| Brazilian Portuguese | |
|---|---|
| português brasileiro | |
 | |
| Native to | Brazil |
Native speakers | ~203 million (2022)[1] |
Early forms | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-1 | pt-BR |
| ISO 639-3 | – |
Brazilian Portuguese (português brasileiro;[poʁtuˈɡe(j)sbɾaziˈleɾu]) is the set ofvarieties of thePortuguese language native toBrazil. It is spoken by nearly all of the 203 million inhabitants of Brazil,[1] and widely across theBrazilian diaspora, consisting of approximately two million Brazilians who have emigrated to other countries.
Brazilian Portuguese differs, particularly in phonology andprosody, from varieties spoken inPortugal andPortuguese-speaking African countries. In these latter countries, the language tends to have a closer connection to contemporary European Portuguese, influenced by the more recent end of Portuguese colonial rule.[2][3] This has contributed to a notable difference in the relationship between written, formal language and spoken forms in Brazilian Portuguese.[3] The differences between formal written Portuguese and informal spoken varieties in Brazilian Portuguese have been documented in sociolinguistic studies. Some scholars, including Mario A. Perini, have suggested that these differences might exhibit characteristics ofdiglossia, though this interpretation remains a subject of debate among linguists.[4]: 152 Other researchers argue that such variation aligns with patterns observed in other pluricentric languages and is best understood in the context of Brazil’s educational, political, and linguistic history, including post-independence standardization efforts.[3][5] Despite this pronounced difference between the spoken varieties, Brazilian and European Portuguese barely differ in formal writing and remainmutually intelligible.[6][3][a]
In 1990, theCommunity of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP), which included representatives from all countries with Portuguese as the official language, reached an agreement on the reform of the Portuguese orthography to unify the two standards then in use by Brazil on one side and the remaining Portuguese-speaking countries on the other. This spelling reform went into effect in Brazil on 1 January 2009. In Portugal, the reform was signed into law by the President on 21 July 2008 allowing for a six-year adaptation period, during which both orthographies co-existed. All of the CPLP countries have signed the reform. In Brazil, this reform has been in force since January 2016. Portugal and other Portuguese-speaking countries have since begun using the new orthography.
Regional varieties of Brazilian Portuguese, while remainingmutually intelligible, may diverge from each other in matters such as vowel pronunciation and speech intonation.[10]
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The existence of Portuguese in Brazil is a legacy of thePortuguese colonization of the Americas. The first wave of Portuguese-speaking immigrants settled in Brazil in the 16th century, but the language was not widely used then. For a time Portuguese coexisted withLíngua Geral,[11] alingua franca based onAmerindian languages that was used by theJesuit missionaries, as well as with variousAfrican languages spoken by the millions ofslaves brought into the country between the 16th and 19th centuries. By the end of the 18th century, Portuguese had affirmed itself as the national language. Some of the main contributions to that swift change were the expansion ofcolonization to the Brazilian interior, and the growing numbers of Portuguese settlers, who brought their language and became the most important ethnic group inBrazil.
Beginning in the early 18th century,Portugal's government made efforts to expand the use of Portuguese throughout the colony, particularly because its consolidation in Brazil would help guarantee to Portugal the lands in dispute withSpain (according to various treaties signed in the 18th century, those lands would be ceded to the people who effectively occupied them). Under the administration of theMarquis of Pombal (1750–1777), Brazilians started to favour the use of Portuguese, as the Marquis expelled the Jesuit missionaries (who had taughtLíngua Geral) and prohibited the use ofNhengatu, orLingua Franca.[12]
The failed colonization attempts, by theFrench inRio de Janeiro during the 16th century and theDutch inRecife during the 17th century, had negligible effects on Portuguese. The substantial waves of non-Portuguese-speaking immigrants in the late 19th and early 20th centuries (mostly fromItaly,Spain,Germany,Poland,Japan andLebanon) were linguistically integrated into the Portuguese-speaking majority within a few generations, except for some areas of the three southernmost states (Paraná,Santa Catarina, andRio Grande do Sul), in the case of Germans, Italians and Slavics, and in rural areas of the state ofSão Paulo (Italians and Japanese).
Nowadays the overwhelming majority of Brazilians speak Portuguese as their mother tongue, with the exception of small, insular communities of descendants of European (German, Polish, Ukrainian, and Italian) and Japanese immigrants, mostly in the South and Southeast as well as villages and reservations inhabited byAmerindians. And even these populations make use of Portuguese to communicate with outsiders and to understand television and radio broadcasts, for example. Moreover, there is a community ofBrazilian Sign Language users whose number is estimated byEthnologue to be as high as 3 million.[13]
The development of Portuguese in Brazil (and consequently in the rest of the areas where Portuguese is spoken) has been influenced by other languages with which it has come into contact, mainly in the lexicon: first theAmerindian languages of the original inhabitants, then the variousAfrican languages spoken by the slaves, and finally those of later European and Asian immigrants. Although the vocabulary is still predominantly Portuguese, the influence of other languages is evident in the Brazilian lexicon, which today includes, for example, hundreds of words ofTupi–Guarani origin referring to local flora and fauna; numerousWest AfricanYoruba words related to foods, religious concepts, and musical expressions; and English terms from the fields of modern technology and commerce. Although some of these words are more predominant in Brazil, they are also used in Portugal and other countries where Portuguese is spoken.
Words derived from theTupi language are particularly prevalent in place names (Caruaru,Guanabara,Ipanema,Itaquaquecetuba,Paraíba,Pindamonhangaba). The native languages also contributed the names of most of the plants and animals found in Brazil (and most of these are the official names of the animals in other Portuguese-speaking countries as well), includingarara ("macaw"),jacaré ("South Americancaiman"),tucano ("toucan"),mandioca ("cassava"),abacaxi ("pineapple"), and many more. However, many Tupi–Guaranitoponyms did not derive directly from Amerindian expressions, but were in fact coined by European settlers andJesuit missionaries, who used theLíngua Geral extensively in the first centuries of colonization. Many of the Amerindian words entered the Portuguese lexicon as early as in the 16th century, and some of them were eventually borrowed into other European languages.
African languages provided hundreds of words as well, especially in certain semantic domains, as in the following examples, which are also present in Portuguese:
Although the African slaves had various ethnic origins, by far most of the borrowings were contributed (1) byBantu languages (above all,Kimbundu, fromAngola, andKikongo from Angola and the area that is now theRepublic of the Congo and theDemocratic Republic of the Congo),[14] and (2) byNiger-Congo languages, notablyYoruba/Nagô, from what is nowNigeria, and Jeje/Ewe, from what is nowBenin.
There are also many loanwords from other European languages, includingEnglish,French,German, andItalian. In addition, there is a limited set of vocabulary fromJapanese.
Portuguese has borrowed a large number of words from English. In Brazil, these are especially related to the following fields (note that some of these words are used in other Portuguese-speaking countries):
Many of these words are used throughout theLusosphere.
French has contributed to Portuguese words for foods, furniture, and luxurious fabrics, as well as for various abstract concepts. Examples includehors-concours,chic,metrô,batom,soutien,buquê,abajur,guichê,içar,chalé,cavanhaque (fromLouis-Eugène Cavaignac),calibre,habitué,clichê,jargão,manchete,jaqueta,boîte de nuit orboate,cofre,rouge,frufru,chuchu,purê,petit gâteau,pot-pourri,ménage,enfant gâté,enfant terrible,garçonnière,patati-patata,parvenu,détraqué,enquête,equipe,malha,fila,burocracia,birô,affair,grife,gafe,croquette,crocante,croquis,femme fatale,noir,marchand,paletó,gabinete,grã-fino,blasé,de bom tom,bon-vivant,guindaste,guiar,flanar,bonbonnière,calembour,jeu de mots,vis-à-vis,tête-à-tête,mecha,blusa,conhaque,mélange,bric-brac,broche,pâtisserie,peignoir,négliglé,robe de chambre,déshabillé,lingerie,corset,corselet,corpete,pantufas,salopette,cachecol,cachenez,cachepot,colete,colher,prato,costume,serviette,garde-nappe,avant-première,avant-garde,debut,crepe,frappé (including slang),canapé,paetê,tutu,mignon,pince-nez,grand prix,parlamento,patim,camuflagem,blindar (from German),guilhotina,à gogo,pastel,filé,silhueta,menu,maître d'hôtel,bistrô,chef,coq au vin,rôtisserie,maiô,bustiê,collant,fuseau,cigarette,crochê,tricô,tricot ("pullover, sweater"),calção,culotte,botina,bota,galocha,scarpin (ultimately Italian),sorvete,glacê,boutique,vitrine,manequim (ultimately Dutch),machê,tailleur,echarpe,fraque,laquê,gravata,chapéu,boné,edredom,gabardine,fondue,buffet,toalete,pantalon,calça Saint-Tropez,manicure,pedicure,balayage,limusine,caminhão,guidão,cabriolê,capilé,garfo,nicho,garçonete,chenille,chiffon,chemise,chamois,plissê,balonê,frisê,chaminé,guilhochê,château,bidê,redingote,chéri(e),flambado,bufante,pierrot,torniquete,molinete,canivete,guerra (Occitan),escamotear,escroque,flamboyant,maquilagem,visagismo,topete,coiffeur,tênis,cabine,concièrge,chauffeur,hangar,garagem,haras,calandragem,cabaré,coqueluche,coquine,coquette (cocotinha),galã,bas-fond (used as slang),mascote,estampa,sabotagem,RSVP,rendez-vous,chez...,à la carte,à la ...,forró, forrobodó (from 19th-centuryfaux-bourdon).
Brazilian Portuguese tends to adopt French suffixes as inaterrissagem (Fr.atterrissage "landing [aviation]"), differently fromEuropean Portuguese (cf. Eur.Port.aterragem). Brazilian Portuguese (BP) also tends to adopt culture-bound concepts from French. That is the difference between BPestação ("station") and EPgare ("train station," Portugal also usesestação). BPtrem is from Englishtrain (ultimately from French), while EPcomboio is from Fr.convoi. An evident example of the dichotomy between English and French influences can be noted in the use of the expressionsknow-how, used in a technical context, andsavoir-faire in a social context. Portugal uses the expressionhora de ponta, from Frenchl'heure de pointe, to refer to the "rush hour," while Brazil hashorário de pico, horário de pique andhora do rush. Bothbilhar, from Frenchbilliard, and the phonetic adaptationsinuca are used interchangeably for "snooker."
Contributions fromGerman andItalian include terms for foods, music, the arts, and architecture.
From German, besidesstrudel,pretzel,bratwurst,kuchen (alsobolo cuca),sauerkraut (also spelledchucrute from Frenchchoucroute and pronounced[ʃuˈkɾutʃi]),wurstsalat,sauerbraten,Oktoberfest,biergarten,zelt, Osterbaum,Bauernfest,Schützenfest,hinterland,Kindergarten,bock,fassbier andchope (fromSchoppen), there are also abstract terms from German such asProst,zum wohl,doppelgänger (alsosósia),über,brinde,kitsch,ersatz,blitz ("police action"), and possiblyencrenca ("difficult situation," perhaps from Ger.ein Kranker, "a sick person").Xumbergar,brega (from marshalFriedrich Hermann Von Schönberg), andxote (musical style and dance) fromschottisch. A significant number of beer brands in Brazil are named after German culture-bound concepts and place names because the brewing process was brought by German immigrants.
Italian loan words and expressions, in addition to those that are related to food or music, includetchau ("ciao"),nonna,nonnino,imbróglio,bisonho,entrevero,panetone,colomba,è vero,cicerone,male male,capisce,mezzo,va bene,ecco,ecco fatto,ecco qui,caspita,schifoso,gelateria,cavolo,incavolarsi,pivete,engambelar,andiamo via,tiramisu,tarantella,grappa,stratoria. Terms of endearment of Italian origin includeamore,bambino/a,ragazzo/a,caro/a mio/a,tesoro, andbello/a; alsobabo,mamma,baderna (fromMarietta Baderna),carcamano,torcicolo,casanova,noccia,noja,che me ne frega,io ti voglio tanto bene, andti voglio bene assai.
Fewer words have been borrowed fromJapanese. The latter borrowings are also mostly related to food and drink or culture-bound concepts, such asquimono, from Japanesekimono,karaokê,yakisoba,temakeria,sushi bar,mangá,biombo (from Portugal) (frombyó bu sukurín, "folding screen"),jó ken pô orjankenpon ("rock-paper-scissors," played with the Japanese words being said before the start),saquê,sashimi,tempurá (a lexical "loan repayment" from a Portuguese loanword in Japanese),hashi,wasabi,johrei (religious philosophy),nikkei,gaijin ("non-Japanese"),issei ("Japanese immigrant"), as well as the different descending generationsnisei,sansei,yonsei,gossei,rokussei andshichissei. Other Japanese loanwords include racial terms, such asainoko ("Eurasian") andhafu (from Englishhalf); work-related, socioeconomic, historical, and ethnic terms limited to some spheres of society, includingkoseki ("genealogical research"),dekassegui ("dekasegi"),arubaito,kaizen,seiketsu,karoshi ("death by work excess"),burakumin,kamikaze,seppuku,harakiri,jisatsu,jigai, andainu; martial arts terms such askaratê,aikidô,bushidô,katana,judô,jiu-jítsu,kyudô,nunchaku, andsumô; terms related to writing, such askanji,kana,katakana,hiragana, andromaji; and terms for art concepts such askabuki andikebana. Other culture-bound terms from Japanese includeofurô ("Japanese bathtub"),Nihong ("target news niche and websites"),kabocha (type of pumpkin introduced in Japan by the Portuguese),reiki, andshiatsu. Some words have popular usage while others are known for a specific context in specific circles. Terms used amongNikkei descendants includeoba-chan ("grandma");onee-san,onee-chan,onii-san, andonii-chan; toasts and salutations such askampai andbanzai; and somehonorific suffixes of address such aschan,kun,sama,san, andsenpai.
Chinese contributed a few terms such astai chi chuan andchá ("tea"), also in European Portuguese.
The loan vocabulary includes severalcalques, such asarranha-céu ("skyscraper," from Frenchgratte-ciel) andcachorro-quente (from Englishhot dog) in Portuguese worldwide.
Use of the reflexiveme, especially in São Paulo andthe South, is thought to be an Italianism, attributed to the large Italian immigrant population, as are certain prosodic features, including patterns of intonation and stress, also in the South andSoutheast.
Other scholars, however, notably Naro & Scherre,[15] have noted that the same or similar processes can be observed in the European variant, as well as in many varieties of Spanish, and that the main features of Brazilian Portuguese can be traced directly from 16th-century European Portuguese.[15] In fact, they find many of the same phenomena in other Romance languages, includingAranese Occitan,French,Italian andRomanian; they explain these phenomena as due to natural Romancedrift.[15]
Naro and Scherre affirm that Brazilian Portuguese is not a "decreolized" form, but rather the "nativization" of a "radical Romanic" form.[15] They assert that the phenomena found in Brazilian Portuguese are inherited from Classical Latin and Old Portuguese.[15]According to another linguist,[16][17] vernacular Brazilian Portuguese is continuous with European Portuguese, while its phonetics are more conservative in several aspects, characterizing the nativization of akoiné formed by several regional European Portuguese varieties brought to Brazil, modified by natural drift.
The written language taught in Brazilianschools has historically been based by law on the standard ofPortugal[18] and until the 19th century, Portuguese writers often were regarded as models by some Brazilian authors and university professors. However, this aspiration to unity was severely weakened in the 20th century bynationalist movements in literature and the arts, which awakened in many Brazilians a desire for a national style uninfluenced by the standards of Portugal. Later, agreements were reached to preserve at least an orthographic unity throughout the Portuguese-speaking world, including the African and Asian variants of the language (which are typically more similar to EP, due to a Portuguese presence lasting into the second half of the 20th century).
On the other hand, the spoken language was not subject to any of the constraints that applied to the written language, and consequently Brazilian Portuguese sounds different from any of the other varieties of the language. Brazilians, when concerned with pronunciation, look to what is considered the national standard variety, and never to the European one. This linguistic independence was fostered by the tension between Portugal and the settlers (immigrants) in Brazil from the time of the country's de facto settlement, as immigrants were forbidden to speak freely in their native languages in Brazil for fear of severe punishment by the Portuguese authorities. Lately, Brazilians in general have had some exposure to European speech, through TV and music. Often one will see Brazilian actors working in Portugal and Portuguese actors working in Brazil.
Modern Brazilian Portuguese has been highly influenced by other languages introduced by immigrants through the past century, specifically by German, Italian and Japanese immigrants. This high intake of immigrants not only caused the incorporation and/or adaptation of many words and expressions from their native language into local language, but also created specific dialects, such as the GermanHunsrückisch dialect in the South of Brazil.
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The written Brazilian standard differs from the European one to about the same extent that writtenAmerican English differs from written British English. The differences extend to spelling, lexicon, and grammar. However, with the entry into force of the Orthographic Agreement of 1990 in Portugal and in Brazil since 2009, these differences were drastically reduced.
Several Brazilian writers have been awarded with the highest prize of the Portuguese language. TheCamões Prize awarded annually by Portuguese and Brazilians is often regarded as the equivalent of the Nobel Prize in Literature for works in Portuguese.
Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis,João Guimarães Rosa,Carlos Drummond de Andrade,Graciliano Ramos,João Cabral de Melo Neto,Cecília Meireles,Clarice Lispector,José de Alencar,Rachel de Queiroz,Jorge Amado,Castro Alves,Antonio Candido,Autran Dourado,Rubem Fonseca,Lygia Fagundes Telles andEuclides da Cunha are Brazilian writers recognized for writing the most outstanding work in the Portuguese language.
The Brazilian spellings of certain words differ from those used in Portugal and the other Portuguese-speaking countries. Some of these differences are merely orthographic, but others reflect true differences in pronunciation.
Until the implementation of the 1990 orthographic reform, a major subset of the differences related to the consonant clusterscc,cç,ct,pc,pç, andpt. In many cases, the lettersc orp in syllable-final position have become silent in all varieties of Portuguese, a common phonetic change in Romance languages (cf. Spanishobjeto, Frenchobjet). Accordingly, they stopped being written in BP (compareItalian spelling standards), but continued to be written in other Portuguese-speaking countries. For example, the wordacção ("action") in European Portuguese becameação in Brazil, Europeanóptimo ("optimum") becameótimo in Brazil, and so on, where the consonant was silent both in BP and EP, but the words were spelled differently. Only in a small number of words is the consonant silent in Brazil and pronounced elsewhere or vice versa, as in the case of BPfato, but EPfacto. However, the new Portuguese language orthographic reform led to the elimination of the writing of the silent consonants also in the EP, making now the writing system virtually identical in all of the Portuguese-speaking countries.
However, BP has retained thosesilent consonants in a few cases, such asdetectar ("to detect"). In particular, BP generally distinguishes in sound and writing betweensecção ("section" as inanatomy ordrafting) andseção ("section" of an organization); whereas EP usessecção for both senses.
Another major set of differences is the BP usage ofô orê in many words where EP hasó oré, such as BPneurônio / EPneurónio ("neuron") and BParsênico / EParsénico ("arsenic"). These spelling differences are due to genuinely different pronunciations. In EP, the vowelse ando may be open (é oró) or closed (ê orô) when they are stressed before one of the nasal consonantsm,n followed by a vowel, but in BP they are always closed in this environment. The variant spellings are necessary in those cases because the general Portuguese spelling rules mandate a stress diacritic in those words, and the Portuguesediacritics also encode vowel quality.
Another source of variation is the spelling of the[ʒ] sound beforee andi. By Portuguese spelling rules, that sound can be written either asj (favored in BP for certain words) org (favored in EP). Thus, for example, we have BPberinjela/ EPberingela ("eggplant").
The linguistic situation of the BP informal speech in relation to the standard language is controversial. There are authors (Bortoni, Kato, Mattos e Silva, Bagno, Perini) who describe it as a case ofdiglossia, considering that informal BP has developed, both inphonetics andgrammar, in its own particular way.
Accordingly, the formal register of Brazilian Portuguese has a written and spoken form. The written formal register (FW) is used in almost all printed media and written communication, is uniform throughout the country and is the "Portuguese" officially taught at school. The spoken formal register (FS) is essentially a phonetic rendering of the written form. (FS) is used in very formal situations, such as speeches or ceremonies or when reading directly out of a text. While (FS) is necessarily uniform in lexicon and grammar, it shows noticeable regional variations in pronunciation.
The main and most general (i.e. not considering various regional variations) characteristics of the informal variant of BP are the following. While these characteristics are typical of Brazilian speech, some may also be present to varying degrees in other Lusophone areas, particular in Angola, Mozambique and Cabo Verde, which frequently incorporate certain features common to both the South American and European varieties. Although these characteristics would be readily understood in Portugal due to exposure to Brazilian media (and because they are observable in Portugal to some extent as well), other forms are preferred there (except the points concerning "estar" and "dar").
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Modernlinguistic studies have shown that Brazilian Portuguese is atopic-prominent or topic- and subject-prominent language.[21] Sentences with topic are extensively used in Portuguese, perhaps more in Brazilian Portuguese most often by means of turning an element (object or verb) in the sentence into an introductory phrase, on which the body of the sentence constitutes a comment (topicalization), thus emphasizing it, as inEsses assuntos eu não conheço bem, literally, "These subjects I don't know [them] well"[22] (although this sentence would be perfectly acceptable in Portugal as well). In fact, in the Portuguese language, the anticipation of the verb or object at the beginning of the sentence, repeating it or using the respective pronoun referring to it, is also quite common, e.g. inEssa menina, eu não sei o que fazer com ela ("This girl, I don't know what to do with her") orCom essa menina eu não sei o que fazer ("With this girl I don't know what to do").[23] The use of redundant pronouns for means of topicalization is considered grammatically incorrect, because the topicalized noun phrase, according to traditional European analysis, has no syntactic function. This kind of construction, however, is often used in European Portuguese. Brazilian grammars traditionally treat this structure similarly, rarely mentioning such a thing astopic. Nevertheless, the so-calledanacoluthon has taken on a new dimension in Brazilian Portuguese.[24] The poetCarlos Drummond de Andrade once wrote a shortmetapoema (ametapoem, i. e., a poem about poetry, a specialty for which he was renowned) treating the concept ofanacoluto:
[...] O homem, chamar-lhe mito não passa de anacoluto[25] (The man, calling him myth is nothing more than an anacoluthon).
In colloquial language, this kind ofanacoluto may even be used when the subject itself is the topic, only to add more emphasis to this fact, e.g. the sentenceEssa menina, ela costuma tomar conta de cachorros abandonados ("This girl, she usually takes care of abandoned dogs"). This structure highlights the topic, and could be more accurately translated as "As for this girl, she usually takes care of abandoned dogs."
The use of this construction is particularly common withcompound subjects, as in, e.g.,Eu e ela, nós fomos passear ("She and I, we went for a walk"). This happens because the traditional syntax (Eu e ela fomos passear) places a plural-conjugated verb immediately following an argument in the singular, which may sound unnatural to Brazilian ears. The redundant pronoun thus clarifies the verbal inflection in such cases.
Portuguese makes extensive use of verbs in the progressive aspect, almost as in English.
Brazilian Portuguese seldom has the present continuous constructestar a + infinitive, which, in contrast, has become quite common in European over the last few centuries. BP maintains the Classical Portuguese form of continuous expression, which is made byestar +gerund.
Thus, Brazilians will always writeela está dançando ("she is dancing"), notela está a dançar. The same restriction applies to several other uses of the gerund: BP usesficamos conversando ("we kept on talking") andele trabalha cantando ("he sings while he works"), but rarelyficamos a conversar andele trabalha a cantar as is the case in most varieties of EP.
BP retains the combinationa + infinitive for uses that are not related to continued action, such asvoltamos a correr ("we went back to running"). Some varieties of EP [namely fromAlentejo, Algarve, Açores (Azores), and Madeira] also tend to featureestar +gerund, as in Brazil.
In general, the dialects that gave rise to Portuguese had quite a flexible use of the object pronouns in the proclitic or enclitic positions. In Classical Portuguese, the use of proclisis was very extensive, while, on the contrary, in modern European Portuguese the use of enclisis has become indisputably predominant.
BP normally places theobject pronoun before the verb (proclitic position), as inele me viu ("he saw me"). In many such cases, the proclisis would be considered awkward or even grammatically incorrect in EP, in which the pronoun is generally placed after the verb (enclitic position), namelyele viu-me. However, formal BP still follows EP in avoiding starting a sentence with a proclitic pronoun, so both will haveDeram-lhe o livro ("They gave him/her the book") instead ofLhe deram o livro, though it will seldom be spoken in BP (but would be clearly understood). The first-person singular proclitic pronoun frequently occurs at the beginning of a phrase in informal BP when it precedes an imperative, for example,Me olha ("Look at me"),Me avisa quando vocês chegarem em casa ("Let me know when you (pl.) get home").
In complex verbal predicates, BP normally has the object pronoun intervening between the auxiliary verb and the main one (ela vem me pagando but notela me vem pagando orela vem pagando-me). In some cases, in order to adapt this use to the standard grammar, some Brazilian scholars recommend thatela vem me pagando should be writtenela vem-me pagando (as in EP), in which case the enclisis could be totally acceptable if there were no factor of proclisis. Therefore, this phenomenon may or not be considered improper according to the prescribed grammar, since, according to the case, there could be a factor of proclisis that would not permit the placement of the pronoun between the verbs (e.g. when there is a negative particle near the pronoun, in which case the standard grammar prescribes proclisis:ela não me vem pagando and notela não vem-me pagando). Nevertheless, nowadays it is becoming perfectly acceptable to use a clitic between two verbs without linking it with a hyphen (as inpoderia se dizer, ornão vamos lhes dizer), and this usage (known aspronome solto entre dois verbos) can be found in modern(ist) literature, textbooks, magazines and newspapers likeFolha de S.Paulo andO Estadão (see in-house style manuals of these newspapers, available on-line, for more details).
BP rarely uses the contracted combinations of direct and indirect object pronouns which are sometimes used in EP, such asme +o =mo,lhe +as =lhas. Instead, the indirect clitic is replaced by preposition + strong pronoun: thus BP writesela o deu para mim ("she gave it to me") instead of EPela deu-mo; the latter most probably will not be understood by Brazilians, being obsolete in BP.
Themesoclitic placement of pronouns (between the verb stem and its inflection suffix) is viewed as archaic in BP, and therefore is restricted to very formal situations or stylistic texts. Hence the phraseEu dar-lhe-ia, still current in EP, would be normally writtenEu lhe daria in BP. Incidentally, a marked fondness for enclitic and mesoclitic pronouns was one of the many memorable eccentricities of former Brazilian PresidentJânio Quadros, as in his famous quoteBebo-o porque é líquido, se fosse sólido comê-lo-ia ("I drink it [liquor] because it is liquid, if it were solid I would eat it")
There are many differences between formal written BP and EP that are simply a matter of different preferences between two alternative words or constructions that are both officially valid and acceptable.
A few synthetic tenses are usually replaced by compound tenses, such as in:
Also, spoken BP usually uses the verbter ("own", "have", sense of possession) and rarelyhaver ("have", sense of existence, or "there to be"), especially as an auxiliary (as it can be seen above) and as a verb of existence.
This phenomenon is also observed in Portugal.
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In many ways, Brazilian Portuguese (BP) isconservative in its phonology. This is also true ofAngolan andSão Tomean Portuguese, as well as otherAfrican dialects. Brazilian Portuguese has eight oral vowels, five nasal vowels, and severaldiphthongs andtriphthongs, some oral and some nasal.
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The reduction ofvowels is one of the main phonetic characteristics of Portuguese generally, but in Brazilian Portuguese the intensity and frequency of that phenomenon varies significantly.
Vowels in Brazilian Portuguese generally are pronounced more openly than in European Portuguese, even when reduced. In syllables that follow the stressed syllable, ⟨o⟩ is generally pronounced as[u], ⟨a⟩ as[ɐ], and ⟨e⟩ as[i]. Some varieties of BP follow this pattern for vowelsbefore the stressed syllable as well, whereas most varieties have the following five vowels before a stressed syllable:[u],[o],[ɐ],[e] and[i].
In contrast, speakers of European Portuguese pronounce unstressed ⟨a⟩ primarily as[ɐ], and theyelide some unstressed vowels or reduce them to a short, near-close near-back unrounded vowel[ɨ], a sound that does not exist in BP. Thus, for example, the wordsetembro is[seˈtẽbɾu~sɛˈtẽbɾu] in BP, but[sɨˈtẽbɾu~ˈstẽbɾu] in European Portuguese.
The main difference among the dialects of Brazilian Portuguese is the frequent presence or absence of open vowels in unstressed syllables. In dialects of theSouth andSoutheast, unstressed ⟨e⟩ and ⟨o⟩ (when they are not reduced to[i] and[u]) are pronounced as theclose-mid vowels[e] and[o]. Thus,operação (operation) andrebolar (to shake one's body) may be pronounced[opeɾaˈsɐ̃w̃] and[ʁeboˈla(ʁ)]. Open-mid vowels can occur only in the stressed syllable. An exception is in the formation of diminutives or augmentatives. For example,cafézinho (demitasse coffee) andbolinha (little ball) are pronounced with open-mid vowels although these vowels are not in stressed position.
Meanwhile, in accents of theNortheast andNorth, in patterns that have not yet been much studied, theopen-mid vowels[ɛ] and[ɔ] can occur in unstressed syllables in a large number of words. Thus, the above examples would be pronounced[ɔpɛɾaˈsɐ̃w̃] and[ʁɛbɔˈla(ʁ)].
Another difference between Northern/Northeastern dialects and Southern/Southeastern ones is the pattern ofnasalization of vowels before ⟨m⟩ and ⟨n⟩. In all dialects and all syllables, orthographic ⟨m⟩ or ⟨n⟩ followed by another consonant represents nasalization of the preceding vowel. But when the ⟨m⟩ or ⟨n⟩ is syllable-initial (i.e. followed by a vowel), it represents nasalization only of a precedingstressed vowel in the South and Southeast, as compared to nasalization ofany vowel, regardless of stress, in the Northeast and North. A famous example of this distinction is the wordbanana, which a Northeasterner would pronounce[bɐ̃ˈnɐ̃nɐ], while a Southerner would pronounce[baˈnɐ̃nɐ].
Vowel nasalization in somedialects of Brazilian Portuguese is very different from that of French, for example. In French, the nasalization extends uniformly through the entire vowel, whereas in the Southern-Southeastern dialects of Brazilian Portuguese, the nasalization begins almost imperceptibly and then becomes stronger toward the end of the vowel. In this respect it is more similar to the nasalization ofHindi-Urdu (seeAnusvara). In some cases, the nasalarchiphoneme even entails the insertion of anasal consonant such as[m,n,ŋ,ȷ̃,w̃,ɰ̃] (comparePolish phonology § Open), as in the following examples:
One of the most noticeable tendencies of modern BP is thepalatalization of/d/ and/t/ by most regions, which are pronounced[dʒ] and[tʃ], respectively, before/i/. The wordpresidente "president," for example, is pronounced[pɾeziˈdẽtʃi] in these regions of Brazil but[pɾɨziˈðẽtɨ] in Portugal.
The pronunciation probably began inRio de Janeiro and is often still associated with this city but is now standard in many other states and major cities, such asBelo Horizonte andSalvador, and it has spread more recently to some regions ofSão Paulo (because of migrants from other regions), where it is common in most speakers under 40 or so.
It has always been standard in Brazil'sJapanese community since it is also a feature ofJapanese. The regions that still preserve the unpalatalized[ti] and[di] are mostly in the Northeast and South ofBrazil by the stronger influence from European Portuguese (Northeast), and from Italian and Argentine Spanish (South).[32]
Another common change that differentiates Brazilian Portuguese from other dialect groups is thepalatalization of/n/ and/l/ followed by the vowel/i/, yielding[nʲ~ɲ] and[lʲ~ʎ].menina, "girl"[miˈnĩnɐ~miˈnʲĩnɐ~miˈɲĩnɐ][citation needed];Babilônia, "Babylon"[babiˈlõniɐ~babiˈlõnʲɐ~babiˈlõɲɐ];limão, "lemon"[liˈmɐ̃w̃~lʲiˈmɐ̃w̃~ʎiˈmɐ̃w̃];sandália, "sandal"[sɐ̃ˈdaliɐ~sɐ̃ˈdalʲɐ~sɐ̃ˈdaʎɐ].[33]
A change that is in the process of spreading in BP and perhaps started in the Northeast is the insertion of[j] after stressed vowels before/s/ at the end of a syllable. It began in the context of/a/ (mas "but" is now pronounced[majs] in most of Brazil, making ithomophonous withmais "more").
Also, the change is spreading to other final vowels, and at least in the Northeast and the Southeast, the normal pronunciation ofvoz "voice" is/vɔjs/. Similarly,três "three" becomes/tɾejs/, making it rhyme withseis "six"/sejs/; this may explain the common Brazilian replacement ofseis withmeia ("half", as in "half a dozen") when pronouncing phone numbers.
BP tends to break up consonant clusters, if the second consonant is not/ɾ/,/l/, or/s/, by inserting anepenthetic vowel,/i/, which can also be characterized, in some situations, as aschwa. The phenomenon happens mostly in the pretonic position and with the consonant clustersks,ps,bj,dj,dv,kt,bt,ft,mn,tm anddm: clusters that are not very common in the language ("afta":[ˈaftɐ>ˈafitɐ]; "opção" :[opˈsɐ̃w̃] >[opiˈsɐ̃w̃]).
However, in many regions of Brazil, there has been an opposite tendency to reduce the unstressed/i/ into a very weak vowel sopartes ordestratar are often realized similarly to[pahts] and[dstɾaˈta]. Sometimes, the phenomenon occurs even more intensely in unstressed posttonic vowels (except the final ones) and causes the reduction of the word and the creation of new consonant clusters ("prática"[ˈpɾatʃikɐ>ˈpɾatʃkɐ]; "máquina"[ˈmakinɐ>maknɐ]; "abóbora"[aˈbɔboɾɐ>aˈbɔbɾɐ]; "cócega"[ˈkɔsegɐ>ˈkɔsgɐ]).
The syllable-final/l/ is pronounced[w][34], and the syllable-final rhotic is the hard/ʁ/ or/h/ ~/ɦ/ and other common allophones in theNorth andNortheast and most of theSoutheast, while the city ofSão Paulo andthe South conserve the tap/ɾ/ and most of the state ofSão Paulo (including parts of the city) andCentral-West use/ɹ/ ~/ɻ/. This, along with other adaptations, sometimes results in rather striking transformations of commonloanwords.
The brand name "McDonald's," for example, is rendered[mɛk(i)ˈdõnawdʒ(i)s], and the word "rock" (the music) is rendered as[ˈʁɔk(i)]. Given that historical/n/ and/m/ no longer appear in syllable-final position (having been replaced by nasalization of the preceding vowel), these varieties of BP have come to strongly favor open syllables.
A related aspect of BP is the suppression of the phrase-final rhotic, even in formal speech, except before a word-initial vowel. Comparematar[maˈta] 'to kill' withmatar o tempo[maˈtaɾuˈtẽpu] 'to kill time'. The same suppression also happens occasionally in EP, but much less often than in BP.[35] (Compare:linking r in non-rhotic English dialects).
Nasalization is very common in many BP dialects and is especially noticeable in vowels before/n/ or/m/ in the syllable onset. For the same reason, open vowels (which are not normally under nasalization in Portuguese) cannot occur before/n/ or/m/ in BP, but can in EP. This nasalization sometimes affects the spelling of words. For example,harmónico "harmonic"[ɐɾˈmɔniku] isharmônico[aɾˈmõniku] in BP[citation needed]. It also can affect verbal paradigms: Portuguese distinguishesfalamos "we speak"[fɐˈlɐ̃muʃ] from 'falámos'[fɐˈlamuʃ] "we spoke," but in BP, it is written and pronouncedfalamos[faˈlɐ̃mus] for both.
Related is the difference in pronunciation of the consonant represented bynh in most BP dialects. It is always[ɲ] in Portuguese, but in most regions of Brazil, it represents a nasalized semivowel[j̃], which nasalizes the preceding vowel as well:[36]manhãzinha[mɐ̃j̃ɐ̃zĩj̃ɐ] ("early morning").
European Portuguese consistently realizes the syllable-final sibilants as palatal/ʃ,ʒ/ (depending on the voicing of the following sound), while most dialects of BP maintain them as dentals. Whether such a change happens in BP is highly variable according to dialect.Rio de Janeiro and a few states in the Northeast are particularly known for such pronunciation;São Paulo, on the other hand, along with most other Brazilian dialects, is particularly known for lacking it.
In the Northeast, it is more likely to happen before a consonant than word-finally, and it varies from region to region. Some dialects (such as that ofPernambuco) have the same pattern as Rio, while in several other dialects (such as that ofCeará), the palatal/ʃ,ʒ/ replace/s,z/ only before the consonants/t/ and/d/.
In addition to the phonemic variation between/ʁ/ and/ɾ/ between vowels, up to four allophones of the "merged" phoneme /R/ are found in other positions:[37]
The default hard allophone is some sort of voiceless fricative in most dialects, e.g.,[χ][h][x], although other variants are also found. For example, an alveolar trill[r] is found in certain conservative dialects down São Paulo, of Italian-speaking, Spanish-speaking, Arabic-speaking, or Slavic-speaking influence. A uvular trill[ʀ] is found in areas of German-speaking, French-speaking, and Portuguese-descended influence throughout coastal Brazil down Espírito Santo, most prominently in parts of Rio de Janeiro.[38]
The syllable-final allophone shows the greatest variation:
Several sound changes that historically affected European Portuguese were not shared by BP. Consonant changes in European Portuguese include the weakening of/b/,/d/, and/ɡ/ to fricatives[β],[ð], and[ɣ], while in BP these phonemes are maintained as stops in all positions. A vowel change in European Portuguese that does not occur in BP is the lowering of/e/ to/ɐ/ before the palatals (/ʃ,ʒ,ɲ,ʎ,j/) and in the diphthongem/ẽj̃/, which merges with the diphthongãe/ɐ̃j̃/ normally, but not in BP.
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There are various differences between European Portuguese and Brazilian Portuguese, such as the dropping of thesecond-person conjugations (and, in some dialects, of thesecond-person pronoun itself) in everyday usage and the use of subject pronouns (ele, ela, eles, elas) as direct objects.
Spoken Brazilian Portuguese usage differs from Standard Portuguese usage. The differences include the placement ofclitic pronouns and, in Brazil, the use of subject pronouns as objects in the third person. Nonstandard verb inflections are also common in colloquial Brazilian Portuguese.
Spoken Portuguese rarely uses the affirmation adverbsim ("yes") in informal speech. Instead, the usual reply is a repetition of the verb of the question (as in theCeltic languages):
BP:
or
Translation
In BP, it is common to form ayes–no question as a declarative sentence followed by thetag questionnão é? ("isn't it?"), contracted in informal speech toné? (compare English "He is a teacher, isn't he?"). The affirmative answer to such a question is a repetition of the verbé:
BP:
—Ele não fez o que devia, né? ("He didn't do what he should have, did he?")
—É. ("Right, he didn't.")
or
—Ela já foi atriz, né? ("She had already been an actress, hadn't she?")
—É. ("She already had.") Or –É, sim, ela já foi. (If a longer answer is preferred.)
It is also common to negate statements twice for emphasis, withnão ("no") before and after the verb:
BP:
Sometimes, even a triple negative is possible:
In some regions, the first "não" of a "não...não" pair is pronounced[nũ].
In some cases, the redundancy of the firstnão results in its omission, which makes BP a likely example ofJespersen's Cycle:
BP:
— Você fala inglês?
Translation
Standard Portuguese forms a command according to thegrammatical person of the subject (who is ordered to do the action) by using either the imperative form of the verb or the present subjunctive. Thus, one should use different inflections according to the pronoun used as the subject:tu ('you', the grammatical second person with the imperative form) orvocê ('you', the grammatical third person with the present subjunctive):
Currently, several dialects of BP have largely lost the second-person pronouns, but even they use the second-person imperative in addition to the third-person present subjunctive form that should be used withvocê:
Brazilian Portuguese uses the second-person imperative forms even when referring tovocê and nottu, in the case of the verbser 'to be (permanently)' andestar 'to be (temporarily)', the second-person imperativesê andestá are never used; the third-person subjunctive formsseja andesteja may be used instead.
The negative command forms use thesubjunctivepresent tense forms of the verb. However, as for the second person forms, Brazilian Portuguese traditionally does not use the subjunctive-derived ones in spoken language. Instead, they employ the imperative forms: "Não anda," rather than the grammatically correct "Não andes."
As for other grammatical persons, there is no such phenomenon because both the positive imperative and the negative imperative forms are from their respective present tense forms in the subjunctive mood:Não jogue papel na grama (Don't throw paper on the grass);Não fume (Don't smoke).
In spoken Brazilian Portuguese, the first two adjectives/pronouns usually merge:
Example:
Perhaps as a means of avoiding or clarifying some ambiguities created by the fact that "este" ([st] >[s]) and "esse" have merged into the same word, informal BP often uses the demonstrative pronoun with some adverb that indicates its placement in relation to the addressee: if there are two skirts in a room and one says,Pega essa saia para mim (Take this skirt for me), there may be some doubt about which of them must be taken so one may sayPega essa aí (Take this one there near you") in the original sense of the use of "essa", orPega essa saia aqui (Take this one here).
In many dialects of BP,você (formal "you") replacestu (informal "you"). The object pronoun, however, is stillte ([tʃi],[te]or[ti]). Also, other forms such asteu (possessive),ti (postprepositional), andcontigo ("with you") are still common in most regions of Brazil, especially in areas in whichtu is still frequent.
Hence, the combination of objectte with subjectvocê in informal BP:eu te disse para você ir (I told you that you should go). In addition, in all the country, the imperative forms may also be the same as the formal second-person forms, but it is argued by some that it is the third-person singular indicative which doubles as the imperative:fala o que você fez instead offale o que você fez ("say what you did").
In areas in whichvocê has largely replacedtu, the formsti/te andcontigo may be replaced byvocê andcom você. Therefore, eithervocê (following the verb) orte (preceding the verb) can be used as the object pronoun in informal BP.
A speaker may thus end up saying "I love you" in two ways:eu amo você oreu te amo. In parts of the Northeast, most specifically in the states ofPiauí andPernambuco, it is also common to use the indirect object pronounlhe as a second-person object pronoun:eu lhe amo.
In parts of the South, in most of the North and most of the Northeast, and in the city ofSantos, the distinction between semi-formal 'você' and familiar 'tu' is still maintained, and object and possessive pronouns pattern likewise. In theParaná state capital,Curitiba, 'tu' is not generally used.[40]
InRio de Janeiro and minor parts of the Northeast (interior of some states and some speakers from the coast), bothtu andvocê (and associated object and possessive pronouns) are used interchangeably with little or no difference (sometimes even in the same sentence).[41] InSalvador,tu is never used and is replaced byvocê.
Most Brazilians who usetu use it with the third-person verb:tu vai ao banco. "Tu" with the second-person verb can still be found inMaranhão,Pernambuco,Piauí,Santa Catarina, and in theAmazofonia dialect region (e.g.Manaus,Belém).
A few cities inRio Grande do Sul (but in the rest of the state speakers may or may not use it in more formal speech), mainly near the border withUruguay, have a slightly different pronunciation in some instances (tu vieste becomestu viesse), which is also present inSanta Catarina andPernambuco. In the states ofPará and Amazonas,tu is used much more often thanvocê and is always accompanied by a second-person verb ("tu queres", tu "viste").
InSão Paulo, the use of "tu" in print and conversation is no longer very common and is replaced by "você". However, São Paulo is now home to many immigrants of Northeastern origin, who may employ "tu" quite often in their everyday speech.Você is predominant in most of the Southeastern and Center Western regions; it is almost entirely prevalent in the states ofMinas Gerais (apart from portions of the countryside, such as the region of São João da Ponte, where "tu" is also present[42]) andEspírito Santo, but "tu" is frequent inSantos and all coastal region of São Paulo state as well as some cities in the countryside.
In most of Brazil "você" is often reduced to even more contracted forms, resultingocê (mostly in theCaipira dialect) and, especially,cê becausevo- is an unstressed syllable and so is dropped in rapid speech.
The table for 2nd person singular conjugation in Brazilian Portuguese is presented below:[43][44][45]
| você (standard) | você (colloquial) | tu (standard) | tu (colloquial) | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Present indicative | fala | falas | fala | |
| Past indicative | falou | falaste | falaste, falasse, falou | |
| Imperfect subjunctive | falasse | falasses | falasse | |
| Imperative positive | fale | fala, fale | fala | fala, fale |
| Imperative negative | não fale | não fale, não fala | não fales | não fale, não fala |
| Reflexive | se parece | te pareces | se parece, te parece | |
In spoken informal registers of BP, the third-person object pronouns 'o', 'a', 'os', and 'as' are virtually nonexistent and are simply left out or, when necessary and usually only when referring to people, replaced by stressed subject pronouns likeele "he" orisso "that":Eu vi ele "I saw him" rather thanEu o vi.
Whenvocê is strictly a second-person pronoun, the use of possessiveseu/sua may turn some phrases quite ambiguous since one would wonder whether seu/sua refers to the second personvocê or to the third personele/ela.
BP thus tends to use the third-person possessive 'seu' to mean "your" sincevocê is a third-person pronoun and uses 'dele', 'dela', 'deles', and 'delas' ("of him/her/them" and placed after the noun) as third-person possessive forms. If no ambiguity could arise (especially in narrative texts),seu is also used to mean 'his' or 'hers'.
Both forms ('seu' or 'dele(s) /dela(s)') are considered grammatically correct in Brazilian Portuguese.
In Portuguese, one may or may not include the definite article before apossessive pronoun (meu livro oro meu livro, for instance). The variants of use in each dialect of Portuguese are mostly a matter of preference: it does not usually mean a dialect completely abandoned either form.
In Southeastern Brazilian Portuguese, especially in the standard dialects of the cities ofRio de Janeiro andSão Paulo, the definite article is normally used as in Portugal, but many speakers do not use it at the beginning of the sentence or in titles:Minha novela,Meu tio matou um cara.
In Northeastern BP dialects and in Central and Northern parts of the state ofRio de Janeiro (starting fromNiterói), rural parts ofMinas Gerais, and all overEspírito Santo State, speakers tend to but do not always drop thedefinite article, but bothesse é o meu gato andesse é meu gato are likely in speech.
Formal written Brazilian Portuguese tends, however, to omit the definite article in accordance with prescriptive grammar rules derived from Classical Portuguese even if the alternative form is also considered correct, but many teachers consider it inelegant.
Some of the examples on the right side of the table below are colloquial or regional in Brazil. Literal translations are provided to illustrate how word order changes between varieties.
| Brazilian Portuguese (formal) | Brazilian Portuguese (colloquial) | |
|---|---|---|
| placement of clitic pronouns | Eu te amo. "I you/thee love." | |
| Responda-me! (você) "Answer me!" (you) | Me responda! (você)1 Me responde! (você)1 "Me to answer!" (you) | |
| use of personal pronouns | Eu a vi. "I her saw." | Eu vi ela. "I saw she." |
Word order in the first Brazilian Portuguese example is frequent in European Portuguese. Similar to the subordinate clauses likeSabesque eu te amo "You knowthat I love you," but not in simple sentences like "I love you."
However, in Portugal, an object pronoun would never be placed at the start of a sentence, as in the second example. The example in the bottom row of the table, with its deletion of "redundant" inflections, is considered ungrammatical, but it is nonetheless dominant in Brazil throughout all social classes.
Just as in the case of English, whose various dialects sometimes use different prepositions with the same verbs or nouns (stand in/on line, in/on the street), BP usage sometimes requires prepositions that would not be normally used in Portuguese for the same context.
Chamar 'call' is normally used with the prepositionde in BP, especially when it means 'to describe someone as':
When movement to a place is described, BP usesem (contracted with an article, if necessary):
In BP, the prepositionpara can also be used with such verbs with no difference in meaning:
Brazil, due to its continental size and theimmigration to Brazil that colonized and populated the country for centuries, has differentdialects throughout the national territory. The dialects usually differ in vocabulary, pronunciation and non-standard grammar usage specially in verb conjugation and pronoun usage system. Those differences aside, all dialects remain mutually intelligible.
Fluminense — A broad dialect with many variants spoken in the states ofRio de Janeiro,Espírito Santo and neighbouring eastern regions ofMinas Gerais.Fluminense formed in these previouslycaipira-speaking areas due to the gradual influence of European migrants, causing many people to distance their speech from their original dialect and incorporate new terms.[58]Fluminense is sometimes referred to ascarioca, howevercarioca is a more specific term referring to the accent of theGreater Rio de Janeiro area by speakers with afluminense dialect.Nordestino[c] — more marked in theSertão (7), where, in the 19th and 20th centuries and especially in the area including and surrounding thesertão (the dry land afterAgreste) of Pernambuco and southern Ceará, it could sound less comprehensible to speakers of other Portuguese dialects than Galician orRioplatense Spanish, and nowadays less distinctive from other variants in the metropolitan citiesalong the coasts. It can be divided in two regional variants: one that includes the northernMaranhão and southern ofPiauí and another that goes fromCeará toAlagoas.
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According to some contemporary Brazilian linguists (Bortoni, Kato, Mattos e Silva, Perini, and most recently, with great impact, Bagno), Brazilian Portuguese may be a highlydiglossic language.[69] This theory claims that there is an L-variant (termed "Brazilian Vernacular"), which would be the mother tongue of most Brazilians, and an H-variant (standard Brazilian Portuguese) acquired through schooling.[dubious –discuss]
L-variant represents a simplified form of the language (in terms of grammar, but not of phonetics) that could have evolved from 16th-century Portuguese, influenced byAmerindian (mostlyTupi) andAfrican languages, while H-variant would be based on 19th-century European Portuguese (and very similar to Standard European Portuguese, with only minor differences inspelling and grammar usage).
Mário A. Perini, a Brazilian linguist, even compares the depth of the differences between L- and H- variants of Brazilian Portuguese with those between Standard Spanish and European Portuguese. However, his proposal is not widely accepted by either grammarians or academics.[70] Milton M. Azevedo wrote a chapter on diglossia in his monograph:Portuguese language (A linguistic introduction), published by Cambridge University Press in 2005.
From this point of view, the L-variant is the spoken form of Brazilian Portuguese, which should be avoided only in very formal speech (court interrogation, political debate) while the H-variant is the written form of Brazilian Portuguese, avoided only in informal writing (such as song lyrics, love letters, intimate friends correspondence). Even teachers which teach Portuguese as a subject frequently use the L-variant while explaining students the structure and usage of the H-variant; in essays, nevertheless, all students are expected to use H-variant.
The L-variant may be used in songs, movies, soap operas, sitcoms and other television shows, although, at times, the H-variant is used in historic films or soap operas to make the language used sound more 'elegant' or 'archaic'. The H-variant used to be preferred when dubbing foreign films and series into Brazilian Portuguese, but nowadays the L-variant is preferred, although this seems to lack evidence. Movie subtitles normally use a mixture of L- and H-variants, but remain closer to the H-variant.
Most literary works are written in the H-variant. There would have been attempts at writing in the L-variant (such as the masterpieceMacunaíma by Brazilian modernistMário de Andrade andGrande Sertão: Veredas by JoãoGuimarães Rosa), but, presently, the L-variant is claimed to be used only in dialogue. Still, many contemporary writers like using the H-variant even in informal dialogue. This is also true of translated books, which never use the L-variant, only the H one. Children's books seem to be more L-friendly, but, again, if they are translated from another language (The Little Prince, for instance) they will use the H-variant only.[71][unreliable source?]
This theory also posits that the matter of diglossia in Brazil is further complicated by forces of political and cultural bias, though those are not clearly named. Language is sometimes a tool of social exclusion or social choice.[72]
Mário A. Perini, a Brazilian linguist, has said:
"There are two languages in Brazil. The one we write (and which is called "Portuguese"), and another one that we speak (which is so despised that there is not a name to call it). The latter is the mother tongue of Brazilians, the former has to be learned in school, and a majority of population does not manage to master it appropriately.... Personally, I do not object to us writing Portuguese, but I think it is important to make clear that Portuguese is (at least in Brazil) only a written language. Our mother tongue is not Portuguese, but Brazilian Vernacular. This is not a slogan, nor a political statement, it is simply recognition of a fact.... There are linguistic teams working hard in order to give the full description of the structure of the Vernacular. So, there are hopes, that within some years, we will have appropriate grammars of our mother tongue, the language that has been ignored, denied and despised for such a long time."[70][unreliable source?]
According to Milton M. Azevedo (Brazilian linguist):
"The relationship between Vernacular Brazilian Portuguese and the formal prescriptive variety fulfills the basic conditions ofFerguson's definition [of diglossia]...[...] Considering the difficulty encountered by vernacular speakers to acquire the standard, an understanding of those relationships appears to have broad educational significance. The teaching of Portuguese has traditionally meant imparting a prescriptive formal standard based on a literary register (Cunha 1985: 24) that is often at variance with the language with which students are familiar. As in a diglossic situation, vernacular speakers must learn to read and write in a dialect they neither speak nor fully understand, a circumstance that may have a bearing on the high dropout rate in elementary schools..."[73]
According to Bagno (1999),[74] the two variants coexist and intermingle quite seamlessly, but their status is not clear-cut. Brazilian Vernacular is still frowned upon by most grammarians and language teachers. Some of this minority, of which Bagno is an example, appeal to their readers by their ideas that grammarians would be detractors of the termed Brazilian Vernacular, by naming it a "corrupt" form of the "pure" standard, an attitude which they classify as "linguistic prejudice". Their arguments include the postulate that the Vernacular form simplifies some of the intricacies of standard Portuguese (verbal conjugation, pronoun handling, plural forms, etc.).
Bagno denounces the prejudice against the vernacular in what he terms the "8 Myths":
In opposition to the "myths", Bagno counters that:
Whether Bagno's points are valid or not is open to debate, especially the solutions he recommends for the problems he claims to have identified. Whereas some agree that he has captured the feelings of the Brazilians towards Brazil's linguistic situation well, his book (Linguistic Prejudice: What it Is, How it is done) has been heavily criticized by some linguists and grammarians, due to his unorthodox claims, sometimes asserted to be biased or unproven.[74]
The cultural influence of Brazilian Portuguese in the rest of the Portuguese-speaking world has greatly increased in the last decades of the 20th century, due to the popularity ofBrazilian music andBrazilian soap operas. Since Brazil joinedMercosul, the South American free trade zone, Portuguese has been increasingly studied as aforeign language in Spanish-speaking partner countries.[75]
Many words of Brazilian origin (also used in other Portuguese-speaking countries) have also entered intoEnglish:samba,bossa nova,cruzeiro,milreis andcapoeira. While originally Angolan, the word "samba" only became famous worldwide because of its popularity in Brazil.
After independence in 1822, Brazilian idioms with African andAmerindian influences were brought to Portugal by returningPortuguese Brazilians (luso-brasileiros in Portuguese).
pt is alanguage code forPortuguese, defined byISO standards (seeISO 639-1 andISO 3166-1 alpha-2).
There is no ISO code for spoken or written Brazilian Portuguese.
bzs is alanguage code for theBrazilian Sign Language, defined byISO standards (seeISO 639-3).[76]
pt-BR is alanguage code for theBrazilian Portuguese, defined byInternet standards (seeIETF language tag).
Brazilian Portuguese phrasebook travel guide from Wikivoyage
{{cite book}}:Check|isbn= value: checksum (help)A conclusão será que nos encontramos em presença de dois segmentos fonológicos /kʷ/ e /ɡʷ/, respetivamente, com uma articulação vocálica. Bisol (2005:122), tal como Freitas (1997), afirma que não estamos em presença de um ataque ramificado. Neste caso, a glide, juntamente com a vogal que a sucede, forma um ditongo no nível pós-lexical. Esta conclusão implica um aumento do número de segmentos no inventário segmental fonológico do português.
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