Under theInsular/Continental Celtic hypothesis, Celtiberian and Gaulish are grouped together asContinental Celtic languages but this grouping isparaphyletic: no evidence suggests the two shared any common innovation separately fromInsular Celtic. According to Ranko Matasovic in the introduction to his 2009Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic : "Celtiberian...is almost certainly an independent branch on the Celtic genealogical tree, one that became separated from the others very early."[4]
Celtiberian has a fully inflected relative pronounios (as does, for instance, Ancient Greek), an ancient feature that was not preserved by the other Celtic languages, and theparticles-kue 'and' <*kʷe (cf. Latin-que, Attic Greekτεte),nekue 'nor' <*ne-kʷe (cf. Latinneque),ekue 'also, as well' <*h₂et(i)-kʷe (cf. Lat.atque, Gaulishate, OIr.aith 'again'),ve "or" (cf. Latin enclitic-ve and Attic Greekἤē < Proto-Greek*ē-we). As inWelsh, there is ans-subjunctive,gabiseti "he shall take" (Old Irishgabid),robiseti,auseti. CompareUmbrianferest "he/she/it shall make" orAncient Greekδείξῃdeiksēi (aorist subj.) /δείξειdeiksei (future ind.) "(that) he/she/it shall show".
Celtiberian and Gaulish placename element-brigā 'hill, town, akro-polis' < *bʰr̥ǵʰ-eh₂;
nebintor 'they are watered' < *nebʰ-i-nt-or;
dinbituz 'he must build' < *dʰingʰ-bī-tōd,ambi-dingounei 'to build around > to enclose' < *h₂m̥bi-dʰingʰ-o-mn-ei (cf. Latinfingō 'to build, shape' < *dʰingʰ-o, Old Irishcunutgim 'erect, build up' < *kom-ups-dʰingʰ-o),ambi-diseti '(that someone) builds around > enclose' < *h₂m̥bi-dʰingʰ-s-e-ti.
gortika 'mandatory, required' < *gʰor-ti-ka (cfr. Latinex-horto 'exhort' < *ex-gʰor-to); though, as the meaning in Celtiberian cannot be determined with certainty, this root may be related to Old Irishgort "field" (<PIE: *ghо̄rdh-s, Gen. *ghrdh-os ‘enclosure, garden, pen") and its many Indo-European cognates.[6]
duatir 'daughter' < *dʰugh₂tēr,duateros 'grandson, son of the daughter' (Common Celtic*duxtir);
bezom 'mine' < *bʰedʰ-yo 'that is pierced'.
PIE*kʷ: Celtiberian preserved thePIEvoicelesslabiovelarkʷ (henceQ-Celtic), a development also observed in Archaic Irish and Latin. On the contraryBrythonic andGaulish (P-Celtic—a change also seen in some dialects ofAncient Greek and someItalic branches likeP-Italic) changedkʷ top.-kue 'and' < *kʷe, Latin-que, Osco-Umbrian-pe 'and',neip 'and not, neither' < *ne-kʷe.
PIE*p >*φ >∅: Loss of PIE*p, e.g.*ro- (Celtiberian, Old Irish and Old Breton) vs. Latinpro- andSanskritpra-.ozas sues acc. pl. fem. 'six feet, unit of measure' (< *φodians < *pod-y-ans *sweks);
It is possible, however, that, as in other Celtic languages, *p before-l- was voiced tob, if the spelling of the place name 'konbouto (RomanConplutum) represents /konblouto/.[10]
Final*-m is preserved in Celtiberian (and Lepontic), a further indication of these dialects' conservatism. It is generally fronted to -n in Gaulish (exceptional cases, for instance on theLarzac tablet, are probably due to influence from Latin):boustom "stable."[11]
PIE*mn >un: as in Lepontic, Brittonic and Gaulish, but not Old Irish and seemingly not Galatian.Kouneso 'neighbour' < *kom-ness-o < *Kom-nedʰ-to (cf. OIr.comnessam 'neighbour' < *Kom-nedʰ-t-m̥o).
PIE*pn >un:Klounia < *kleun-y-a < *kleup-ni 'meadow' (Cfr. OIr.clúain 'meadow' < *klouni). However, in Latin *pn > mn:damnum 'damage' < *dHp-no.
PIE*pl>bl as in other Celtic languages, suggested by the place namekonbouto (RomanConplutum) if that represents /konblouto/.[12]
PIE*nm >lm: Only in Celtiberian.melmu < *men-mōn 'intelligence',Melmanzos 'gifted with mind' < *men-mn̥-tyo (Cfr. OIr.menme 'mind' < *men-mn̥. Also occurs in modern Spanish:alma 'soul' < *anma < Lat.anima, Asturiangalmu 'step' < Celtic*kang-mu.
PIE*ps >*ss / s:usabituz 'he must excavate (lit. up/over-dig)' < *ups-ad-bʰiH-tōd,Useizu * < *useziu < *ups-ed-yō 'highest'. The ethnic namecontestani in Latin (contesikum in native language), recall the proper nameKomteso 'warm-hearted, friendly' (< *kom-tep-so, cf. OIr.tess 'warm' > *tep-so). In Latin epigraphy that sound is transcribed with geminated:Usseiticum 'of the Usseitici' < *Usseito < *upse-tyo. However, inGaulish andBrittonic *ps > *x (cf. GaulishUxama, MW.uchel, 'one six').
PIE*pt >*tt / t:setantu 'seventh' (< *septmo-to). However, in Gaulish and Insular Celtic *pt > x:sextameto 'seventh', Old Irishsechtmad (< *septmo-e-to).
es- 'out of, not' < *eks < *h₁eǵʰs (cf. Lat.ex-, Common Celtic*exs-, OIr.ess-). In Latin epigraphy that sound its transcript with geminated:Suessatium < *sweks- 'the sixth city' (cfr. LatinSextantium)[13]
Dessicae < *deks-ika. However, inGaulish *ks > *x:Dexivates.
litom 'it is permitted',ne-litom 'it is not permitted' (< *l(e)ik-to, cf. Latinlicitum < *lik-e-to). But Common Celtic *kt > *xt:luxtu < *louktu < *leugʰ-tu, OIr.lucht.
CeltiberianRetugenos 'right born, lawful' < *h₃reg-tō-genos, GaulishRextugenos. In Latin epigraphy that sound is transcribed with geminated:Britto 'noble' < *brikto < *bʰr̥ǵʰ-to.
PIE*st >*st: against Gaulish, Irish and Welsh, where the change was *st > ss. This preservation of the PIE cluster *st is another indication of the phonological conservatism of this dialect.Gustunos 'excellent' < *gustu 'excellence' < *gus-tu. Old Irishgussu 'excellence' (cfr.Fergus < *viro-gussu), Gaulishgussu (Lezoux Plate, line 7).
PIE*eh₁ >ē >ī?. This Celtic reflex isn't well attested in Celtiberian. e.g. IE*h₃rēg'-s meaning "king, ruler" vs. Celtiberian-reiKis, Gaulish-rix, Britishrix, Old Irishrí, Old Welsh, Old Bretonri meaning "king". In any case, the maintenance of PIE ē = ē is well attested indekez 'he did' < *deked < *dʰeh₁k-et, identical to Latinfecit.
PIE*eh₃, *oH >a/u: Celtic*ū in final syllables and*ā in non-final syllables, e.g. IE*dh₃-tōd to Celtiberiandatuz meaning 'he must give'.dama 'sentence' < *dʰoh₁m-eh₂ 'put, dispose' (cfr. Old Irishdán 'gift, skill, poem', Germanic dōma < *dʰoh₁m-o 'verdict, sentence').
PIEey remainsey in Celtiberian and Lepontic, especially in root syllables (teiuo- < *dēywo- 'god',ueido- probably 'witness' <*weyd- 'see'), but in other Celtic languages, it becomes ē (apparently, another indication of the conservatism of Celtiberian, unless these spellings indicate a high /e/ rather than an actual diphthong). But in final syllables, there is some variation in the spelling, with some datives preserving the diphthong:Togoitei eni 'in Togotis',somei eni touzei 'inside of this territory'; and others, not:GENTE (K.11.1) with NSg.kentis/gentis (K.1.3),STENIONTE (K.11.1).[14][15]
PIE*n̥ >an /*m̥ >am:arganto 'silver' < *h₂r̥gn̥to (cf. OIr.argat and Latinargentum).kamanom 'path, way' *kanmano < *kn̥gs-mn̥-o (cf. OIr.céimm, OW.cemmein 'step'),decameta 'tithe' < *dekm̥-et-a (cf. Gaulishdecametos 'tenth', Old Irishdechmad 'tenth'),dekam 'ten' (cf. Lat.decem, Common Celticdekam, OIr.deich < *dekm̥),novantutas 'the nine tribes',novan 'nine' < *h₁newn̥ (cf. Lat.novem, Common Celtic*novan, OW.nauou < *h₁newn̥),ās 'we, us' (< *ans < *n̥s, Old Irishsinni <*sisni, *snisni 'we, us', cf. Germanuns <*n̥s),trikanta < *tri-kn̥g-ta, lit. 'three horns, three boundaries' > 'civil parish, shire' (modern SpanishTres Cantos).
Like Common Celtic and Italic (SCHRIJVER 1991: 415, McCONE 1996: 51 and SCHUMACHER 2004: 135), PIE*CHC > CaC (C = any consonant, H = any laryngeal):datuz < *dh₃-tōd,dakot 'they put' < *dʰh₁k-ont,matus 'propitious days' < *mh₂-tu (Latinmānus 'good' < *meh₂-no, Old Irishmaith 'good' < *mh₂-ti).
PIE*CCH >CaC (C = any consonant, H = any laryngeal):Magilo 'prince' (< *mgh₂-i-lo, cf. OIr.mál 'prince' < *mgh₂-lo).
Like Common Celtic (JOSEPH 1982: 51 and ZAIR 2012: 37), PIE*HR̥C >aRC (H = any laringeal, R̥ any syllabic resonant, C = any consonant):arganto 'silver' < *h₂r̥gn̥to, not **riganto.
Affrication of the PIE groups -*dy-, -*dʰy-. -*ty- > z/th (/θ/) located between vowels and of -*d, -*dʰ > z/th (/θ/) at the end of the word:adiza 'duty' < *adittia < *h₂ed-d(e)ik-t-ya;Useizu 'highest' < *ups-ed-yō;touzu 'territory' < *teut-yō;rouzu 'red' < *reudʰy-ō;olzo 'last' < *h₂ol-tyo;ozas 'feet' < *pod-y-ans;datuz < *dh₃-tōd;louzu 'free' (in: LOUZOKUM,MLH IV, K.1.1.) < *h₁leudʰy-ō (cf.Oscanloufir 'free man',Russianljúdi 'men, people'. That this is one of only a very few phonological developments that distinguishes Celtiberian phonologically from Proto-Celtic is one of the reasons Matasovic has concluded that Celtiberian is a very early independent branch of Proto-Celtic.[16] It is noteworthy that this weakening of most non-initial Proto-Celtic voiced dental stops (ds) seems to indicate that Celtiberian had taken the first step in what became more widespread lenition of non-initial (and in some cases even initial) voiced consonants in later Celtic dialects.[17]
An -n- stem can be seen inmelmu nom.sg. < *-ōn,melmunos gen. sg. (from Botorrita III, probably a name).
STENIONTE (a name) (K.11.1) is probably the dative of an -nt- stem.[23]
It is notable that the genitive singular -o- stem ends in -o in Celtiberian, unlike the rest of Celtic (and Latin) where this ending is -ī[24][25]
There is also a potential Vocative case, however this is very poorly attested, with only an ambiguous -e ending for o-stem nouns being cited in literature.
Forms of the masculine singular relative pronoun *yo- can be found in the firstBotorrita plaque: The formio-s in line 10 is the nominative singular masculine of the relative pronoun from Proto-Indo-European*yo- (Sanskritya-, Greekhos), which shows up in Old Irish only as the origin of leniting relative verb forms (the in OIr endingless nominative form *yo providing the intervocalic context for lenition) and the nasalizing relative forms (from the accusative *yo-m).[27]Line 7 has the accusative singulario-m and the dative singulario-mui (<*yo-sm-ōi, compare Sanskrityasmai) of the same root.[28][29]
The Indo-European third person verbal ending system seems to be evident, though the exact meaning of many verbs remains unclear: primary singular active *-ti inambitise-ti (Botorrita I, A.5), '(that someone) builds around > encloses' from *h₂m̥bhi-dʰingʰ-s-e-ti, andauzeti, secondary *-t > /θ/ written <z> interbere-z (SP.02.08, B-4) and perhapskombalke-z; primary plural active *-nti inara-nti (Z.09.24, A-4) andzizonti "they sow" (or perhaps "they give" with assimilation of the initial do the medial <z>),[30] secondary *-nt perhaps inatibio-n (Z.09.24, A-5), middle voice *-nto inauzanto (Z.09.03, 01) and perhapsesianto (SP.02.08 A-2).[31]
A third person imperative*-tо̄d >-tuz perhaps is seen inda-tuz "he must give" (Bronze plaque of Torrijo del Campo),usabituz,bize-tuz (Botorrita I A.5) anddinbituz 'he must build' < *dʰingʰ-bī-tōd.
A possible third person singular subjunctive-a-ti may beasekati, and another in-e-ti may be seen inauzeti < *aw-dhh1-e-ti "he may bestow."[31]
From the same root, we may have a truncated form of an athematic active third person singular aorist ifauz is from *auzaz < *aw-dh h1-t.[31]
Also from the same root, an example of the genitive plural of the present active participle ending -nt-om may be found on theNovallas bronze tablet inaudintum <*awdheh1-nt-ōm.[31]
Possible infinitive form-u-nei perhaps from *-mn-ei may be seen inambi-tinko-unei (Botorrita I A.5), and inta-unei ‘to give’,[30][24] a reduplicated infinitive form inti-za-unei if from *dhi-dhh1-mn-ei "to place."[32] It is notable that no infinitive forms were preserved or developed in the insular Celtic languages.[33]
Celtiberian syntax is considered to have the basic ordersubject–object–verb.[34] Another archaic Indo-European feature is the use of the relative pronounjos and the repetition of enclitised conjunctions such askwe.
One of four bronze plaques found inBotorrita, this text was written in easternCeltiberian script. The other side consists of a list of names. (K.01.01.A)
An inscription in the Latin alphabet in the Celtiberian sanctuary ofPeñalba de Villastar, in the current municipality ofVillastar,Teruel province. (K.03.03) Other translations, which differ dramatically from this and from each other, may be found in P. Sims-Williams' treatment of the Celtic languages inThe Indo-European Languages.[37]
eni Orosei
uta Tigino tiatunei
erecaias to Luguei
araianom komeimu
eni Orosei Ekuoisui-kue
okris olokas togias sistat Luguei tiaso
togias
eni Orosei uta Tigino tiatunei erecaias to Luguei araianom comeimu
In Orosis and the surroundings of Tigino river, we dedicate the fields to Lugus.
eni: in (<*h₁en-i).
Orosei: Orosis (loc. sing.*oros-ei).
uta: and (conj. cop.).
Tigino: of Tigino (river) (gen. sing.*tigin-o).
tiatunei: in the surroundings (loc. sing.*tiatoun-ei <*to-yh₂eto-mn-ei).
erecaias: the furrows > the land cultivated (acc. pl. fem.erekaiās <*perka-i-ans > Englishfurrow).
to Luguei: to Lugus.
araianom: properly, totally, (may be a verbal complement >*pare-yanom, cfr. welshiawn).
comeimu: we dedicate (present 3 p.pl.komeimu < *komeimuz < *kom-ei-mos-i).
eni Orosei Ekuoisui-kue okris olokas togias sistat Luguei
In Orosis and Equeiso the hills, the vegetable gardens [and] the houses are dedicated to Lugus.
Ekuoisui: in Ekuoisu (loc. sing.)-kue: and (<*-kʷe).
for those of the Lutorici included in the duty, and also of the Cartinoci, of the Lancici and of the Tritoci, must give enough money to settle the debt with them.
Lutorikum: of the Lutorici ( gen. masc. pl.).
eisubos: for those included ( <*h1epi-s-o-bʰos).
adizai: in the assignment, in the duty (loc. fem. sing. <*adittia <*ad-dik-tia. Cfr. Latinaddictio 'assignment').
ekue: and also (<*h₂et(i)kʷe).
Kartinokum: of the Cartinoci ( gen. masc. pl.).
Lankikum: of the Lancici ( gen. masc. pl.).
Tirtokum: of the Tritoci ( gen. masc. pl.).
silabur: money.
sazom: enough (<*sātio <*seh₂t-yo).
ibos: for them (dat.3 p.pl.ibus <*i-bʰos).
esatui: to settle the debt (<*essato <*eks-h₂eg-to. Cfr. Latinex-igo 'demand, require' &exactum 'identical, equivalent').
^Bernd Vath; Sabine Ziegler (2017). "The documentation of Celtic". In Jared Klein; Brian Joseph; Matthias Fritz (eds.).Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. pp. 1168–1188.doi:10.1515/9783110523874-022.
^Francisco Beltrán Lloris , Carlos Jordán Cólera , Borja Díaz Ariño1, and Ignacio Simón Cornago. Journal of Roman Archaeology 34 (2021), 713–733 doi:10.1017/S1047759421000635
^Matasovic, R. Etymological Dictionary Of Proto-Celtic Brill, 2009, pp. 264-265
^Lambert, Pierre-Yves. "Francisco Villar, M.a Pilar Fernandez Álvarez, ed. Religión, lengua y cultura prerromanas de Hispania, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2001 (Acta Salmanticensia, Estudios Filológicos, 283). = Actas del VIII Coloquio internacional sobre lenguas y culturas prerromanas de la Península Ibérica (11-14 mai 1999, Salamanque)". In:Etudes Celtiques, vol. 35, 2003. p. 393. [www.persee.fr/doc/ecelt_0373-1928_2003_num_35_1_2242_t1_0386_0000_2]
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^Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007) "Celtiberian," e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies: Vol. 6, Article 17. p. 768 Available at:https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17
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^De Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia 2009 "El nombre -¿céltico?- de la Pintia vaccea". BSAA Arqueología Nº. 75, (243-256).
^Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007) "Celtiberian," e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies: Vol. 6, Article 17. p753. Available at:https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17
^Wodtko, D.S.An outline of Celtiberian grammar Freiburg 2003, p.7
^Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007) "Celtiberian," e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies: Vol. 6, Article 17. p.763 Available at:https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17
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^Beltrán Lloris, F. Jordán Cólera, C. Marco Simón, F. 2005 "Novedades epigráficas en Peñalba de Villastar (Teruel)". Palaeohispánica: Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania antigua Nº. 5, 911-956: ENIOROSEI Dat. sg. de un tema en -i. LVGVEI, Dat. sg. de un tema en -u. ERECAIAS, Gen .sg. de un tema en -a, TIASO, Gen. sg. de un tema en -o
^Villar Liébana, F. 1996 "Fonética y Morfología Celtibéricas". La Hispania prerromana : actas del VI Coloquio sobre lenguas y culturas prerromanas de la Península Ibérica (339-378):1) filiación expresada mediante genitivo y cuya desinencia es -as < (*-ās) y 2) origen que se expresa mediante ablativo, cuya desinencia es -az < (*-ād)
^Wodtko, Dagmar S. "An outline of Celtiberian grammar" 2003
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^Untermann, J. (1967). "Die Endung des Genitiv singularis der o-Stämme im Keltiberischen." In W. Meid (ed.),Beiträge zur Indogermanistik und Keltologie, Julius Pokorny zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet, pp. 281-288. Innsbruck: Sprachwissenschaftliches Institut der Universität Innsbruck.
^Jordán Cólera, Carlos "La forma verbalcabint del bronce celtibérico de Novallas". En Emerita, Revista de Lingüística y Filología Clásica LXXXII 2, 2014, pp. 327-343
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