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Bono State Bonoman
11th-13th century–1723
Status	Former kingdom
Capital and largest city	Bono Manso
Common languages	Bono Twi
Religion	Bono ancestral religion ancestor veneration earth deity worship
Demonym	Bono
Government	Monarchy
Bonohene
• Pre-11th century	Nana Asaman (Ancestory and traditional founder)
• d. 1723	Ameyaw Kwakye I (Last independent Bonohene)
Legislature	Council of Chiefs (Amanhene)
Historical era	Precolonial West Africa
• Early occupation ofAmowi I[1]	c. 440AD
• Established	11th-13th century
• Consolidation of power through formation of early Bono towns under local chiefs[2]	11th–13th centuries
• Territorial expansion under Ameyaw and Obunumankoma	14th–16th centuries
• Period of prosperity and extensive northern trade; adoption of horses, brassware, and northern textiles[3]	16th–17th centuries
• Internal unrest, dynastic conflict, and political decline preceding theAsante conquest[4]	Late 17th century
• Conquest by theAsante Empire[5]	1723
Currency	Gold dust[6] Cowry shells (minor) iron bars (trade)
Succeeded by Techiman
Today part of	Ghana Ivory Coast

TheBono State (orBonoman) was one of the earliestAkan polities located in what is today theBono Region andBono East Region of Ghana. Archaeological and oral evidence situate its origins atAmowi nearNkoranza, with later expansion toBono Manso, which became its capital during its formative period. The state played an important role in the development ofAkan civilization and trade between the forest and savanna zones.^[7][8] Bonoman was a trading center connecting merchants acrossAfrica.^[9]

The state's wealth grew substantially through the control of gold production and trade, with material culture such asgoldweights, brassworking, and textiles attesting to its urban complexity.^[10] The Akan gold trade to the savanna and beyond had been active since the opening of the Akan goldfields toJuula merchants under theMali Empire andSonghai Empire from at least the 15th century. Gold from Begho was sent north throughKong andBobo-Dioulasso, from where it was carried to theDjenné–Timbuktu corridor and across theSahara.^[11] The Bono state was strategically located in the northern forest fringes of theAkan world, within theforest–savanna transition zone south of theBlack Volta.^[12][13] This location facilitated frequent caravans fromDjenné,Timbuktu, and other trade centers acrossSudan andEgypt, making Bono a major commercial hub.^[14]

According toTakyiman oral traditions, the Bono assert they are the first organizedAkan group to develop in thearea, while other states were believed to have appeared later. This belief is supported by the saying among some Akan groups that when a person gives birth for the first time, the event is calledAbɔnɔwoo. Based on this, the nameBono is understood to mean a pioneer or the first of its kind, and is said to refer specifically to the ancestors of theTakyiman people, who were the earliest settlers in theBrong-Ahafo Region.

Another interpretation, connects the name to the Bono wordBɔɔ, meaning “hole.” This version holds that the ancestors of theTakyiman people emerged from a hole and were given the name because they originally lived in such places. Both traditions emphasize that the nameBono properly refers to the Takyiman people, whose ancestors were considered the first inhabitants of the region.^[15][16]The name of the capital,Bono Manso, translates to ɔman (“nation, town”) and so (“on” or “at”) or “the seat of Bono.”^[17] Hence the expression “Bono Manso State” would be tautological.^[18]The term Bonoman combines Bono (“theBono people”) with ɔman (“nation” or “state”), and thus means “the Bono nation” or “land of the Bono.”^[17]

The earliest ancestors of theBono people originated from a sacred rock-shelter known asAmowi, which was situated near Pinihi in the modernNkoransa area and had been inhabited since at least the 5th centuryCE.^[19][15][20] The site is remembered as the place from which the first people of the land are said to have emerged and began to first to inhabit and farm the land in the area.^[16] From Amowi, the early settlers, led by the ancestral figureNana Asaman, moved a short distance toYɛfri(Yefri) and later toManso, which became the capital of their state.^[1] Excavations at Amowi I, Amowi II, andBono Manso revealed a long sequence of continuous occupation, with pottery remains forming more than 99 percent of all recovered materials. Most ceramics were locally made, though some imported vessels originated from theBanda andBole regions.^[21] Further excavations nearBono Manso identified earlyiron-smelting activity dating to around 300CE at Abam^[22] and to about the 6th centuryCE in the surrounding area. This evidence indicates that theBono of theBono Manso region had already established permanent communities that later developed into a proto-urban settlement.^[22][23]

According to historiansBono Manso was not the earliest of the large villages and towns in the region; it was simply the first to acquire supremacy over all the surrounding settlements through its primary role as the seat of the Bono kingship.^[19]TheBono began consolidating political authority through the gradual unification of dispersed settlements across theBono East Region.^[2] Small hunter and farmer camps, known locally asnnan, evolved into permanent villages that formed the foundations of the emerging state. Early communities such asAkumadan andBesedan developed from these camps. Besedan, for instance, was established by slaves of a Bono queen to cultivate and care for kola trees, reflecting the integration of agricultural specialization into the developing political system.^[24] As Bono authority expanded, it absorbed neighboring groups and incorporated them into a centralized administrative structure. The Gyamma people, who originally lived in caves near the first Bono settlements, became custodians of the sacredgolden stool calledSika puduo, the principal symbol of Bono unity and kingship. The Dewoman people were also integrated into the political hierarchy, with their ruler serving in the Bono court.^[24]

A key factor in the rise of Bonoman was the need to protect and regulate gold extraction in the surrounding Akan goldfields and to develop commercial routes linking the area to the Middle Niger.^[25] The nearby town ofBegho (also known as Nsɔkɔ) emerged as a complementary trading hub where regional commodities likegold,kola, ivory, and forest products were exchanged for textiles, salt, and metal goods brought byWangara merchants.^[26] Two early rulers, Ameyaw and Obunumankoma, oversaw Bonoman's territorial expansion and commercial ascendancy in the latter half of the 15th century.

Between the 16th and 17th centuries,Bono Manso developed into a major commercial and cultural center linking the forest and savanna zones. Its merchants exchangedgold,kola nuts, and iron goods for northern textiles,salt, andbrassware brought byWangara andMande traders.^[3] Unlike the nearby trading town ofBegho, there was no evidence of a resident foreign merchant enclave at Bono Manso.^[19] Commerce appears to have been locally controlled by Bono elites, The population was largely Akan and ethnically homogeneous, and Bono's internal administration maintained direct oversight of trade and craft production.^[23] The state's cohesion was aided by internal peace; disputes (akokoakoko) mentioned in traditions likely referred to family quarrels and secessions rather than full-scale wars. Until the seventeenth century, Bono's authority remained unchallenged in theBrong area, with subordinate states such asDewuman andNyafoman owing allegiance to its king .^[27] However, some accounts recall external pressures from rival states such as theGonja kingdom.^[28][29]

The decline of Bonoman was gradual and driven by overlapping internal and external factors. Evidence from Bono Manso indicates signs of demographic decline and economic restructuring beginning in the 17th century, likely due to droughts, dynastic instability, and shifting trade networks.^[30] As southern Akan states likeAkyem,Denkyira, and eventually theAsante Empire secured greater access to coastal markets and European firearms, Bonoman, located inland and lacking direct access to Atlantic trade, was increasingly bypassed in regional commerce.^[31]

Internally, excessive taxation, succession disputes, and elite misconduct contributed to weakening central authority. Oral histories collected from Bono informants describe widespread discontent under Ameyaw Kwakye I, the last Bonohene. His perceived abuses of power included neglect of religious obligations and extortionate tax levies.^[32] Before the Asante invasion, disillusioned citizens are said to have refused to defend the capital, expressing their frustration with the phrase: “Se hene Ameyaw anya ne ko a onko nhye” ("If king Ameyaw has got his war, let him fight it all").^[33]

Bono's prosperity and mineral wealth attracted Asante expansion. Oral and documentary sources date the invasion to 1722–1723AD. A letter from the Dutch West India Company in 1724 described Asante defeating “a district three times stronger” through treachery, consistent with Bono's fall. TheKitab Ghunja likewise notes Bawo's attack on Takyiman in 1722/23 .^[34] The Bono king and queen were captured and taken toKumasi, and Bono craftsmen were absorbed into Asante workshops, weaving, brass-casting, and goldsmithing traditions, many Bono craftsmen were taken toKumasi by theAsantehene, where they taught their arts to the Asante.^[35] Much of Bono territory was incorporated into theNkoransa state under Baffo Pim, while Takyiman, originally a subordinate village, became the new seat of Bono's surviving royal line .^[36] The royal lineage was later re-established inTakyiman under Asante suzerainty by approximately 1740.^[37] Subsequent attempts to restore the old state failed, and relations withAsante andNkoransa remained strained thereafter. Groups fromBono moved northwest to integrate intoGyaman, while others regrouped inDormaa,Nkoranza, andBerekum.^[38]Techiman, as successor toBono-Manso, preserved many of these traditions. It remains a major traditional authority, with oral histories and rituals connecting it directly to the early Bono kingdom.^[39]Takyiman including other Bono settlements became independent in 1896 after theBritish conquest of Asante.^[40]

Socially, early Bono settlements were organized by streets and quarters rather than bymatrilineal clans. This pattern parallels early Akan urban organization before the full development of theabusua (clan) system.^[41] Only one ancient quarter at Bono Manso, associated with theDwomoo clan, is recalled in tradition.^[42] In 1929Rattray recorded that theBono ofTakyiman were “apparently wholly ignorant of theseAshanti andFanteclan names,” and that instead of identifying by clans such asOyoko orAgona, they referred to streets or quarters (Abronno) within their towns. Rattray theorized the Bono originally had an older social system based on residence and occupation rather than theabusua clan structure developed later among southernAkan groups and spread throughAsante influence, making the Bono model an earlier form of Akan urban organization.^[43] Further evidence compiled by Boachie-Ansah explains that, unlike theAsante and southern Akan whoseclans were named after totems, the clans ofWenchi andTakyiman derived from the quarters where their ancestors first settled. These quarters were often named after trees or landmarks rather than lineage groups. This indicates that Bono societies have beenseparated from theAkan of southern regions for along time, and that it was after this separation that theclan system and thesemi-military system of government evolved among theAkan of southern.Ghana^[44]

Each level of settlement had designated quarters for craftsmen, traders, and ritual specialists. Blacksmiths (atomfoo) were numerous at Nyafoman, with one hundred and fifty said to have been drafted to the royal court at Bono Manso to supply tools and weapons. Bono artisans were alsoskilled in crafts likepottery,metalwork,cloth weaving, andblacksmithing.^[45] Villages like Akyemhatae guarded the royal gold regalia, Besedan maintained the queen-mother's kola groves, and Akyeremade housed the drummers of Dewoman.^[46]

Religious oracles influenced both settlement and governance. During epidemics or crises, deities were consulted, and entire populations might relocate according to divine instruction. Such sacred authority reinforced the legitimacy of the Bonohene, who was regarded as both political leader and ritual head of the state.^[47] Spiritual life centered around river gods (such asTano) andancestral veneration ofAsaase Yaa and spiritual connection toNyame, practices which were deeply embedded into political authority and social order.^[48][49][50] Religious beliefs centers uponNyame, who manifests through His offspring or messengers—theabosom. Two main categories of shrines exist: forest spirits and those originating at the source of theTano River, the fountain of allTaa deities. The highest, Taa Kora, is venerated at a rock altar nearTanoboase, where envoys from otherAkan states annually present sacrifices and draw water for purification of ancestral stools and state gods.^[51]Bono spiritual traditions, centered on Tanɔ River deities such as Taa Mensa and Taa Kora, continue to influence Akan cosmology. These abosom (deities) are viewed as emissaries of the Creator and play a key role in indigenous healing systems, where priests (ɔbosomfoɔ) and ritual specialists (ɔkɔmfoɔ) maintain sacred continuity.^[52]

In its height Bono's territories were bounded toBonduku andBanda to the west,Gonja andYendi to the north,Mampong andOffinso to the south, andKete-Krakye to the east.^[53] Effah-Gyamfi observed thatBono towns, though highly urbanised, were culturally homogeneous Akan communities rather than ethnically mixed trading colonies. The capital served simultaneously as royal residence, market centre, and ritual hub from which political communication radiated throughout the state.^[54] Settlements were arranged in a four-tier hierarchy headed by the capital,Bono Manso, described in oral tradition as “the town with one-hundred-and-seventy-seven streets.” Beneath it were provincial centres such asTakyiman, Amoman, and Dewoman, each said to have “seventy-seven streets.” Subordinatekrom towns—likeKramokrom andForikrom, were followed bynkuraa villages such as Akyemhatae and Besedan that performed specialised agricultural or craft functions.^[55]

Bono Manso (literally "great town of Bono") was the capital of Bonoman and a major trading hub in present-dayBono East Region. Located just south of theBlack Volta River, it was a key node in theTrans-Saharan trade, connecting theAkan goldfields with major northern markets such asDjenné andTimbuktu. Goods traded through Bono Manso includedgold,kola nuts,salt,leather, and cloth. Archaeological and historical evidence suggest the town was already settled by the 13th century and had become a prominent commercial and ritual center by the 14th and 15th centuries.^[56] It likely covered an area of between 150 and 230 hectares and supported a population of approximately 5,000 inhabitants, based on architectural remains and settlement density estimates.^[57] Its strategic location near the headwaters of theTano River enabled access to the forest-savanna transition zone and placed it at the southernmost range of safe caravan travel, beyond which the tsetse fly made pack animal transport unviable.^[58]

Kranka Dada was a village settlement northeast ofBono Manso and one of the best-documented hinterland sites in theBono Region. Although not an urban center, it played an essential role in Bono Manso's political and economic systems. Excavations conducted between 2009 and 2012 uncovered household remains, ritual features, and long-distance trade artifacts.^[59] The site consisted of residential mounds occupied from the late 13th to the mid-18th century. Radiocarbon data confirms continuous habitation until theAsante Empire conquest in 1723.^[60] Notable features includewattle-and-daub structures,granaries, iron-smelting debris, and ceremonial hearths. Artifacts such asbrass fragments,glass beads, importedceramics, and terracotta rasps highlight both local industry and regional connectivity.^[61]

Kranka Dada likely functioned as a satellite settlement, supplying agricultural produce, labor, and ritual expertise toBono Manso. Compton places it within a four-tiered settlement hierarchy, reflecting the integration of smaller communities into centralizedBono administration.^[57] Despite its rural character, Kranka Dada households had access to many trade goods also found at the capital. The site was abandoned after the 1723 invasion, though oral traditions recall that a shrine priestess remained after the town's collapse.^[33]

Begho (alsoBighu,Bitu,Bew, orNsokɔ) was a medievalmarket town situated just south of theBlack Volta in the forest–savanna transition zone.^[62] It served as a cultural and linguistic bridge between Akan andMande societies. Although not politically subordinate to the Bonohene,^[63] Begho was governed by an Akan elite over a multiethnic population, including a substantial MuslimWangara merchant community.^[64][65]

NumerousAkan language terms for trade and status—such as kramo (Muslim), oponko (horse), gyata (lion), and adaka (box)—derive fromMandé languages, reflecting long-standing trade interactions.^[66] Begho emerged as an entrepôt for northern caravans beginning around 1100 AD. Goods includedivory,salt,leather,gold,kola nuts,cloth, andcopper alloys.^[67][68]Begho had an estimated population exceeding 12,000 inhabitants during the 15th century, comparable to majorSahelian cities.^[69] AsBono Manso population was estimated around 5000 and other areas thereafter, the inclusive total population of the state depicted it as a highly developed pre-colonialAfrican center.

Islamic sources claim theMali Empire launched a punitive expedition against Begho in the mid-16th century after disruptions in the gold trade.^[70] While these accounts suggest temporary Mande political influence, oral traditions assert that the invaders were repelled,^[71] and that Begho's internal governance persisted uninterrupted.^[72] Excavations at Begho uncovered walled structures, iron-smelting furnaces, pottery, andsmoking pipes, dating from 1350 to 1750 AD. With an estimated population exceeding 10,000, it was one of southern West Africa's largest urban centers by the time the Portuguese arrived in 1471.^[68]

Bono's prosperity derived from its strategic location at the meeting point of the forest and savanna zones. This environment provided access to both forest and savanna products: rice, yams, sorghum, wild game, and the lucrative kola nut (Sterculia acuminata) .^[73] Situated on the southern terminus of the north-western trade route from the Middle Niger, Bono served as an exchange point for northern traders using donkeys and horses, which could not survive further south in the dense forest .^[74] The area's abundant gold resources further strengthened its role as a commercial hub, enabling Bono merchants to act as middlemen for forest produce destined for northern markets .^[73]

The unit of currency was gold, measured using standardized gold weights. Chiefs and elders regulated the value of commodities by fixing gold quantities corresponding to units such asperedwan,doma, anddwoa.^[6]

Early historians generally viewed Bono as the earliest cradle of Akan civilization, portraying it as the point from which political institutions, trade systems, and cultural traditions of later Akan states originated.^[75] Writers such as F. K. Buah, Kwame Arhin, and other mid-century Ghanaian historians reinforced this interpretation, describing Bono as the nucleus from which later Akan states such as Denkyira, Akyem, and Asante emerged through migration and political diffusion.^[76][77]This interpretation was supported by oral traditions that emphasized Bono's political seniority and cultural influence, portraying it as the source from which other Akan groups dispersed to establish new states across the forest zone.^[76] However, later archaeological and historical studies have revised this view, revealing thatAkan societies in the northern and southern forests developed around the same time through shared trade, culture, and religion.^[78] This broader perspective positions Bono as one of several early Akan centers, alongsideAdansemanso,Asantemanso, andBegho, highlighting a network of interconnected forest communities that collectively shaped the foundations of Akan civilization.^[79]

Dennis M. Warren re-examined the writings ofEva Meyerowitz on the Techiman-Bono (Brong) people and found serious methodological and chronological problems in her reconstruction of Bono history. Meyerowitz had proposed that theBono-Manso was founded as early as 1295CE and other scholars regarded as unsupported by evidence.^[80] Warren argued that Meyerowitz's precise dating and extensive king lists rested on weak field techniques, linguistic errors, and unverified oral data.^[81] He noted that her alleged list of thirty-seven Bono rulers from 1295 to 1950 could not be corroborated by Techiman elders, and that even her informants denied supplying the names she published.^[82] Physical checks of the Techiman stool rooms revealed only eight ancestral stools, none dating earlier than the eighteenth century, and no evidence of the “gold-nugget containers” she claimed were used to record reign lengths.^[83]

Warren also demonstrated that many of Meyerowitz's names were duplicated under variant spellings, her translations inconsistent, and several chronological sequences impossible—for instance, chiefs she dated to the fifteenth century actually ruled after theAsante-Bono wars of 1722–1723.^[84] He concluded that her data represented isolated oral statements rather than genuine oral traditions, and that her reconstructions introduced invented “traditions” such as Bono migrations fromTimbuktu that are unknown in local accounts.^[85] According to Warren, these inaccuracies had major effects, since later school textbooks and popular histories repeated Meyerowitz's works, shaping misconceptions about Akan origins.^[86] He recommended thatTechiman-Bono chronology be re-established only from verifiable 18th- and 19th-century evidence.^[87]

Colin Flight also conducted a re-evaluation of Meyerowitz'sBono-Manso chronology using statistical analysis and corroborating Arabic and colonial records.^[88] He confirmed that Meyerowitz's fieldwork atTechiman in the 1940s relied heavily on the cooperation ofNana Akumfi Ameyaw III, who sought to use her publications to strengthen Techiman's political position within theAshanti Confederacy.^[89] Flight noted that Meyerowitz's data were based on an alleged ritual system in which each king annually deposited a gold nugget in a brass vessel (kuduo) and each queenmother placed a silver bead or cowry in a decorated pot to record the years of reign.^[90] These were reportedly counted in 1945 by Kofi Antubam, Meyerowitz's interpreter, and the results sent to her as numerical data for reconstructing theBono-Manso dynasty.^[91]

A persistent but historically unsupported claim holds that theBono people migrated from theGhana Empire—centered in present-day southeasternMauritania andMali—to establishBonoman. This theory, popularized incolonial-era scholarship and early nationalist histories, lacks archaeological, linguistic, and oral evidence. Colonial administrators and early European scholars promoted the idea to connect forest-zone civilizations to the more familiarSahelian empires, reflecting a bias that underestimated indigenous cultural development. However, no oral traditions fromBono-Takyiman orBegho refer to any Ghana Empire connection. Instead, they consistently trace origins to sacred sites such as theAmowi cave, emphasizing emergence from the land itself rather than migration from theSahel.^[92]

Archaeological and linguistic evidence therefore indicates that the Akan peoples of Bonoman developed locally within the forest and savanna regions of modernGhana andIvory Coast, rather than through any migration from theGhana Empire orSahara.^[93] Excavations atBono Manso reveal continuous settlement, agriculture, and iron-smelting activity predating any recorded Sahelian influence. Early radiocarbon dates from Amowi confirm its antiquity, aligning with oral accounts identifying it as the sacred origin site of the Bono.^[56]

Another recurring misconception is that the Bono state and itsinstitutions were introduced or significantly shaped byMande-speaking Muslim traders(Wangara or Dyula). While Muslim traders did play an important role in the gold trade, they settled in designated quarters in towns likeBegho, and did not govern the polity nor introduce its core political orspiritual institutions.^[94] While acknowledging the presence of intercultural trade, scholars emphasize that the political authority,kinship systems (abusua), ancestral shrines, andregalia of Bonoman are of indigenous origin, not borrowed from the north.^[95] A 2022 study further critiques the “Sahelian diffusionist” framework as a colonial invention. It argues that trade networks have been wrongly equated with political or cultural dominance, noting thatMuslim traders inBono cities such asBegho maintained segregated quarters and peripheral roles in local governance.^[96]

Modern archaeological and ethnohistorical research has shown that Bonoman developed indigenously in theforest–savanna transition zone of what is now the Bono Region of Ghana, long before theGhana Empire's decline. Sites like Amowi, Nkukua Buoho, and Bono Manso demonstrate continuous occupation, iron smelting, and complex social organization centuries before the 13th century.^[97][98] Notable scholars refute the notion of northern origin, noting that archaeological layers at Bono sites and linguistic data suggest long-term, local development. The consensus is that theAkan states were not the product ofMande orIslamic diffusion, but rather a result of adaptive forest-based societies that evolved over millennia.^[99]

Archaeological studies confirm that iron smelting was practiced at Bono Manso by the 3rd century CE, and that surrounding settlements such as Amowi and Atwetwebooso were occupied well before the rise of theSahelian empires.^[100] Oral traditions collected by Dennis M. Warren also trace the origin of the Bono to local sacred caves such as Amowi, not to distant external migrations.^[101] Effah-Gyamfi's findings further support these traditions, showing that early Bono settlements featured complex political structures, advanced ironworking, and ceremonial practices associated with local rulers. His excavations confirm continuous habitation in the region long before any recorded influence from northern traders or empires.^[56] Further analysis shows that core elements of the Bono gold economy, such asgold-weighing systems andregalia—were already developed locally before the peak of Muslim trade activity in the region, suggesting that cultural influence likely flowed in the opposite direction.^[102]

Politically, the Bono legacy endured through centuries ofAsante domination and colonial rule after Bono-Manso's fall in 1722–23, the Bono regrouped aroundTakyiman, preserving their state identity. In 1948,Bono-Takyiman formally disengaged from the Asante Confederacy, leading to the formation of the Bono Federation in 1951. The government ofGhana later created theBrong-Ahafo Region and the Brong-Ahafo House of Chiefs in 1960, institutionalizing Bono traditional authority within the modern state.^[103] In the late twentieth century, Bono scholars and traditional leaders established the Bonoman Resource Center for Indigenous Knowledge (BRCIK) inTakyiman to document, preserve, and promote Bono medicinal practices, oral traditions, and cosmological knowledge. The center represents a continuation of the intellectual and cultural heritage of Bonoman, ensuring that traditional epistemologies remain part of Ghana's national discourse on development and identity.^[104]

• Akan People
• Bono People
• Bono Manso
• Old Wenchi
• Gyaman
• Old Banda
• Asante Empire
• List of rulers of the Akan state of Bono-Tekyiman

• Boachie-Ansah, James (2013). "Preliminary Report on an Excavation Conducted at Bonoso in the Wenchi Traditional Area, Brong-Ahafo Region, Ghana".Nyame Akuma.79:134–140.
• Compton, Anne M. (2014).Shifting Trade Networks: Sub-Saharan to Atlantic Exchange in Central Ghana, 1355–1725 CE (PhD thesis). University of Michigan.hdl:2027.42/107218. Retrieved2025-06-10.
• Konadu, Kwasi; Campbell, Clifford C. (2016).The Ghana Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Duke University Press.doi:10.2307/j.ctv125jqp2.ISBN 9780822359845. Retrieved24 April 2025.
• Insoll, Timothy (2003).The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa. New York: Cambridge University Press.ISBN 0-521-65702-4.
• Ofosu-Mensah, E. A.; Agyei, J. (2009). "Historical Overview of Internal Migration in Ghana". In Anarfi, John Kwasi; Kwankye, Stephen. O (eds.).Independent Migration of Children in Ghana. Accra: Sundel Services.ISBN 9789964750756. Retrieved11 June 2025.

• History of Ghana
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• 17th century in Ghana
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