council of Kherson and appointed Saldo as the head of the occupation administration.
The city administration of Kherson was headed by Oleksandr Kobets, whom the Ukrainian media called the former driver of the legally elected mayor Kolykhaiev. Other members of the Salvation Committee includeKirill Stremousov,[13] a pro-Russian far-right blogger andanti-vaxxer, who won 1.3% of the vote in the 2020 Kherson mayoral elections. Other members of the committee were associated with the movement of the oligarch, Vladimir Putin's godfatherViktor Medvedchuk, the bannedCommunist Party of Ukraine and various pro-Russian organizations, had problems with the Ukrainian special services.[9]
InKakhovka, the Russian military seized the city council on 1 April and appointedPavel Filipchuk, a former deputy of the Kherson regional council from the pro-Russian Opposition Platform - For Life!, as the head of the city occupation administration. (OPLE), who was part of the team of the chairman of the regional councilVladislav Manger, suspected of involvement in the murder of Kherson activistKateryna Handziuk. After a series of unsuccessful attempts to be elected mayor of Kakhovka, Filipchuk moved to Sochi and returned shortly after the invasion began. Oleg Bukhovets, an ex-deputy of the district council from the Party of Regions, was appointed head of the city's "police". The leadership of the community noted that the employees of the city executive committee refused to cooperate with Russian appointees.[14]
On 12 March, inHenichesk, the Russian military ousted the legally elected mayor and appointed Gennady Sivak from Kramsk as the head of the occupation administration. Andriy Klochko, a deputy of the district council from the Opposition PlatformFor Life party, a former activist of Viktor Medvedchuk's Ukrainian Choice organization, became the city's chairman. Andriy Klochko, a member of the Henichesk District Council from OPZZ, was appointed "acting mayor" in Henichesk. Of the 15 headmen of the Henichesk district, only 5 went to cooperate with the Russian military.[14]Nova Kakhovka under Russian administration was headed by a small entrepreneurVolodymyr Leontiev, and Skadovsk was headed by a Russian citizen Sergei Shvaiko, who previously worked as a builder.[13]
The Washington Post reported that the Ukrainian authorities after the capture of Kherson faced problems related to ambivalent attitude or even sympathy towards Russia among many residents: some of them fled the city when Russian troops retreated, reducing the human resource for rebuilding the city, while the other part stayed behind and, according to theWashington Post, it is unknown what should be done with them. Thus, according to the newspaper, some locals received Russian passports in order to receive benefits, while others received Russian wage supplements for agreeing to continue working. This situation has led to social tensions and conflicts[15]
In May 2022, the head of the Mykolaiv District Prosecutor's Office was detained by the SBU for passing on to an unnamed Russian blogger, whose fan he was, data on captive Russian servicemen, military and civilian casualties, and passwords for moving around the region.[16][17]
According to Meduza's estimates, key posts in the occupation administrations inZaporizhzhia Oblast have been occupied by people unknown even to local residents. So in March 2022 (under the current Ukrainian authorities),Vladimir Rogov, a radical pro-Russian activist and former ally ofOleg Tsarev, who ended up in Russia as part of a prisoner exchange in 2014, proclaimed himself Mayor of Melitopol.[9]
After the legally elected mayor Ivan Fedorov was kidnapped by the Russian military inMelitopol, his actingGalina Danilchenko was appointed - a deputy of the City Council from the pro-Russian "Party of Regions", and then the "Opposition Bloc". She also became the first civil servant who was formally charged with collaborationism.[9][18][19]
The Russian military then formed the government in the city under the leadership of former People's DeputyYevgeny Balitsky, Melitopol city council members Oleksandr Falk andGalina Danilchenko (who formally headed the city's "committee of people's elected officials").[20][21] InEnerhodar, a parallel government body, the "Public Council of Self-Organization of the City," was created under the leadership of city council member Andriy Shevchyk. InBerdiansk, a representative of theUnion of Left Forces party, Oleksandr Saulenko, took on the "temporary duties of the mayor" and declared himself the "People's Mayor" of Berdiansk.[11] A criminal case was initiated against Volodymyr Rykun, the head of Mykhailo community of Zaporizhzhia region, who stated that he went to the negotiations with the Russian military.[22][23]
In July 2022, the political partyWe Are Together with Russia was created, with the purpose of campaigning for Zaporizhzhia's annexation into the Russian Federation.
In September 2022, thePavel Sudoplatov Battalion was formed.[24][25] The battalion consists of pro-Russian Ukrainians and foreign volunteers. It is allied with the Russian-installed authorities inoccupied Zaporizhzhia Oblast; it's led byYevgeny Balitsky,[25] whose son is a member of the battalion. As of January 2023 the battalion consists of over 600 soldiers.[26]
The mayor ofKupiansk,Kharkiv Oblast, Hennadiy Matsegora, went to the side of the Russian Federation.[11] The head ofBalakliia, Ivan Stolbovy, agreed to cooperate with the Russian authorities.[27] On 28 February 2022, Oleksandr Bryukhanov, the mayor ofPivdenne, was detained on suspicion of treason.[28] Mayor ofIzium Valery Marchenko reported that two deputies of the city council and the ex-mayor had gone over to the side of the occupiers. According to one of the Izium City Council officials, Anatoly Fomichevsky, a deputy from the OP-ZZh, helped the Russian military enter the city along an unprotected road.[29][30]
InLuhansk Oblast, the Russian military was supported by the mayor ofStanytsia Luhanska, Albert Zinchenko,[31] the mayor ofRubizhne,Serhiy Khortiv,[32] the head of the Markov community Igor Dzyuba, the head of the village of Melovoye Oleg Savchenko,[33][34] and the head of the Svatovsky District Council Lyudmila Rusanova.[35]
In Mariupol, Donetsk region, which was partially controlled by the Russian military, 10Mariupol city councillors, oneLyman city councillor, the deputy of the city council from the party "Opposition platform - For life"Kostyantyn Ivashchenko, along with nine representatives of the party, agreed to cooperate.[36][37] The mayor ofSviatohirsk, Volodymyr Bandura, have also agreed to cooperate with the Russian military during this time.[37] InVolnovakha during the first months of the occupation, the Russian military replaced 4 leaders of the city, in May 2022 this position was occupied by a former security official, businessman and MP from the Opposition Platform for Life, Artur Antsiferov.[13]
The first case of collaborationism was sent to court on 30 March 2022, where a resident ofKramatorsk published a video inTikTok in which he denied the fact of the Russian invasion and called to support the actions of the aggressor country.[38] By mid-October 2022, Ukrainian law enforcement agencies had opened more than 2,000 cases, and courts had handed down 116 verdicts. Most of the cases reflected in the official register concerned denial of Russian aggression, another part concerned officials' cooperation with the occupiers, and only a few concerned active assistance to the Russian military (for example, transmitting information about AFU positions).[39]
In the vast majority of cases, the defendants pleaded guilty and received minimal punishment - suspended sentences, a ban on holding elective positions and certain types of activities. Representatives of the legal community noted that such punishment for the lightest forms of collaborationism was apparently intended as a kind oflustration to exclude collaborators from politics and local government in the future.[39]
On 16 March 2022, the movement "launched" the database of traitors of Ukraine "DerzhZradnyky".[40][41] As of 4 April 2022, it contained 70 names.[42] On 19 March 2022, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine reported that it had data on 245 people who may be helping Russia.[43] As of 26 March 2022, theState Bureau of Investigation opened about 200 cases for collaborationism.[44]
On 3 April 2022, theProsecutor General of UkraineIrina Venediktova announced that 99 people were in custody on suspicion of treason and 4 people on suspicion of collaborationism.[45] On 7 April 2022,National Security and Defense Council Secretary Oleksiy Danilov said that on behalf of President Zelensky, work was underway on a register of collaborators, which would soon be published.[46] The first traitors were included in the register on 12 April.[47]
By August 2024, Ukraine'sSBU had opened more than 9,000 criminal proceedings related to collaboration with Russia, and nearly 2,000 Ukrainians had been convicted.[1]
The invasion was supported by a People's Deputy from the already banned pro-Russian partyOpposition Platform — For Life,Ilya Kiva, calling for "liberation of Ukraine from Western occupation." A number of MPs from the including anyone affiliated with businessman and Vladimir Putin's close friend,Viktor Medvedchuk, left Ukraine even before the invasion started: they areOleg Voloshyn,Vadim Rabinovich,Nataliya Korolevska,Igor Surkis. Some, likeIlya Kiva, moved to Russia. Medvedchuk himself, who escapedHouse arrest, which was a restrictive measure for treason and attempted plunder of national resources in annexed Crimea, was arrested on 12 April 2022 while trying to leave Ukraine.[48] On 6 March 2022, the Prosecutor General of UkraineIryna Venediktova announced her suspicions of Kiva.[49] On 15 March 2022, 335 deputies voted for his expulsion. He is currently wanted for treason.[50]
In July 2022, Zelenskyy dismissed the heads of two key agencies – the Prosecutor GeneralIryna Venediktova and the head of the SBUIvan Bakanov.[51][52] The reason was the large number of collaborators in both agencies, including high-ranking security officials such as Kulinich or Andrei Naumov, the former head of the internal security chief who fled on the eve of the invasion and was soon detained inSerbia on money laundering charges.[53] In the ensuing reshuffles, Zelensky replaced heads of the SBU in Zhytomyr, Kharkiv, Sumy, Poltava, Zakarpattia and Dnipropetrovsk regions.[54][55]
On 15 September 2023, theSecurity Service of Ukraine charged former MPNestor Shufrych fortreason and collaboration withRussian intelligence.[56]
The Washington Post noted that theFSB unit in Ukraine began expanding in 2019 and was actively recruiting supporters (both ideologues and those working for money) in security agencies. It was believed that the corruption and deep infiltration of Russian agents in the SBU would undermine Ukraine's ability to resist invasion. Some of them complied with the agreements: for example, SBU head for Crimea Oleg Kulinich handed over internal SBU files to Russia for two years and, on the night before the invasion, blocked the distribution of intelligence that an attack on the Kherson region from Crimea would begin in a few hours.[55]
After 24 February, however, many of the enlisted enforcers refused to carry out FSB missions. Moreover, when the invasion began, the Ukrainian security agencies began to work much more efficiently – among other things, the personal example of Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who remained in the capital, where the fighting was taking place, contributed to this. During the large-scale purges in February-August 2022, more than 800 officers of law enforcement agencies up to generals were detained in more than 650 cases of treason (the conspiracy uncovered in April was reported by the Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council,Oleksiy Danilov).[57][58][55]
According to the Mayor ofMelitopol,Ivan Fedorov, some apartment building managers provide the Russian military with lists of empty apartments.[59]
Immediately after the seizure of the village ofDymer inKyiv Oblast, a local resident, Oleksandr Kharchenko, headed the collaboration administration.[60] After theretreat of Russian troops from Kyiv Oblast,Oleg Tsarev wrote the following: "I spent more than a month mainly in the settlements belonging to the district centers near Kyiv, Borodyanka and Ivankiv. Now the Russian army has left these settlements. I hope that all those who started to cooperate with us from the local residents have managed to leave Ukraine".[61]
In December 2022, one Ukrainian artillerymen alleged that "80 percent" of the remaining civilian population ofBakhmut, surviving in basements and supplied by mobile grocery trucks that periodically enter the city, was pro-Russian.[62]
Among the civilians tried for collaboration with Russia in the liberated territories of Ukraine is a local neighborhood volunteer sentenced to 5 years in prison for cooperating with the Russian authorities in providing humanitarian needs to local elderly people, a school principal jailed for accepting a Russian curriculum, a local electrician who provided electricity during the occupation, or sports stadium manager facing 12 years in prison for continuing to host friendly matches between local teams while under Russian occupation.[1]
Danielle Bell, the head of the UN'sHuman Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, said that in many cases the 2022 collaboration laws were "applied unfairly" and there are "countless examples where people have acted under duress and performed functions to simply survive."[1] Ukrainian human rights expert Onysiya Syniuk said the collaboration laws are too broad and include "all kinds of activities, including those which don't harm national security."[1]
On 1 December 2022, Zelenskyy said that the government was preparing a draft law banning religious organizations linked to centres of influence in the Russian Federation from operating in Ukraine. In particular, this applies to theUkrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate, which is considered affiliated with theRussian Orthodox Church. Earlier the SBU reported that during a search in a monastery of the Moscow Patriarchate in Zakarpattia Region, it found a large amount of materials which were considered propaganda. According to The Kyiv Independent, the SBU searched several churches of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church over the past week. Zelenskyy's statement was made while addressing the 31st anniversary of Ukraine's vote for independence from the Soviet Union.[63]
 |
On 1 January 2015, inLutuhyne, the motorcade ofOleksandr Bednov, who served as the Minister of Defense of the "LPR" in August 2014 and was later named Chief of Staff of the4th Motorized Rifle Brigade, was burned with flamethrowers.[64]
On 23 January 2015,Yevhen Ishchenko, who was the "mayor" of the occupied city ofPervomaysk, was killed by unidentified persons during the shelling of his car on the Pervomaysk-Lysychansk highway. Three other volunteers from Russia were killed along with him.[65][66][67]
On 15 April 2015,Oleg Kalashnikov, a former MP from theParty of Regions, died of a gunshot wound at the door of his apartment at 31 Pravdy Avenue between 19 and 19.20 pm. He was involved in the organization ofAnti-Maidan and the beating of peaceful demonstrators during theRevolution of Dignity.[68]
On 12 December 2015,Pavel Dremov, the "ataman" of theDon Cossacks unit, was blown up by explosives planted in the car while on his way to celebrate his wedding in a car stolen from a local businessman.[69]
In September 2016, the occupation authorities arrestedGennadiy Tsypkalov, the head of the "LPR Council of Ministers," in Luhansk in a case of attempted coup d'état. A few days after his arrest, Tsypkalov was found hanging in the cell where he was being held. According to the official version of the LPR Prosecutor General's Office, Tsypkalov committed suicide, and that the reason for this could be that he "realized the depth of his criminal actions."[70][71]
On 4 February 2017,Oleg Anashchenko, the head of the department of the so-called "People's Militia of the LPR", was killed inLuhansk as a result of a car bombing in the city center.[72][73]
On 19 January 2018,Valentyn Doroshenko, an active participant in the so-called "Russian Spring" of 2014 inOdesa and the leader of the "Stalin Party", was killed by police officers in a shootout on Novoselsky Street. He was known throughout the city for challenging the then-mayorEduard Hurvits to aduel in the summer of 2009.[74]
On 31 August 2018, a bomb explosion in the Separ cafe inDonetsk killed the Prime Minister of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's RepublicAlexander Zakharchenko.[75]
On 24 October 2020, Lieutenant Colonel Oleksiy Markov (call sign "Dobryi"), a commander of thePrizrak Brigade, died in an accident in Luhansk.[76]
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Collaborationist officials and law enforcement officers have become a priority target for guerrillas operating in contact with Ukrainian security services. The main purpose of such operations is not to kill, but to warn of the consequences of cooperation with the Russian military.[77]
FormerPeople's Deputy of UkraineIllia Kyva was shot dead in the village ofSuponevo, to the west ofMoscow, on 6 December 2023.[78] Several Ukrainian media outlets, citing unnamed sources, claimed that Kyva was targeted by theSecurity Service of Ukraine (SBU).[78]
| Date | Name | Role | Event |
|---|---|---|---|
| 5 March 2022 | Denys Kireyev (†) | Member of thenegotiation delegation and Intelligence agent of theMain Directorate of Intelligence (GUR) who first warned of an imminent attack onAntonov Airport, hours before the invasion | Shot in the back of the head by theSecurity Service of Ukraine (SBU), who concluded that he was a traitor.[79][80] The Ukrainian Ministry of Defence'sDirectorate of Intelligence subsequently confirmed Kireyev's death in a Facebook post, but asserted that he was an intelligence operative for Ukraine who died in the line of duty on a "special mission."[81][82][83] In January 2023, Zelenskyy's advisorMykhailo Podolyak said that Kireyev's death was a tragic mistake due to "poor coordination" between the GUR and the SBU.[84] |
| 11 March 2022 | Dmytro Demyanenko (†) | Former deputy head of the SBU of the Kyiv Region and framed as a member of theRussian Sabotage and Reconnaissance Group (DRG) | Died in an accidental shootout in a car in Kyiv[85] |
| Date | Name | Role | Event |
|---|---|---|---|
| 20 March 2022 | Pavel Slobodchikov (†) | Assistant to the head of the occupation administration of the Kherson Oblast,Volodymyr Saldo | Shot in a car near his house inKherson[86] |
| 20 April 2022 | Valery Kuleshov (†) | Blogger, assistant to the deputy head of the occupation administrationKirill Stremousov | Shot in a car in Kherson[86] |
| 18 June 2022 | Yevgeny Sobolev | Head of the regional penitentiary service under the occupation administration | Injured in a bomb explosion in Kherson[86][87] |
| 22 June 2022 | Yuri Turulev | Head of the occupation administration ofChornobaivka | Injured in a bomb explosion in Chernobaevka[86] |
| 24 June 2022 | Dmitry Savluchenko (†) | Head of the department of family, youth and sports in the occupational administration of the Kherson Oblast | Died in a car bombing in Kherson[86][88] |
| 7 July 2022 | Serhii Tomko | Deputy chief of the police ofNova Kakhovka | Shot in a car in Nova Kakhovka[89] |
| 3 August 2022 | Volodymyr Saldo | Head of theoccupation administration of the Kherson Oblast | Poisoned, hospitalized in theResearch Institute of Emergency Medicine Sklifosovsky[86][90] |
| 6 August 2022 | Vitaly Guru | Deputy Head of the Central Administrative Agency and Occupation administration in Nova Kakhovka | Shot dead in his home[91] |
| 22 August 2022 | Ihor Telehin | Head of the Department of Internal Policy in the Occupation Administration | Injured in a car explosion in Kherson[86] |
| 29 August 2022 | Oleksiy Kovalyov (†) | Deputy Head of the Occupation Administration for Agriculture | Shot in the head at his home inHola Pristan[86][92] |
| 12 September 2022 | Tamara Tomilina | Rector ofKherson State University appointed by the occupying authorities | Injured in an explosion in her house in Kherson[86] |
| 12 October 2022 | Andrei Shevchik | Deputy head of the village ofBilozerka | Injured in explosion[86] |
| 9 November 2022 | Kirill Stremousov (†) | Politician and blogger who served as the deputy head of the Kherson occupation administration | Died in a car crash near Henichesk[93][94] |
| 12 December 2022 | Vitaly Bulyuk | Regional Council Deputy fromOur Land party pre-war, installed as Deputy Head of the Kherson Region for Economics, Financial and Budgetary Policy, Agriculture, Revenue and Fees. | Injured in a car explosion[95][96] |
| 22 December 2022 | Andrey Shtepa (†) | Former Village Candidate from the "UKROP" party, installed as "Head ofLuibymivka Community". | Died in a car bombing near a Soviet monument inKakhovka.[97] |
| 1 October 2025 | Volodymyr Leontiev (†) | Head of the occupation administration ofNova Kakhovka since April 2022. | Killed by aBaba Yaga drone while entering a building in Nova Kakhovka.[98] |
Several collaborating officials from Kherson were injured as a result of targeted attacks by theHIMARS MLRS: the head of the labor department was injured when the building of the regional administration was hit on 16 September, the former deputy of the Verkhovna Rada from the "Party of Regions"Oleksiy Zhuravko – during the shelling of the hotel building, the first deputy head of the regional occupation administration for security – as a result of an accurate hit on his house.[86]
| Date | Name | Role | Event |
|---|---|---|---|
| 5 March 2022 | Taras Hordienko | Lieutenant of the People's Militia of the DPR and commander of the 1st reconnaissance platoon. | Died during the offensive on Mariupol.[99][100] |
| 22 May 2022 | Andrey Shevchik | Ex-deputy from the pro-Russian party OP-ZZh, self-proclaimed mayor ofEnerhodar | Injured in an explosion at the entrance of his house in Enerhodar[86][101] |
| 11 July 2022 | Andrey Siguta | Head of the occupation administration of theMelitopol Raion | Shot in his house inMelitopol, was not injured[86][102] |
| 12 August 2022 | Oleg Shostak | Responsible for media policy in the occupation administration, head of the election headquarters of United Russia | Injured his buttocks as a result of the explosion[86][103] |
| 24 August 2022 | Ivan Sushko (†) | Head of the occupation administration of the village of Mikhailovka | Injured in a car bombing, succumbed to death at the hospital[86][104] |
| 26 August 2022 | Oleksandr Koliesnikov (†) | Deputy head of the traffic police at the occupation administration of Berdiansk | Injured in an explosion near his car, succumbed to death from shrapnel wounds at the hospital[86][105] |
| 6 September 2022 | Artem Bardin (†) | Commandant of the Russian-occupied city of Berdiansk | Lost both of his legs in the explosion of his car near the building of the city administration of Berdiansk by theBerdiansk Partisan Army,[106][107] succumbed to death at the hospital[108] |
| 16 September 2022 | Oleg Boyko (†) | Deputy Head of the occupational administration of Berdiansk for housing and communal services | Killed near his garage in Berdiansk[86][109] |
| 16 September 2022 | Lyudmila Boyko (†) | Head of the territorial election commission for holding a referendum on the entry of the Zaporizhzhia region into Russia | Killed near her garage in Berdiansk[86][109] |
| 1 November 2022 | Pavlo Ishchuk | Former Chief Editor of a Local Newspaper, installed as Deputy Head of Berdiansk Administration in Regards to Foreign Policy and Mass Communication | Injured by an explosive device stuffed with metal balls and nails planted in his car.[110][111] |
| 15 November 2022 | Dmitry Trukhin | Former member of the city council and director of communal property | Injured in an explosion in his condo in Kherson[112] |
| 13 & 16 January 2023 | Alexei Kichigin (†) | "LNR official" since 2014, installed as the Head of Berdiansk Administration | Injured in a car bombing, died from a series of shelling[113][114] |
| 24 January 2023 | Valentyna Mamai (†) | City Councillor from OPZZh pre-war, Businesswoman and holding low-level "administrative posts" | Died in a car bombing[115][116] |
| 3 February 2023 | Yevgeny Kuzmin (†) | Member of Law Enforcement of Enerhodar | Died in a car bombing[117][118] |
| 20 February 2025 | Yevgeny Bogdanov (†) | Deputy head of Berdiansk Administration | Died in a car bombing[119] |
| 18 June 2025 | Mykhailo Hrytsai (†) | Deputy Mayor ofBerdiansk | Shot by Ukrainian military intelligence.[120] |
| Date | Name | Role | Event |
|---|---|---|---|
| 10 July 2022 | Yevgeny Yunakov (†) | Pro-Russian head of the village ofVelykyi Burluk | Died as a result of a car explosion near the administration building[86] |
| 13 June 2024 | Gennady Matsegora (†) | Former mayor of Kupyansk | Shot near his safe house in western Russia.[121] |
| Date | Name | Role | Event |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2 March 2022 | Volodymyr Struk (†) | The head ofKremennaya, who defected to the side of the Russian military, is an ex-deputy from the pro-Russian party OP-ZZh | Kidnapped and shot in the head[86] |
| 19 April 2022 | Pavel Sharogradsky (†) | A local public figure fromNovoaidar, who passed information to the Russian military about activists and veterans of the ATO | Kidnapped, body found with gunshot wounds[122][123] |
| 16 September 2022 | Sergei Gorenko (†) | Attorney General of the LPR, former head of the department of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Luhansk region (until 2014) | Killed by an explosion in his office in the building of the Prosecutor General's Office (Deputy Prosecutor General Ekaterina Steglenko died with him)[86] |
| 8 November 2023 | Mikhail Filiponenko (†) | Member of the People's Council and former soldier | Died in a car bomb explosion.[124] |
| 3 July 2025 | Manolis Pilavov (†) | Former mayor of Luhansk | killed in an explosion.[125] |
| Date | Name | Role | Event |
|---|---|---|---|
| 3 August 2022 | Olga Kachura (†) | Colonel of the Donetsk People's Republic People's Militia and a deputy commander of the 3rd rocketartillery division of the 1st AK | Died as a result of a rocket attack on her car[126] |
| 18 August 2022 | Anatoly Brehunets (†) | The mayor ofSvitlodarsk who went over to the side of the Russian military. In 2014, he supported the holding of a referendum in the city on 11 May and voted for the creation of the DPR, for which he was prosecuted in February 2020. First he was sent under house arrest, and later to a pre-trial detention center, but released on bail | Died as a result of a rocket attack[127][128] |
| 20 August 2022 | Konstantin Ivashchenko | Head of the occupation administration of Mariupol, ex-deputy from the pro-Russian party OP-ZZh | A homemade bomb exploded at the entrance to thezoo, which he was going to visit |
| 4 November 2022 | Aleksandr Nikulin | Judge of the Supreme Court of the DPR | Injured after being shot[129] |
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