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Chełmno extermination camp

Coordinates:52°9′15″N18°43′23″E / 52.15417°N 18.72306°E /52.15417; 18.72306
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Nazi extermination camp in Poland (1941–1945)

Chełmno / Kulmhof
Extermination camp
Chełmno extermination camp is located in Poland
Chełmno extermination camp
Location of the former Chełmno extermination camp in Poland
Map
Interactive map of Chełmno / Kulmhof
Coordinates52°9′15″N18°43′23″E / 52.15417°N 18.72306°E /52.15417; 18.72306
LocationNearChełmno nad Nerem,Reichsgau Wartheland (German-occupied Poland)
CommandantHerbert Lange,Christian Wirth,Hans Bothmann
OperationalDecember 8, 1941April 11, 1943 (1st period),[1]
June 23, 1944[2]January 18, 1945[3]
Number of gas chambers3gas vans
Inmatesmostly Jews
Killedest. 152,000–200,000
Liberated byRed Army,January 20, 1945
Notable inmatesMordechaï Podchlebnik,Szymon Srebrnik,Szlama Ber Winer

Chełmno,[a] orKulmhof, was the first ofNazi Germany'sextermination camps and was situated 50 km (31 mi) north ofŁódź, near the village ofChełmno nad Nerem. Following theinvasion of Poland in 1939,Germany annexed the area into the new territory ofReichsgau Wartheland. The camp, which was specifically intended for no other purpose than mass murder, operated fromDecember 8, 1941, toApril 11, 1943, parallel toOperation Reinhard during the deadliest phase ofthe Holocaust, and again fromJune 23, 1944, toJanuary 18, 1945, during the Soviet counter-offensive.[4] In 1943, modifications were made to the camp's killing methods as the reception building had already been dismantled.[5]

At the very minimum, 152,000 people were murdered in the camp,[3] which would make it the fifth deadliest extermination camp, afterAuschwitz,Treblinka,Bełżec, andSobibór. However, the West German prosecution, citing Nazi figures during theChełmno trials of 1962–65, laid charges for at least 180,000 victims.[6] The Polish official estimates, in the early postwar period, have suggested much higher numbers, up to a total of 340,000 men, women, and children. TheKulmhof Museum of Martyrdom [pl] gives the figure of around 200,000,[1] the vast majority of whom were Jews of west-central Poland,[4] along withRomani people fromthe region, as well as foreign Jews from Hungary,Bohemia and Moravia, Germany, Luxembourg, and Austria transported to Chełmno via theŁódź Ghetto, on top of theSoviet prisoners of war. The victims were murdered usinggas vans. Chełmno was a place of early experimentation in the development of the Nazi extermination programme.[7]

Red Army troops captured the town of Chełmno onJanuary 17, 1945. By then, the Germans had already destroyed evidence of the camp's existence, leaving no prisoners behind.[8] One of the camp survivors, who was fifteen years old at the time, testified that only three Jewish males had escaped successfully.[9] TheHolocaust Encyclopedia counted seven Jews who escaped; among them was the author of theGrojanowski Report, written under an assumed name bySzlama Ber Winer,[10] a prisoner in the JewishSonderkommando who escaped only to perish at Bełżec during the liquidation of yet anotherJewish ghetto in German-occupied Poland.[3] In June 1945, two survivors testified atthe trial of camp personnel in Łódź. The three best-known survivors testified about Chełmno at the 1961 trial ofAdolf Eichmann inJerusalem. Two survivors testified also at the camp personnel trials conducted in 1962–65 byWest Germany.[9]

Background

Chełmno nad Nerem is a village inPoland, annexed to Nazi Germany in 1939 and renamedKulmhof duringGerman occupation. As the Nazis themselves exclusively referred to the camp as "Kulmhof", the name "Chełmno extermination camp" is not historically accurate, with its use perhaps deriving from the Main Commission for Investigation of German Crimes in Poland shortly after the war.[11]

Chełmno (Kulmhof) camp was set up bySS-SturmbannführerHerbert Lange,[12] following hisgas van experiments in the murder of 1,558 Polish prisoners of theSoldau concentration camp northeast ofChełmno nad Nerem.[12] In October 1941, Lange toured the area looking for a suitable site for an extermination centre, and chose Chełmno on theNer, because of the estate, with a large manor house similar toSonnenstein, which could be used for mass admissions of prisoners with only minor modifications.[13] Staff for the facility was selected personally byErnst Damzog, Commander ofSecurity Police andSD from headquarters in occupiedPoznań (Posen).[14] Damzog formed theSS-Sonderkommando Lange (special detachment),[14] and appointed Herbert Lange the first camp commandant because of his experience in the mass-murder of Poles fromWartheland (Wielkopolska). Lange served withEinsatzgruppe VI duringOperation Tannenberg.[15] Already by mid-1940, Lange and his men were responsible for the murder of about 1,100 patients inOwińska, 2,750 patients atKościan, 1,558 patients and 300 Poles atDziałdowo, and hundreds of Poles atFort VII where the mobile gas-chamber (Einsatzwagen) was invented. Their earlier hospital victims were usually shot out of town in the back of the neck.[13] The two so-calledKaisers-Kaffe vans, manufactured by the Gaubschat factory in Berlin, were delivered in November.[16] Chełmno began mass gassing operations onDecember 8, 1941 using vehicles approved byObergruppenführerReinhard Heydrich fromRSHA.[16] Two months later, onJanuary 20, 1942, Heydrich, who had already confirmed the effectiveness of industrial-scale murder by exhaust fumes, calleda secret meeting of German officials to undertake the European-wideFinal Solution to the Jewish Question under the pretext of "resettlement".[2]

GauleiterArthur Greiser inPoznań (Posen), 1939

The use of the killing centre at Chełmno for the mass murder of rapidly growing number of Jews deported to the Łódź Ghetto ("Special Handling", theSonderbehandlung) was initiated byArthur Greiser,[17] the Governor ofReichsgau Wartheland. In a letter toHimmler datedMay 30, 1942, Greiser referred to an authorization he had received from him andReinhard Heydrich,[18] stating that the clandestine program of murdering 100,000 Polish Jews, about one-third of the total Jewish population ofWartheland, was expected to be carried out soon. Greiser's plan was based on the German government's decision of October 1941 to deport German Jews to the Łódź Ghetto. Greiser and the SS decided to create space for the incoming Jews by annihilating the existing Polish-Jewish population in his district.[18]

According to post-war testimony ofWilhelm Koppe,Higher SS and Police Leader forReichsgau Wartheland, Koppe received an order from Himmler to liaise with Greiser regarding theSonderbehandlung requested by the latter. Koppe entrusted the extermination operation toSS-StandartenführerErnst Damzog fromSecurity Police inPoznań. Damzog supervised the camp's daily operations thereafter.[14]

Architecture

The killing center consisted of a vacated manorial estate in the village of Chełmno on theNer river, and a large forest clearing about 4 km (2.5 mi) northwest of Chełmno, off the road toKoło town with a sizable Jewish population which had been previously ghettoized.[19] The two sites were known respectively as theSchlosslager (manor-house camp) and theWaldlager (forest camp).[20] On the grounds of the estate was a large two-story brickcountry house called "the palace".[21] Its rooms were adapted to use as the reception offices, including space for the victims to undress and to give up their valuables. TheSS and police staff and guards were housed in other buildings in the town. The Germans had a high wooden fence built around the manor house and the grounds. The clearing in the forest camp, which contained large mass graves, was likewise fenced off. The camp consisted of separate zones: an administration section with nearby barracks and storage for plundered goods; and the more distant burial and cremation site to which victims were delivered in hermetically proofedsuperstructures.[16][22]

Operations

A model ofMagirus-Deutzgas van used for murder at Chełmno; the exhaust fumes were diverted into the sealed rear compartment where the victims were locked in. This particular van had not been modified yet.[23]

TheSS-Sonderkommando "Lange" was supplied with two vans initially, each carrying about 50 Jews gassed en route to the forest.[16] Later on, Lange was given three gas vans by theRSHA in Berlin for the murder of greater numbers of victims. The vehicles had been converted to mobile gas-chambers by theGaubschat company (de) in Berlin which, by June 1942, produced twenty of them in accordance with the SS purchase order. The sealed compartments (also called superstructures) installed on the chassis had floor openings – about 60 mm (2.4 in) in diameter – with metal pipes welded below, into which the engine exhaust was directed.[16] Victims generally suffocated to death, with their "bodies thrown out blue, wet with sweat and urine, the legs covered with excrement and menstrual blood".[24] Drivers of gas vans also heard victims screaming and knocking on the walls.[25]

The SS had first used pure carbon monoxide from steel cylinders to murder mental patients in extermination hospitals of Action T4, and therefore had considerable knowledge of its efficacy. For all practical purposes, the extermination by mobile gas vans proved equally efficient followingOperation Barbarossa of 1941. In the newly occupied territories, the gas vans were used to murder mental patients as well as Jews in the extermination ghettos. By employing just three vans on the Eastern Front (theOpel-Blitz and the largerSaurerwagen), without any faults occurring in the vehicles, theEinsatzgruppen were able to murder 97,000 captives in less than six months between December 1941 and June 1942. The SS relayed urgent requests to Berlin for more vans.[7]

The rank and file of the so-calledSS Special Detachment Lange was made up ofGestapo,Criminal Police, andOrder Police personnel, under the leadership of Security Police and SD officers.Herbert Lange was replaced as camp commandant in March (or April) 1942 by Schultze. He was succeeded by SS-CaptainHans Bothmann, who formed and led theSpecial Detachment Bothmann. The maximum strength of each Special Detachment was just under 100 men, of whom around 80 belonged to the Order Police. The localSS also maintained a "paper command" of the campsAllgemeine-SS inspectorate, to which most of the Chełmno camp staff were attached for administrative purposes. Historians do not believe members of the120th SS-Standarte office established in Chełmno performed any duties at the camp.[7][26]

Deportations begin

Deportation to Chełmno

TheSS and police began murdering victims at Chełmno onDecember 8, 1941.[27] The first people transported to the camp were the Jewish and Romani populations ofKoło,Dąbie,Sompolno,Kłodawa,Babiak,Izbica Kujawska,Bugaj,Nowiny Brdowskie andKowale Pańskie.[3][28] A total of 3,830 Jews and around 4,000 Romani were murdered by gas before February 1942.[26] The victims were brought from all overKoło County (German:Landkreis Warthbrücken) to Koło by rail with the last stop inPowiercie. Using whips, theOrpo police marched them toward theWarta river nearZawadka, where they were locked overnight in a mill, without food or water. The next morning, they were loaded onto lorries and taken to Chełmno. At "the palace", they were stripped of possessions, transferred to vans, and murdered with exhaust fumes on the way to burial pits in the forest. The daily average for the camp was about six to nine van-loads of the dead. The drivers usedgas-masks.[26][27] From January 1942, the transports included hundreds of Poles and Soviet prisoners of war. In addition, they included over 10,000 Jews from Germany, Austria, Bohemia, Moravia and Luxembourg, who had first been deported to theghetto in Łódź and subsisted there already for weeks.[3]

As soon as the ramp had been erected in the castle, people started arriving in Kulmhof from Litzmannstadt (Łódź) in lorries... The people were told that they had to take a bath, that their clothes had to be disinfected and that they could hand in any valuable items beforehand to be registered.When they had undressed they were sent to the cellar of the castle and then along a passageway onto the ramp and from there into the gas-van. In the castle, there were signs marked "to the baths". The gas vans were large vans, about 4–5 m [13–16 ft] long, 2.2 m [7.2 ft] wide and 2 m [6.6 ft] high. The interior walls were lined with sheet metal. A wooden grille was set into the floor. The floor of the van had an opening which could be connected to the exhaust by means of a removable metal pipe. When the lorries were full of people, the double doors at the back were closed and the exhaust connected to the interior of the van. —SS-Scharführer Walter Burmeister,The Good Old Days[29]

In late February 1942, the secretary of the local Polish council in Chełmno, Stanisław Kaszyński (b. 1903), was arrested for trying to bring public attention to what was being perpetrated at the camp. He was interrogated and executed three days later on February 28, 1942, near a church along with his wife. His secretcommuniqué was intercepted by theSS-Sonderkommando.[30] Today, there is an obelisk to his memory erected at Chełmno onAugust 7, 1991.[31] Over 4,500, Czech Jews from Prague were sent to theŁódź Ghetto before May 1942. One of the sisters of authorFranz Kafka,Valli Kafka (born 1890), was murdered with them before mid-September.[32]

Killing process

Jews were delivered by train toKoło, then to nearbyPowiercie, and in overcrowded lorries to the camp. They were forced to abandon their bundles along the way. In this photo, loading of victims sent from theŁódź Ghetto.

During the first five weeks, the murder victims came only from the nearby areas.[3] On reaching their final destination before "transport" to Germany and Austria, the Jews disembarked in the courtyard of theSchlosslager manor where theSS men wearing white coats and pretending to be medics waited for them with a translator released earlier from the Gestapo prison inPoznań.[31] The victims were led to a large empty room and ordered to undress; their clothing stacked for disinfection. They were told that all hidden banknotes would be destroyed during steaming and needed to be taken out and handed over for safe-keeping.[3] Occasionally they were met by a German officer dressed as a local squire with aTyrolean hat, announcing that some of them would remain there.[33]

Wearing just underwear, with the women allowed to keepslips on,[28] the victims were taken to the cellar and across the ramp into the back of a gas van holding from 50–70 people each (Opel Blitz) and up to 150 (Magirus). When the van was full, the doors were shut and the engine started.[23] Surviving witnesses heard their screams as they were dying ofasphyxiation. After about 5–10 minutes, the vans full of corpses were driven 4 km (2.5 mi) to the forestWaldlager camp. The vans were unloaded to excavated mass graves, and cleaned by theWaldkommando before returning to the manor house.[3]Scharführer Walter Burmeister, a gas-van driver, made sure his own vehicle "would be cleaned of the excretions of the people that had died in it. Afterwards, it would once again be used for gassing" at the loading dock.[29]

Murder of Jews from the Łódź ghetto

Koło railway station

On January 16, 1942, theSS and police began deportations from the Łódź Ghetto lasting for two weeks.[34] German officials with the aid ofOrdnungspolizei rounded up 10,000 Polish Jews based on selection by the ghettoJudenrat. The victims were transported from theRadegast train station in Łódź, toKoło railway station, 10 km (6.2 mi) northwest of Chełmno. There, theSS and police personnel supervised transfer of prisoners from the freight as well as passenger trains,[35] to smaller-size cargo trains running on narrow gauge tracks, which took them from Koło to a much smallerPowiercie station,[36] just outside Chełmno.[37]

As round-ups in Łódź normally took place in the morning, it was usually late afternoon by the time Jews disembarked from theHolocaust trains in Powiercie. Therefore, they were marched to a disused mill at Zawadki some two kilometres distance where they spent the night. The mill building continued to be used after the railway repairs, if transports arrived late.[38] The following morning the Jews were transported from Zawadki by truck, in numbers which could be easily controlled at their destination. The victims were "processed" immediately upon arrival at the manor-house.[39] Beginning in late July 1942, the victims were brought to the camp directly from Powiercie after the regular railway line linking Koło with Dąbie was restored; and the bridge over the Rgilewka River had been repaired.[37]

Sonderkommando

The German SS staff selected young Jewish prisoners from incoming transports to join the campSonderkommando, a special unit of 50 to 60 men deployed at the forest burial camp. They removed corpses from the gas-vans and placed them in mass graves. The large trenches were quickly filled, but the smell of decomposing bodies began to permeate the surrounding countryside including nearby villages. In the spring of 1942, theSS ordered burning of the bodies in the forest. The bodies were cremated on open air grids constructed of concrete slabs and rail tracks; pipes were used for air ducts, and long ash pans were built below the grid.[40] Later, the Jewish Sonderkommando had to exhume the mass graves and burn the previously interred bodies. In addition, they sorted the clothing of the victims, and cleaned the excrement and blood from the vans.[3]

A small detachment of about 15 Jews worked at the manor house, sorting and packing the belongings of the victims. Between eight and ten skilled craftsmen worked there to produce or repair goods for theSS Special Detachment.[5][41]

Mass grave at the forestWaldlager of the Chełmno extermination camp

Periodically, theSS executed the members of the Jewish special detachment and replaced them with workers selected from recent transports. TheSS held jumping contests and races among the prisoners, who were shackled with chains on their ankles, to deem who was fit to continue working. The losers of such contests were shot.[5]

Stages of camp operation

The early killing process carried out by the SS from December 8, 1941, until mid-January 1942, was intended to murder Jews from all nearby towns and villages, which were slated for German colonization (Lebensraum). From mid-January 1942, the SS and Order Police began transporting Jews in crowded freight and passenger trains from Łódź.[35] By then, Jews had also been deported to Łódź from Germany,Bohemia-Moravia, and Luxembourg, and were included in the transports at that time. The transports included most of the 5,000Roma (Gypsies) who had been deported from Austria. Throughout 1942, the Jews fromWartheland were still being processed; in March 1943 the SS declared the districtjudenfrei. Other victims murdered at the killing center included several hundred Poles, and Soviet prisoners of war.[42]

During the summer of 1942, the new commandant Bothmann made substantial changes to the camp's murder techniques. The change was prompted by two incidents in March and April of that year. First, the gas-van broke down on the highway while full of living victims.[43] Many passers-by heard their loud cries. Soon after that, theSaurer van exploded while the driver was revving its engine at the loading ramp; the gassing compartment was full of living Jews. The explosion blew off the locked back door, and badly burned the victims inside. Drivers were replaced. Bothmann's modifications included adding poison to gasoline. There is evidence that some red powder and a fluid were delivered from Germany by Maks Sado freight company, in order to murder the victims more quickly. Another major change involved parking the gas vans while prisoners were murdered. They were no longer driven en route to the forest cremation area with living victims inside.[44]

After having annihilated almost all Jews ofWartheland District, in March 1943 the Germans closed the Chełmno killing centre, whileOperation Reinhard was still underway elsewhere. Other death camps had faster methods of murdering andincinerating people. Chełmno was not a part of Reinhard. TheSS ordered complete demolition ofSchlosslager, along with the manor house, which was levelled. To hide the evidence of theSS-committed war crimes, from 1943 onward, the Germans ordered the exhumation of all remains and burning of bodies in open-air cremation pits by a unit ofSonderkommando 1005.[2][42] The bones were crushed on cement withmallets and added to the ashes. These were transported every night in sacks made of blankets to riverWarta (or to theNer River) on the other side of Zawadka, where they were dumped into the water from a bridge and from a flat-bottomed boat.[45] Eventually, the camp authorities bought a bone-crushing machine (Knochenmühle) from Schriever and Co. in Hamburg to speed up the process.[46]

The final extermination phase

A remnant of the open-air mass cremation structure at the forest camp, with memorial plaque

OnJune 23, 1944,[2] in spite of earlier demolition ofthe palace, theSS renewed gassing operations at Chełmno in order to complete the annihilation of the remaining 70,000 Jewish prisoners of the ghetto in Łódź,[47] the last ghetto in occupied Poland to produce war supplies for the Germans.[2] The Special Detachment "Bothmann" returned to the forest and resumed murdering victims at a smaller camp, consisting of brand new wooden barracks along with new crematory pyres.[48]

First, the victims were taken to the desecrated church in Chełmno where they spent the night if necessary, and left their bundles behind on the way to the reception area. They were driven to the forest, where the camp authorities had constructed two fenced-out barracks for undressing before "shower", and two new open-air cremation pits, further up. TheSS and police guarded the victims as they took off their clothes and gave up valuables before entering gas-vans. In this final phase of the camp operation, some 25,000 Jews were murdered. Their bodies were burned immediately after death. From mid-July 1944, theSS and police began deporting the remaining inhabitants of the Łódź ghetto toAuschwitz-Birkenau.[48]

In September 1944, theSS brought in a newCommando 1005 of Jewish prisoners from outside theWartheland District to exhume and cremate remaining corpses and to remove evidence of the mass murder operations. A month later, theSS executed about half of the 80-man detachment after most of the work was done. The gas vans were sent back to Berlin. The remaining Jewish workers were executed just before the German retreat from the Chełmno killing center on January 18, 1945, as the Soviet army approached (it reached the camp two days later). The 15-year-old Jewish prisonerSimon Srebnik was the only one to survive the last executions with a gunshot wound to the head.[3] Historians estimate that theSS murdered at least 152,000–180,000 people at Chełmno between December 1941 and March 1943, and fromJune 23, 1944, until the Soviet advance.[3] Note: a 1946–47 report by theCentral Commission for Investigation of German Crimes in Poland [pl] placed the number closer to 340,000 based on a statistical approach, as the camp authorities had destroyed allwaybills in an effort to hide their actions.[4]

Chełmno trials

Main article:Chełmno trials

After the war, some Chełmno extermination camp personnel were tried in Poland as well as in other court cases spanning a period of about 20 years. Thefirst judicial trial of three former members of theSS-Sonderkommando Kulmhof, including camp's deputy commandantOberscharführer Walter Piller, took place in 1945 at the District Court inŁódź. The examination of evidence during the investigation was carried out by Judge Władysław Bednarz.[43] The subsequent four trials, held inBonn, began in 1962 and concluded three years later in 1965 inCologne.[43]

Adolf Eichmann testified about the camp during his 1961 war-crimes trial in Jerusalem. He visited it once in late 1942.Simon Srebnik, from the burialSonderkommando, testified in both the Chelmno Guard and Eichmann trials. NicknamedSpinnefix at the camp, Srebnik was recognised by the Chelmno Guards only by this moniker. Walter Burmeister, a gas-van driver (not to be confused with the camp'sSS-Unterscharfuehrer Walter Burmeister), testified in Bonn in 1967.[49]

Survivors

Michał Podchlebnik in 1945

According to theHolocaust Encyclopedia, a total of seven Jews from the burialSonderkommando escaped from theWaldlager.[3] Determining the identities of the few survivors of Chełmno had presented ambiguity because records use different versions of their names. One survivor may not have been recorded in the early postwar years because he did not testify at trials of camp personnel. Five escaped during the winter of 1942, includingMordechaï Podchlebnik, Milnak Meyer, Abraham Tauber, Abram Roj andSzlama Ber Winer (Szlamek Bajler) whose identity was recognized also asYakov or Jacob Grojanowski.[10] Mordechaï Zurawski andSimon Srebnik escaped later.[3] Srebnik was among Jews shot by the Germans two days before the Russians entered Chełmno, but he survived.[50]Winer wrote under pseudonym Grojanowski about the operations of the camp in hisGrojanowski Report, but he was rounded up with thousands of others and murdered in the gas chamber ofBełżec extermination camp.[9]

Szymon Srebrnik during theEichmann trial

In June 1945, both Podchlebnik and Srebnik (then age fifteen), testified at theChełmno trials of camp personnel inŁódź, Poland. In addition to being included in theHolocaust Encyclopedia, Mordechaï Zurawski is included as survivor in three other sources,[9][51][52] each of which documents his testifying, along with Srebnik and Podchlebnik about his experience at Chełmno, at the 1961 trial ofAdolf Eichmann inJerusalem. In addition, Srebnik testified in theChelmno Guard Trials of 1962–63.[53] The French directorClaude Lanzmann included interviews with Srebnik and Podchlebnik in his documentaryShoah, referring to them as the only two Jewish survivors of Chełmno, but this was mistaken. Some sources repeat that onlySimon Srebnik andMordechaï Podchlebnik survived the war but these are also in error.[54][55] Podchlebnik is sometimes referred to as Michał (or Michael), in Polish and English versions of his name.[55]

Not all escapees have been identified in the postwar period. In 2002 Dr.Sara Roy ofHarvard University wrote that her father, Abraham Roy, belonged to the aforementioned survivors.[56][57] She said that her father was the escapee recognized by theHolocaust Encyclopedia as Abram Roj, although she was mistaken about their total number.[57] Two other survivors of Chełmno include Yitzhak Justman and Yerachmiel Yisrael Widawski who escaped together from the forest burial commando in the winter of 1942. They arrived atPiotrków Trybunalski Ghetto in March 1942 and deposited their testimonies with Rabbi Moshe Chaim Lau.[58] Widawski spoke with Rabbi Lau as well as some members of the prewar Communal Council before he left the ghetto, robbing them of their peace of mind with earth-shattering facts about the extermination process.[59] Widawski saw the bodies of thirteen relatives murdered in gas vans including his ownfiancée.[60] Both fugitives, Justman and Widawski, arrived also at theCzęstochowa Ghetto and met with RabbiChanoch Gad Justman. They headed in various directions, making a great effort to inform and warn the Jewish communities about the fate that awaited them. However, many people refused to believe their stories.[59]

See also

Notes

  1. ^[ˈxɛu̯mnɔ], approximatelyKHEHM-no

References

  1. ^ab"Kulmhof 1941–1945. The German Death Camp in Chełmno on the Ner". Chełmno Muzeum of Martyrdom, Poland (Muzeum byłego niemieckiego Obozu Zagłady Kulmhof w Chełmnie nad Nerem). 2015. Archived fromthe original on 2014-03-09.
  2. ^abcde"Chelmno (Kulmhof)". Jewish Virtual Library.org. 2013. Retrieved2013-05-10.
  3. ^abcdefghijklmUSHMM (May 11, 2012)."Chelmno"(permission granted to be reused, in whole or in part, on Wikipedia;OTRS ticket no. 2007071910012533 confirmed).Holocaust Encyclopedia. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, DC. RetrievedMay 12, 2013.Text from USHMM has been released under theGFDL. The website can offer no guarantee that the information is correct in each circumstance.
  4. ^abcMain Commission for Investigation of German Crimes in Poland,German Crimes in Poland (Warsaw: 1946, 1947)Archived 2011-06-28 at theWayback Machine, Archive ofJewish Gombin Genealogy, with introduction by Leon Zamosc.Note: The Main (or Central) Commission for Investigation of German Crimes in Poland (Polish:Główna Komisja Badania Zbrodni Niemieckich w Polsce, GKBZNwP) founded in 1945 was the predecessor of theInstitute of National Remembrance (see also the"Archived copy". Archived fromthe original on 1997-02-12.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)).Quote: "The Main Commission for the Investigation of Crimes Against the Polish Nation – The Institute of National Memory... has a fifty years long history (1995). The creation of the Main Commission... was preceded by work done in London since 1943 by thePolish Government in Exile."
  5. ^abcClaude Lanzmann,Shoah (1985) documentary.
  6. ^JTA (January 22, 1963)."Jewish Survivors of Chelmno Camp Testify at Trial of Guards". JTA Archive. Jewish Telegraphic Agency. Archived fromthe original on 2014-02-20. Retrieved2013-05-17.
  7. ^abcA secret memorandum ofJune 5, 1942 written by one Willy Just, to the Director of section II DSS-ObersturmbannführerWalter Rauff at the Reich Main Security Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt in Berlin), contained five pages of numbered paragraphs, suggesting mechanical improvements to gas vans. In the opening line, the letter stated: "ninety-seven thousand have been processed, using three vans, without any defects showing up in the vehicles"(see attached photocopies at HolocaustHistory.org)Archived 2015-05-21 at theWayback Machine In his postwar testimonyObersturmbannführerAugust Becker, the gas van inspector, claimed that the letter was sent by himself onJune 5, 1942 to Walter Rauff in RSHA.See:Ernst Klee; Willi Dressen; Volker Riess (1991)."The gas-vans: A new and better method of killing had to be found".The Good Old Days: The Holocaust As Seen by Its Perpetrators and Bystanders. Konecky Konecky. pp. 69–70.ISBN 978-1-56852-133-6. RetrievedJune 29, 2015. Nevertheless,Christopher Browning confirmed in hisEvidence for the Implementation of the Final Solution (2000) that the letter was sent by Just, not by Becker, as shown through the archives ofRSHA: Just an Rauff, 5.6.42; BA, R 58/871.
  8. ^Alpha History textbook; resource centre."Liberation of the camps".Resources. Australia, New Zealand, United States, Canada, Great Britain: Alpha History. Retrieved30 June 2015.[permanent dead link]
  9. ^abcdLefkovits, Etgar (September 18, 2006)."The last survivor".The Jerusalem Post. Archived fromthe original on 2011-07-13. RetrievedFebruary 11, 2011.
  10. ^abJon E. Lewis,Voices from the HolocaustArchived 2014-03-10 at theWayback Machine pages 101–102 (Google Books).
  11. ^Patrick Montague (2012).Chełmno and the Holocaust: The History of Hitler's First Death Camp. University of North Carolina Press. pp. 5–6.ISBN 978-0-8078-3527-2.
  12. ^abChristopher R. Browning (2011).Remembering Survival: Inside a Nazi Slave-Labor Camp. W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 54, 65.ISBN 978-0-393-33887-4. Retrieved28 June 2015.
  13. ^abHolocaust Research Project.org (2007)."Lange, Herbert; SS-Hauptsturmführer".Chelmno Death Camp Dramatis Personae. Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team. Retrieved2013-05-13.
  14. ^abcCatherine Epstein (2010)."Ernst Damzog (Sipo and SD, Posen)".Model Nazi: Arthur Greiser and the Occupation of Western Poland. Oxford University Press. p. 182.ISBN 978-0-19-161384-5. Retrieved8 November 2015.
  15. ^Artur Hojan; Cameron Munro (2015)."Nazi Euthanasia Programme in Occupied Poland 1939–1945".The Tiergartenstrasse 4 Association. Retrieved2 July 2015.
  16. ^abcdeMathias Beer (translated from the German) (2015)."The Development of the Gas-Van in the Murdering of the Jews".The Final Solution. Jewish Virtual Library. "Die Entwicklung der Gaswagen beim Mord an den Juden," Miszelle. Vierteljahrshefte fuer Zeitgeschichte, 37 (3), pp. 403–417. Retrieved27 June 2015.
  17. ^Ian Kershaw (2013).Hitler 1936–1945. Penguin UK. pp. vi.ISBN 978-0-14-190959-2. Retrieved27 June 2015.
  18. ^ab"Special treatment" (Sonderbehandlung)". The Holocaust History Project. Archived fromthe original on May 28, 2013. RetrievedMay 13, 2013.
  19. ^Edward Victor (2006)."Kolo (Muhlental in German), Poland".The Encyclopedia of Jewish Life Before and During the Holocaust (2001), p. 647. Judaica Philatelic Resources. Archived fromthe original on 12 February 2012. Retrieved3 July 2015.
  20. ^Alan Heath (Sep 16, 2007),The Nazi Death Camp at Chełmno nad Nerem onYouTube (about razed manor house). Narration by the author. RetrievedMay 9, 2013.Alan HeathArchived 2014-07-14 at theWayback Machine is a British publisher, writer and Holocaust historian specialising in Nazi death camps. He is the author of a series of video essays about the German killing factories in Chelmno, Belzec, Treblinka, Sobibor, Majdanek and Auschwitz. In March 2007, Heath accompanied Holocaust denierDavid Irving on a tour of the death camps in Poland.
  21. ^H.E.A.R.T (2013)."Chelmno palace – pre war".Chelmno Period Photos. Holocaust Research Project.org. Retrieved2013-05-15.
  22. ^Alan Heath (Sep 20, 2007),Chelmno, the route of death onYouTube (the road through town to forest). Narration by Alan Heath.
  23. ^ab"SS use of mobile gassing vans".A damaged Magirus-Deutz van found in 1945 in Kolno, Poland. World War II Today. 2011. RetrievedApril 21, 2013.Source: Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality:Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression – Washington, U.S. Govt. Print. Office, 1946, Vol III, p. 418.
  24. ^Russell, Nestar (2018). "The Nazi's Pursuit for a "Humane" Method of Killing".Understanding Willing Participants. Vol. 2. pp. 241–276.doi:10.1007/978-3-319-97999-1_8.ISBN 978-3-319-97998-4.
  25. ^"Testimonies of SS-Men Regarding Gassing Vans".Florida Center for Instructional Technology. 2005. Archived fromthe original on 29 September 2023.
  26. ^abcWUW (2013).Ringelblum Archives of the Holocaust. Introduction(PDF). Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. p. 20 (xx). Archived fromthe original(PDF file, direct download) on March 14, 2016. RetrievedMay 13, 2013.
  27. ^abGilbert, Martin (2002).The Routledge Atlas of the Holocaust. Psychology Press. p. 83.ISBN 978-0-415-28145-4.
  28. ^abH. Waser;Oneg Szabat Group (2013)."Obóz zagłady w Chełmnie nad Nerem".Chełmno nad Nerem. Muzeum Historii Żydów PolskichVirtual Shtetl. Retrieved2013-05-10.
  29. ^abE. Klee; W. Dressen; V. Riess (1988)."Testimony of gas-van driver Walter Burmeister".The Good Old Days (print). New York: The Free Press. pp. 219–220. Retrieved2013-05-14 – via Jewish Virtual Library.
  30. ^UMD (2013)."Stanisław Kaszyński".Niemiecki Oboz Zagłady w Chełmnie nad Nerem (German death camp in Chełmno). Urząd Miejski w Dąbiu (Dąbie town council). Retrieved2013-05-09.
  31. ^abŁucja Pawlicka Nowak."The History of Chełmno Commemoration". Arkadiusz Kamiński (trans.). Museum of the former Extermination Camp in Chełmno on the Ner. Archived fromthe original on 2012-09-03. Retrieved2014-03-09.
  32. ^Grzegorz Gazda,The final journey of Franz Kafka's sisters.Archived 2016-03-04 at theWayback Machine Zwoje-Scrolls.com
  33. ^ARC (August 26, 2006)."Chelmno".Occupation of the East, including photos and list of external sources. ARC (www.deathcamps.org).
  34. ^Shirley Rotbein Flaum (2007)."Lodz Ghetto Deportations and Statistics".Timeline. JewishGen Home Page. Retrieved26 March 2015.Source: Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (1990), Baranowski, Dobroszycki, Wiesenthal, Yad Vashem Timeline of the Holocaust, others.
  35. ^abArchive.is (2013)."Jews at Kolo station – bound for Chelmno"(JPG file, direct download 788x557 pixels).Historical image. Holocaust Research Project.org. Retrieved2013-05-11.
  36. ^Alan Heath,"Unloading the Victims" onYouTube (deportation photo, 1 minute). Narration by Alan Heath.
  37. ^abAlan Heath,"Bridge over Rgilewka" onYouTube. Narration by Alan Heath.
  38. ^Alan Heath,"Route to Zawadka" onYouTube. Narration by Alan Heath.
  39. ^Alan Heath,"The Warta at Zawadki" onYouTube, Narration by Alan Heath.
  40. ^Alan Heath, "The Destruction of Corpses at Chelmno nad Nerem"YouTube video.Archived 2015-12-06 at theWayback Machine Narration by Alan Heath.
  41. ^See also:Pauline Kael (30 December 1985)."The Current Cinema, "Sacred Monsters": Review of Claude Lanzmann'sShoah".The New Yorker. Retrieved2013-05-10.[dead link]Also (in):Michael Meng."Rethinking Polish-Jewish Relations during the Holocaust in the Wake of 1968"(PDF).The Avraham Harman Institute of Contemporary Jewry. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 2009-02-05. Retrieved2013-05-10.
  42. ^ab"SS Sonderkommando".Obóz zagłady w Chełmnie n/Nerem. Obozy zagłady. Retrieved2013-05-10.
  43. ^abcPatrick Montague (2012)."The Gas Vans (Appendix I): Testimonies".Chełmno and the Holocaust: The History of Hitler's First Death Camp. Univ of North Carolina Press. pp. 206–209.ISBN 978-0-8078-3527-2. Retrieved2013-05-15.
  44. ^Patrick Montague (2012)."The Gas Vans (Appendix I)".Chełmno and the Holocaust: The History of Hitler's First Death Camp. Univ of North Carolina Press. p. 206.ISBN 978-0-8078-3527-2. Retrieved2013-05-15.
  45. ^"Chelmno Death Camp". Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team. 2007. Retrieved2013-05-14.
  46. ^Michael Berenbaum (2013)."Chelmno (concentration camp, Poland)".Encyclopædia Britannica. pp. 1 of 3. Retrieved2013-05-14.
  47. ^Jewish Virtual Library,Łódź. Overview of the Litzmannstadt Ghetto History.Archived 2015-07-01 at theWayback Machine The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum,Online Exhibition: "Give Me Your Children." Voices from the Lodz Ghetto.Archived 2013-09-12 at theWayback Machine Retrieved June 30, 2015.
  48. ^abGolden, Juliet (2006)."Remembering Chelmno". In Vitelli, Karen D.; Colwell-Chanthaphonh, Chip (eds.).Archeological Ethics (2nd ed.). AltaMira Press. p. 189.ISBN 978-0-7591-0963-6. Retrieved2015-01-28.
  49. ^Ernst Klee, W. Dressen, V. Riess.The Good Old Days. The Free Press, NY, 1988., pp. 219–220.
  50. ^Stuart Jeffries, "Claude Lanzmann on why Holocaust documentary Shoah still matters"Archived 2020-06-03 at theWayback Machine,The Guardian, 9 June 2011, accessed 22 May 2013
  51. ^Gouri, Haim.Facing the Glass Booth: The Jerusalem Trial of Adolf Eichmann. Wayne State University Press, 2004. p. 122.
  52. ^"The Trial of Adolf Eichmann: Record of Proceedings in the District Court of Jerusalem. Trust for the Publication of the Proceedings of the Eichmann Trial, with the Israel State Archives and Yad Vashem, the Holocaust Martyrs' and Heroes' Remembrance Authority, 1992".Archived from the original on 2011-07-17. Retrieved2010-12-04.
  53. ^Patrick Montague (March 15, 2012)."Epilogue (Judge Władysław Bednarz)".Chelmno and the Holocaust: The History of Hitler's First Death Camp.Univ of North Carolina Press. p. 177.ISBN 978-0-8078-6941-3. Retrieved2013-05-14.
  54. ^Rubenstein, Richard L.Approaches to Auschwitz: The Holocaust and Its Legacy. Westminster John Knox Press, 1987. p. 197.
  55. ^abEpstein, Julia.Shaping Losses: Cultural Memory and the Holocaust. University of Illinois Press, 2001. p. 58.
  56. ^Sara Roy, "Living with the Holocaust: The Journey of a Child of Holocaust Survivors",Journal of Palestine Studies (32):1, 2002
  57. ^abSara Roy (2008)."The Journey of a Child of Holocaust Survivors"(PDF).Social Questions Bulletin.98 (1).Methodist Federation for Social Action:1–2,14–16. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 17 January 2012. Retrieved4 December 2010.
  58. ^Lau-Lavie, Naphtali (1998).Balaam's Prophecy: Eyewitness to History, 1939–1989.Associated University Presses. pp. 66–68.ISBN 978-0-8453-4860-4.
  59. ^abFarbstein, Esther (2007).Hidden In Thunder: Perspectives on Faith, Halachah, and Leadership during the Holocaust.Feldheim. pp. 27–28.ISBN 978-965-7265-05-5.
  60. ^Giladi, Ban (1991).A Tale of one city: Piotrków Trybunalski. Shengold Publishers. pp. 181–182.ISBN 978-0-88400-153-9. Google Books snippet view.
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