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Catholicism – the largestbranch ofChristianity in the world – has a history of interaction withZionism – theJewish nationalist ideology that began as a movement for a Jewish state in thesouthern Levant, and which today serves as the "guiding ideology"[1] of its successful creation, theState of Israel.
The relationship between Catholicism and Zionism includes theological, historical, and social aspects, and has sometimes overlapped withCatholic–Jewish relations. Thegeographic region of Palestine is of profound religious importance to Catholics, who consider it theHoly Land, and of profound national importance to Zionists, through its historical and religious role as theLand of Israel.
The Catholic Church rejects a theological basis for Zionism,[2][3][4][5] and historically opposed it.[6][7] Nonetheless, theVatican[a] openeddiplomatic relations with the Israeli state in 1993, a decision based in recognition of political and civic reality, rather than onChristian Zionist theology.[6] Today, the Vatican recognizes both Israel and theState of Palestine, and advocates for atwo-state solution.[8] Importantly,Catholic doctrine does not formally dictate its adherents' individual political attitudes towards Israel's existence.[2] Therefore, a diversity of worldwide Catholic opinion on the subject exists.[4][6][9][10]
Also of relevance is the role of Catholic figures in theIsraeli–Palestinian conflict, both in the region and outside it, as well as Israeli attitudes and practices towards the Vatican and local Catholics.
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Zionists who are religiously Jewish consider Zionism andJudaism to be inseparable and the former to be a central component of the latter. As evidence, they point to the continuous role of the Land of Israel as theGod-given national territory of theIsraelite, and later Jewish, people throughout the entireTanakh; and the concept of a return to the land as a regular feature of religious practices in theJewish diaspora.[11][12] Non-Catholic Christian Zionists similarly believe that the land is divinely ordained for the Jews, but that the return of Jewish sovereignty anticipates theSecond Coming ofJesus.[13][14] At the core of these beliefs is thebiblical narrative ofGenesis 12, whereAbraham is selected by God to go toCanaan and become the father of a nation; this is interpreted as the starting point for a divinely ordainedJewish peoplehood in their own defined national territory.[11]
Some elements within the Catholic Church, particularly inEurope andNorth America, lobby to affirm the Zionist claim over the Land of Israel as theologically valid.[4] Gavin D'Costa, a Catholic Zionist, writes that any attempt by the Church to endorse theologically based Zionism would be met with overwhelming hostility byChristians in the Middle East.[15]
The Catholic Church rejects the premise that the Jewish people have a divine right to possess sovereignty over the Holy Land.[2][3][4][5] TheSecond Vatican Council'slumen gentium (1964) affirms that the Church is the "new Israel" and "new people of God" that is not bound by ethnicity or blood.[16] In 1985, the Vatican's “Notes on the Correct Presentation of Jews and Judaism” would build on this, declaring that the special relationship between God and the Jewish people remained intact. It also recognized Judaism's perennial connection to the Land of Israel, yet simultaneously affirmed that this connection was religiously irrelevant to Christians:
... the history of Israel did not end in 70 A.D. It continued, especially in a numerousDiaspora which allowed Israel to carry to the whole world a witness—often heroic—of its fidelity to the one God and to ‘exalt Him in the presence of all the living’ (Tobit 13:4), while preserving the memory of the land of their forefathers at the heart of their hope (Passover Seder). Christians are invited to understand this religious attachment which finds its roots in Biblical tradition, without however making their own any particular religious interpretation of this relationship.[17]
Therefore, in the Catholic understanding, this continuing relationship between God and the Jewish people still excludes any divine land-based promise–namely, in the present day, the Israeli state's claims–as theologically valid.[2] RabbiDavid Rosen has criticized the Church's approach, commenting that if it intends "to fully respect Jewish self-understanding, it is also necessary to appreciate the centrality that the land of Israel plays in the historic and contemporary religious life of the Jewish people and that appears to be missing.[4]
Addressing the question of why possession of the Land of Israel is not viewed by the Catholic Church as part of the "irrevocable" covenant between God and the Jewish people, as stated inRomans 11, Matthew A. Tsakanikas, a Catholic anti-Zionist, writes that:
... in no way can the establishment of a modern State of Israel be confused with the fulfillment of the promises given to Abraham because Jesus is the true fulfillment of those promises... we speak of Israel beingreconstituted and not of Israel being replaced in supersessionism... religious grounds for claims of a physical Land are also obsolete since theMessiah [Jesus] became theTemple and sign of the Land... the racially and ceremonially defined Israel ofMoses was only a start in order to reach the ultimate spiritual Israel, the Mystical Body of the Messiah.[18]
In theNew Testament, part of Christian but not Jewish biblical scripture, the focus on the importance of land that was constant throughout theOld Testament changes in favor of a more spiritual, less geographically defined concept. This is typified by theBeatitudes (Matthew 5:3-10); heaven being seen as the true Christian homeland (Hebrews 11:13-16); and the bringing down of ethnic and religious borders between the Jews[b] andGentiles under Jesus (Ephesians 2:14-18).[4]
The phenomenon of Catholic Zionism emerged after1948, when the Israeli state was established, and traces its origins to the Second Vatican Council's change in stance concerning the Jewish people.[6][19]Jimmy Akin writes that despite the Catholic Church's refusal to endorse Zionism on a theological basis, an individual Catholic opining that Jews have a right to the Land of Israel due to God’s promise is "within the realm of permitted theological speculation".[2]
Gavin D'Costa writes that Catholic Zionism has as its theological foundation "the unconditional gift of the election of the Jewish people" and the "biblical vision" of Jewish governance in the Holy Land, but is unique in several ways that distinguish it from traditionalProtestant Christian Zionism. According to D'Costa, it affirms that Jewish sovereignty over the Land of Israel is conditional, based on Leviticus 18:28: “If you defile the land, it will vomit you out as it vomited out the nations that were before you.” This differentiates Catholic Zionism from "the eschatological confidence of many Protestants who imagine the State of Israel as the fulfillment of prophecies aboutthe end times." Catholic Zionism is also sympathetic toPalestinian concerns, and envisions Jewish governance in the Holy Land as possible ina binational sense or as part of a larger multinational framework, not having to strictly take the form of the present Israelination-state.[20]
In 2025, a rift emerged betweenKairos Palestine, which is Catholic-led but composed of Catholic,Orthodox, andProtestant Palestinians, and theUnited States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB). This occurred after the USCCB released a joint publication with theAmerican Jewish Committee which meant to "condemn antisemitism and educate Catholics on antisemitic phrases and beliefs". Kairos Palestine condemned the publication as "theologically and morally wrong" and dismissed a defense of the document by ArchbishopTimothy Broglio, president of the USCCB.[21]
Traditional Vatican opposition to Zionism stemmed largely from a theological basis.[22]Theodor Herzl, the secular Jewish founder of modern political Zionism, met withPope Pius X in the Vatican in 1904, arranged by theAustrian Count Berthold Dominik Lippay, to ascertain the Catholic Church's position on Herzl's prospective project for a Jewish state in Palestine. Pope Pius X told Herzl:
We cannot prevent Jews from going to Jerusalem—but we can never sanction it... if Jerusalem's land was not always hallowed, it has been sanctified by Jesus Christ's life. I cannot tell you otherwise as the leader of the Church. Because the Jews have not recognized our Lord, we cannot recognize the Jewish people.[7]
Pope Pius X went on to tell Herzl that the Catholic Church also opposed the acquisition of the "secular lands" of Palestine by the Zionist movement.[7] This laid down some of the key religious components of the Catholic Church’santi-Zionism which would take on more of a political character as the planning of Jewish state in the Holy Land took place beginning in 1917 with theBalfour Declaration. The Vatican was a strong opponent of theLeague of Nations' plans for a Jewish state in the Holy Land, believing that the dominance of Judaism over a land sacred to Catholics would be an offense.[23]
DuringWorld War II the Vatican made sure that any effort it took part in to aid the Jewish people threatened byNazi Germany would not be construed as support for a Jewish homeland in the Holy Land.[24] On 22 June 1943,Amleto Giovanni Cicognani, theApostolic Delegate to the United States, wrote to American presidentFranklin Roosevelt, asking him to prevent the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine:
In this question two points must be considered. The first concerns the Holy Places (for example, theBasilica of the Holy Sepulcher,Bethlehem, etc.). Catholics rejoice in certain rights regarding these places and in justice their rights must be recognized, and respected. Repeated formal assurances that these rights will be respected are ever necessary and will again be required after the present war,
The second point concerns Palestine itself. Catholics the world over are piously devoted to this country, hallowed as it was by the presence of the Redeemer and esteemed as it is as the cradle of Christianity. If the greater part of Palestine is given to the Jewish people, this would be a severe blow to the religious attachment of Catholics to this land. To have the Jewish people in the majority would be to interfere with the peaceful exercise of these rights in the Holy Land already vested in Catholics.
It is true that at one time Palestine was inhabited by the Hebrew Race, but there is no axiom in history to substantiate the necessity of a people returning to a country they left nineteen centuries before.[25]
When the1947 United Nations partition plan for Palestine was introduced, the Vatican decided to endorse at least thecorpus separatum proposal within the plan, which would have madeJerusalem aninternational zone administered by theUnited Nations.[6]
Under the pontificate ofPope Pius XII, the Catholic Church resisted American pressure to recognize the nascent Israeli state and, according to American historianFrank J. Coppa in his biographical studyThe Life and Pontificate of Pope Pius XII: Between History and Controversy, stood "in opposition toAmerican policy in theMiddle East from the founding of Israel to his death in 1958."[26]
Under the reign ofPope John XXIII from 1958 to 1963, the Vatican moderated its political position on Zionism. Pope John XXIII, the architect of the Second Vatican Council, was deeply sympathetic to the Jewish people and secretly desired for the Vatican recognition of the Israeli state. The Israeli state reacted enthusiastically to news of his election, and at his coronation the Israeli ambassadorEliahu Sasson was in attendance, appointed as "Special Delegate of the Government of Israel".[27]
The Vatican recognized the State of Israel in 1993 as a result of theOslo Accords.[3][28] The former perceived this as a necessary recognition of the new political and civic reality and not as a theological endorsement of the Zionist project.[6] Since then, the official political position of the Vatican has been for the coexistence of an Israeli state and a Palestinian state side by side.
Following these developments, the Vatican likewise signed an agreement with thePalestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 2000, under the reign ofPope John Paul II. This was succeeded bya 2015 agreement under the reign ofPope Francis, which recognized the State of Palestine.[29] Despite Pope Francis' call for a two-state solution,[8] there remains a diversity of opinion on the matter within theHoly See itself, as evidenced by CardinalFernando Filoni's 2024 statement that an "integrated"one-state solution with full rights for all inhabitants may be a better option than an increasingly unviable two-state solution.[30]
The Arab invasion of Israel and subsequent1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight, which began theNakba, sowed the seeds of aliberation theology among thePalestinian Christians.[31] During the 1948 war,Alberto Gori, then the Franciscan Custodian of the Holy Land, accused Israeli forces of destroying the holy places, in his reports to the Vatican.[32] Several Catholic-majority[33][34] villages were subjected towar crimes by Israeli forces;Iqrit andKafr Bir'im were forcibly depopulated and razed,[35] andAl-Bassa andEilabun were the sites of massacres.
By the 1970s, some Catholics were actively involved with Palestinian militancy.Nayef Hawatmeh, a Jordanian Catholic, founded theDemocratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) in 1969 and still serves as its head. The Palestinian priestManuel Musallam was involved with thefedayeen, was declaredpersona non grata by Israel, and became aFatah leader.[36]Hilarion Capucci, a Syrian archbishop, was arrested by Israel in 1974 for smuggling weapons to thePalestine Liberation Army,[37][38] and was released in 1978 following the Vatican's intervention.[37]
During the2023–present Gaza war, the Hawatmeh-led DFLP has fought Israeli troops alongside its allyHamas.[39][40] In December 2023, Israeli forces operating inGaza City killed a Catholic mother and daughter,Nahida and Samar Anton, inside the city'sHoly Family Church. In response, Pope Francis referred to the Israeli actions as "terrorism".[41] The killings, coupled with other incidents of Israeli attacks on Christian institutions in theGaza Strip, aggravated tensions between the Vatican and Israel.[42] In November 2024, Francis stated that the Israeli military campaign in the Gaza Strip appears to have "the characteristics of a genocide" and merits further investigation.[43] Meanwhile, someHebrew Catholics have served in theIsrael Defense Forces (IDF) during the war.[44]
In an article for theJesuit magazineAmerica, Julie Schumacher Cohen and Jordan Denari Duffner argue for upholding thepreferential option for the poor in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict without making mention of discourse around the scriptural legitimacy of a Jewish state in the Holy Land. The article states:
Catholic social teaching’s commitment to the inherent dignity of all persons and their right to life encourages us to be attentive to those who are most vulnerable, and to make assisting and accompanying them in their struggles a primary concern. Both Israelis and Palestinians suffer tremendously in the Holy Land—the two communities have experienced great trauma and violence. Still, the Palestinian loss of life is much higher, and they bear the brunt of an unequal system, which amounts to structural violence and discrimination... acknowledging these realities and advocating for Palestinian rights is wholly consistent with a commitment to ensuring the rights, safety and dignity of Jewish Israelis. Catholics have a responsibility to hold these commitments together.[45]
Israelis tend to generally view the Vatican as too pro-Palestinian.[3] A Vatican diplomatic source once said: "The Israelis believe that we never support them enough. But they demand unconditional support, which we cannot give".[46]
In a 2018 article for theJerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs, Arno Tausch claimed that the text ofActs 1:6–7, right before theascension of Jesus, is "a very telling and direct contradiction of Catholic anti-Zionism" and refers to "the restoration of Eretz Israel[c]".[9] In those verses,Jesus' disciples ask him “Lord, are you at this time going to restore the kingdom to Israel?”, to which he replies “It is not for you to know the times or dates theFather has set by his own authority."[47] Tausch concludes that "if Catholics take the notion of the dialogue with Judaism seriously, they cannot shy away from defending the Jewish state’s right to exist."[9]
In a February 2024 article for theCatholic Herald,Peter Oppenheimer partially defended ongoing Israeli operations in Gaza, and critiqued the effectiveness and sincerity of statements about the Gaza war from the Vatican, questioning whether they genuinely aim to promote peace or serve to enhance the Church’s moral authority.[48]
In March 2025, the AmericanrabbiShmuley Boteach visited the Vatican and met with itssecretary of state CardinalPietro Parolin. Boteach described his goal as "to persuade the church to formally recognize Israel as the biblical birthright of the Jewish people".[49] What came of the meeting is unknown.
After thedeath of Pope Francis in April 2025,Droy Eydar, writing forIsrael Hayom, stated that the pope "bears significant responsibility for the rise in global antisemitism sinceOctober 7".[50]
SomeMuslims have compared Zionism with the Catholic Church's medievalCrusaders, in the sense that both are seen as intruders into Palestine, which is perceived as rightfully belonging to Muslim rule (Dar al-Islam).[51][52][53]
In a 2010 article forTheNew York Times,Ross Douthat stated:
The analogy between Israel andOutremer [the Crusader states] is usually drawn by Israel’s enemies: “Jews and Crusaders” is one ofOsama bin Laden’s favorite epithets, and Palestinian radicals often pine for anotherSaladin to drive the Israelis into the sea. But Israel’s friends can learn something from Outremer as well. Like today’s Jewish republic, the Crusader kingdoms were small states forged by military valor, based in the Middle East but oriented westward, with distant patrons and potential foes just next door. Like Israel, they were magnets for fanatics from east and west alike. And when they eventually fell after surviving for longer than Israel has currently existed, it was for reasons that are directly relevant to the challenges facing the Israeli government today.[54]
Scholar David Ohana says that a "Crusader anxiety" over the Zionist project ending in a destruction similar to that of the Crusader states has become "an intrinsic part of the Israeli psyche".[55]
William L. Ochsenwald has written that an important Crusader motivation was retaking lost territory perceived as rightfully Catholic, similarly to how religious Jewish Zionists saw themselves as retaking lost territory perceived as rightfully Jewish. However, he states the insinuation that Israel's fate will be identical to the fate of the Crusader states should be opposed.[56]
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