| Cave of Treasures ܡܥܪܬ ܓܙܐ | |
|---|---|
| British Library | |
 French genealogy of Christ, cf.Book of the Cave of Treasure (from the Syriac MS Add 25875, British Museum), translated byE. W. Budge | |
| Type | Pseudepigrapha "rewritten Bible" |
| Date | 6th century |
| Place of origin | Upper Mesopotamia |
| Language | Syriac |
| Author(s) | Unknown; falsely attributed toEphrem the Syrian |
| Contents | Syriac Christian retelling of biblical history and prefiguration of Christ, interweaving Jewish, Assyrian, and early Christian traditions with moral and liturgical teachings |
TheCave of Treasures (Syriac:ܡܥܪܬ ܓܙܐ,romanized: Maʿarraṯ ġazzē) is aSyriacpseudepigraphal work that retells biblical history within a distinctly Christian and Mesopotamian setting. Originally composed in Syriac, it provides a then-modern Christian interpretation of theOld Testament from the creation ofAdam to the coming ofChrist, and presents Adam and the patriarchs asprefigurations of Christ, and also situating key events inAssyria and surrounding regions. The narrative incorporates local Mesopotamian traditions by presenting figures such asNimrod in a positive light and linking biblical history to the cultural memory of the Assyrian and Persian world.
The text was an important part of shaping theSyriac Christian identity, elevating the status of theSyriac language, providing theological responses to Jewish critique, and addressing cultural and religious dynamics near theSasanian Empire. It also provides a major source of information regarding the secular history of the region and the turbulent problems thatUpper Mesopotamia faced. It circulated widely in multiple recensions and languages and influenced later Syriac historiography, including among authors such as the author of theChronicle of Zuqnin,Michael the Syrian, andBarhebraeus.
TheCave of Treasures was long attributed toEphrem the Syrian (c. 306–373) because some manuscripts bear a heading naming him, but modern scholarship has completely rejected this attribution. The text was first quoted in a mid-7th century work and shows no awareness of theIslamic conquests, indicating that it must have been composed before 630 AD. It even mentions the late Sassanian kingKhosrow II (r. 590–628). The text's multiple and frequent apologetic attacks againstJews also suggest a 7th-century composition, which was a time when Christians hoped that widespread conversion and baptism of Jews would prepare the way for theSecond Coming.[1]
Multiple theories have been advanced regarding its authorship.Albrecht Goetze argued that it was a compilation of three separate 4th-century Jewish-Christian works: one concerning legends about Adam andSeth, one on the genealogy ofMary, and one on the life of Christ. These were then edited together by a Syriac writer from theChurch of the East who supplemented the text with biblical material and theological interpolations.[1]Sebastian Brock has further noted that the work was addressed to an unknown figure named Nemesius.[2]
The author demonstrates a strong pride in the Syriac language, elevating it above all other dialects ofAramaic, and likely moved between the eastern and western provinces of the Syriac-speaking world.[3] It is presented chronologically over seven millennia, relying on a variety of sources, most of which are Christian. TheCave of Treasures was later influential for a number of authors, including the author of theChronicle of Zuqnin,al-Ya'qubi,al-Tabari,Eutychius of Alexandria,Michael the Great,Barhebraeus, andSolomon of Basra.[4]
The cave in question refers to an unnamed cave in Upper Mesopotamia that, after the fall, Adam deposited the three gifts of the Magi in. Later, when Jesus Christ was born, these Magi arrived at the cave to retrieve the gifts and present them to the newborn Son.[5]
TheCave of Treasures belongs to the genre of "rewritten Bible" that recounts biblical history from thecreation of the world to the life of Christ within a different framework; in this case, a Syriac one. It emphasizes salvation history, the continuity of God's plan, and the prefiguration of Christ throughout earlier events.[6] The text situates its narrative setting inAssyria, identified with the land of "Nod". Assyria serves as the central stage of the work: it is whereCain is exiled, where theMagi receive incense, and where the journeys ofNimrod — a pivotal figure in the story — take place. TheArsacids identifyAdiabene with Nod-Shirakan, and the toponym "Nod" appears in inscriptions from Karka de-Beth Slouq andErbil. Like the Syriac tradition at large, the work shows a favorable view of the Assyrian king Nimrod, who in the biblical tradition is remembered as an adversary ofAbraham.[7]
The text retells the Old Testament, presentingAdam and his descendants as "prophets, priests, and kings" foreshadowing Christ.[8] Adam's body andAbel's blood are explicitly paralleled with Christ, while the burial of patriarchs inJerusalem, at the site where Christ himself would be buried, reinforces thisprefiguration.Abraham's offering oftithes toMelchizedek atGolgotha is depicted as an anticipation of theEucharist, whileNoah's reception of the dove at theark prefiguresbaptism. Patriarchal lives and biblical events are thus presented as direct anticipations of theincarnation.[9]
The societies described are also presented as moral examples, such as Noah's gender segregation in the ark and the peace between different social orders. Furthermore, they are used to justify modern Christian practices that were controversial in the Roman and Sassanian churches of the time, particularly theNaziritic practices, such as wearing skins or leaving hair uncut, as Noah commandsShem to do. The descriptions of Shem and Melchizedek are similar inTheodoret of Cyrrhus'sHistoria Religiosa andRabbula's banned canons in theBnay Qyama; such practices were considered sacred and orthodox, obligations for priest to abide by.[10]
The freedom with which the author makes these assertions shows how fluid and loosely defined earlyChurch canons were and the limited power of the Church to enforce them. Additionally, in the absence of a strongly policed state like that ofJustinian I, Jewish communities were able to critique Christianity, including questions concerning thegenealogy of Christ. The text addresses such criticisms while also reinforcing Christianity's distinct identity in relation to surrounding religious traditions.[11]
Adam's resting place at Golgotha is described as the "center of the world" where major events insoteriology occur. TheCave deliberately omits sections critical toJudaism such as those ofMoses in theBook of Exodus to maintain the biblical account in a Christian framework.[12]
The text also describes multiple "falls" of humanity beyondEden. The first one involves the loss of virginity after the initial fall, yet Seth's offsprings are committed to abstaining from fornication, unlike Cain's offsprings. These two oppositions emphasizes the value of asceticism, where Seth is honored for his chastity and teaches virtue to his sons and chastity to his daughters, but they ultimately succumb to temptation when lured by the Cainites through the enchanting music of a flute. Another significant fall occurs at theTower of Babel, which brings the total to four falls.[11]
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The setting of the narrative is closely tied toAssyria, identified with the biblical "land of Nod." Cain is exiled there, the Magi receive incense there, and Nimrod's journeys are situated in this land. Adiabene is equated with Nod-Shirakan, atoponym attested in inscriptions at Erbil and Karka de-Beth Slouq.[7]
At the time of writing, many locations were already associated with Nimrod, such asMosul, Nimrud-Athor, and Tell-Nimrud, the former capital ofAshurnasirpal, king of Assyria. References to places likeAssur,Nineveh, and the shrine ofMar Qardagh atMelqi suggest that the native Mesopotamians of the period retained a living memory of their ancientAssyrian past, even though Tell-Nimrud itself had no continued settlement. TheCave of Treasures thus merges two traditions,Jewish-Christian andAssyrian. By the early sixth century, when the text was composed, these traditions had become intertwined into a shared foundation myth for theterritory of Assyria.[13]
The author engages with these matters because he sought to construct a foundation myth for theZoroastrian cult at a time when identifying Nimrod withZoroaster was already commonplace. According to theTargum, Nimrod was the founder ofBabil,Resen, and Nineveh. It was necessary for the Assyrian author to develop such mythologies in order to condemn foreign cults within his land and to explain the origins of foreign religions and portraying them as traditions that were later corrupted.[14]
TheCave also links biblicalBabylonian kings with contemporarySasanian kings, identifying "Sisan the servant of Nimrod" with Sasanian kings and even presenting one of theMagi as king ofPersia.[15]
In contrast toSt. Jerome and theLatin tradition which frequently depictNimrod as a despotic ruler, the Syriac tradition takes a more positive stance and commemorates Nimrod as the introducer of monarchy, founder of many Mesopotamian cities fromEdessa toSeleucia, and royalty worthy of respect.[16] Nimrod is also cast as a prophet, responsible for the prophecy regarding the star that would lead the Magi to thebirth of Jesus Christ inBethlehem. The author of theCave enhances Nimrod's image by attributing authorship of this major revelation to him, suggesting that without his contribution, God's plan for mankind would remain incomplete.[17] Similar to other Syriac writers likeNarsai andJacob of Serug, theCave's author does not portray King Nimrod negatively in relation to the biblicalTower of Babel; rather, he is considered righteous and a descendant of Noah — so much that other Syriac Christians of the time have often been named after him.[18]
TheCave also identifies Nimrod withZoroaster himself. He is portrayed as afire-worshipper, following the teaching of Yonton (a corruption ofJoktan), Noah's fourth son. Nimrod was taught wisdom by Yonton when he traveled to Yokadra in the region of Nod and found Yonton at Lake Atras. After bathing in the lake and having "made obeisance" to Yonton to acknowledge Yonton's superiority, Yonton taught him "wisdom and the book of revelation", emphasizing the role of legitimate practice of astronomy in contrast to the forbidden art of astrology. Fire, though associated with Zoroastrians, is presented as acceptable because of its Christian associations in theburning bush of Moses andPentecost. This "orthodox"Zoroastrianism, however, later decayed through Satan's corruption ofArdashir, who introduced the false arts ofastrology (as opposed toastronomy) and incest.[19] Although highly spiritual and supernatural in nature, this description aligns with the secular historical development of the region and its religions. In this framework, Zoroastrianism as practiced by the Assyrian descendants of Noah's son is not portrayed as inherently evil, but as a faith that only became corrupted through the influence of the devil.[20]
TheCave contains strong anti-Jewish polemics with emphasis onSyriac themes and images. Pilate is said not to have written the inscription in Syriac above the cross since Syrians were innocent of Christ's death; only Jews (Caiphas), Greeks (Herod), and Romans (Pilate) were guilty.[21] The author maintains that Syriac, notHebrew, was the original language of humanity, from which all other languages were dispersed after the events of the Tower of Babel. This distinction placed the Syriac language (and bracketing the Syriac people) as superior to all nations, namely theGreeks,Romans, andHebrews. Moreover, the author refers to theEdessan dialect of Syriac as being considered the superior version of Aramaic, with Mesopotamian liturgical Syriac "annexing" other, lesser dialects.[22]
Paganism andNeoplatonism are denounced with idols described as vessels of demons. The work confirms that pagan practices were still practiced in the 6th century in places likeHarran when the text reached its final form.[23]
The text provides fresh evidence for a newly discovered fraternity between theAssyrians andPersians of late antiquity. Despite heavy persecution by the Sassanids against the Syriac Christians, there was a familiarity with each other's cultures, leading to significant cultural and linguistic exchange between the two groups. Thus, the Syriac Christians were not merely a persecuted minority under an oppressive regime, but active agents of history who participated in every facet of Iranian society.[24] It incorporates Iranian cosmological concepts, describing a tripartite heaven — Fire (ܢܘܪܐ;Nurā), Light (ܢܘܗܪܐ;Nuhrā), and Firmament (ܪܩܝܥܐ;Rqīʿā) — in contrast to the seven-fold system widely adopted at the time,[25] though Syriac Christianity had neither concept.[26] This tripartite division of the sky is, however, attested inAkkadian sources. One example is KAR 307, a religious explanatory text inNeo-Assyrian script from Assur dated to the first millennium BC; another example is AO 8196, a lateBabylonian compendium of astrological, astronomical, and religious information.[27] The lowest level,Rqi'a, is associated with a major Iranian festival of Rapithwin which represents midday.[25]Rapithwin is an Iranian loanword meaning "midday", personified as a man whose soul lingers above the earth.[28]
TheMagi (ܡܓܘܫܝܗ;Mgūšêh) are described as a group inhabiting Persia who become disturbed upon witnessing a constellation resembling "a maiden carrying a child" with "a crown set upon his head". After consulting their books, one of which is titled "The Revelation of Nimrod," God's plan for the birth ofHis Son becomes clear to them. They then journey to the "Cave of Treasure" where they retrieve the three gifts — gold, frankincense, and myrrh — deposited there fromParadise by Adam after the fall, and proceed toBethlehem.[5]
While most traditions viewed the Magi as three in number, the Syriac tradition held that they were twelve. This discrepancy was already recognized by Syriac authors such asJacob of Edessa who noted the difference between artistic depictions of the Nativity showing three Magi and his own tradition's teaching of twelve,[29] some of whom were named Hormizd, Yazdgird, and Peroz.[30]
TheCave of Treasures circulated widely in late antiquity and the medieval period, surviving in multiple versions and languages.[31] The originalSyriac text is extant in 34 manuscripts preserved in two different recensions. While these recensions diverge significantly, both ultimately derive from the same archetype. Each recension was discovered in separate regions, one in theSyriac Orthodox milieu and the other in theChurch of the East, suggesting that they reflect the shared Syriac heritage of their respective communities while also bearing the imprint of their distinct theological perspectives.[32]
Beyond Syriac, the work was translated intoArabic,Ethiopic,Georgian, and possiblyCoptic.[33]
The Arabic (مغارة الكنوزcode: ara promoted to code: ar;Maghārat al-Kunūz) survives in two distinct versions. The earliest was translated inEgypt around 750 AD and survives in 46 manuscripts, though none have been translated into modern languages. This version contains significant additions not present in the Syriac, including the insertion of a "Testament of Adam". A second Arabic recension, written inGarshuni, is closer to the Syriac source.[34]
The Ethiopic (መዝገብ ገዛ;Baʿāta Mazāgebet) version, composed sometime between the 13th and 14th centuries, is based on an ArabicVorlage and has also not been translated. The Coptic survives in two fragmentary manuscripts, which once formed part of a complete text. These fragments correspond closely to the Syriac original and may predate the Arabic translation of 750. TheirGreek linguistic features further suggest that a now-lost Greek version may have served as an intermediary.[34]
A Georgian version was produced in the 8th century AD, closely following the Syriac text. However, it contains Arabic names and incorporates theTestament of Adam, which implies that it was translated from Arabic. Since it agrees more closely with the Syriac than with the earliest Arabic version, it likely derives from a different ArabicVorlage, confirming the existence of two independent Arabic recensions.[34]
These translations, in their attempt to reconcile and merge the two Syriac recensions, represent different interpretive traditions of the same work. One of the important manuscripts that many modern translations are based on is British Museum Add. 25875, preserved in London. Although not an original Syriac witness, its close textual correspondence to the ancient versions makes it more faithful to the archetype than either of the two surviving Syriac recensions.[35]
Some passages from theCave of Treasures are found in the CopticEnconium of Mary Magdalene ofPseudo-Cyril.[36]
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