| Bloody Sunday | |
|---|---|
| Part ofthe Troubles | |
 Catholic priestEdward Daly waving a blood-stained white handkerchief as awhite flag while trying to escort the mortally wounded Jackie Duddy to safety | |
 | |
| Location | Derry,[n 1]Northern Ireland |
| Coordinates | 54°59′49″N07°19′32″W / 54.99694°N 7.32556°W /54.99694; -7.32556 |
| Date | 30 January 1972; 53 years ago (1972-01-30) 16:10 (UTC+00:00) |
Attack type | Mass shooting |
| Weapons | L1A1 SLR rifles |
| Deaths | 14 (13 immediate, 1 died four months later) |
| Injured | 15+ (12 from gunshots, two from vehicle impact, others from rubber bullets and flying debris) |
| Perpetrators | British Army (Parachute Regiment) |
| Accused | "Soldier F" |
| Charges |
|
Bloody Sunday, or theBogside Massacre,[1] was amassacre on 30 January 1972 when British soldiers shot 26 unarmed civilians during a protest march in theBogside area ofDerry,[n 1]Northern Ireland. Thirteen men were killed outright and the death of another man four months later was attributed to his gunshot injuries. Many of the victims were shot while fleeing from the soldiers, and some were shot while trying to help the wounded.[2] Other protesters were injured byshrapnel,rubber bullets, orbatons; two were run down byBritish Army vehicles; and some were beaten.[3][4] All of those shot wereCatholics. The march had been organised by theNorthern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) to protest againstinternment without trial. The soldiers were from the1st Battalion of theParachute Regiment ("1 Para"), the same battalion implicated in theBallymurphy massacre several months before.[5]
Two investigations were held by theGovernment of the United Kingdom. TheWidgery Tribunal, held in the aftermath, largely cleared the soldiers and British authorities of blame. It described some of the soldiers' shooting as "bordering on the reckless", but accepted their claims that they shot at gunmen and bomb-throwers. The report was widely criticised as awhitewash.[6][7][8]
TheSaville Inquiry, chaired byLord Saville of Newdigate, was established in 1998 to reinvestigate the incident much more thoroughly. Following a 12-year investigation, Saville's report was made public in 2010 and concluded that the killings were "unjustified" and "unjustifiable". It found that all of those shot were unarmed, that none were posing a serious threat, that no bombs were thrown and that soldiers "knowingly put forward false accounts" to justify their firing.[9][10] Most of the soldiers denied shooting the named victims but also denied shooting anyone by mistake.[11] "Soldier F"admitted killing four of the victims, but claimed they were armed.[12] On publication of the report,British Prime MinisterDavid Cameron formally apologised.[13] Following this, police began a murder investigation into the killings. One former soldier was charged with murder, but the case was dropped when evidence was deemed inadmissible.[14] Following an appeal by the victims' families, the Public Prosecution Service resumed the prosecution,[15] and in September 2025 the former British paratrooper known as "Soldier F" went on trial for two murders, as well as five attempted murders.[16]
Bloody Sunday came to be regarded as one of the most significant events ofthe Troubles because so many civilians were killed by forces of the state, in view of the public and the press.[1] It was the highest number of people killed in a shooting incident during the conflict and is considered the worst mass shooting in Northern Irish history.[17] Bloody Sunday fuelled Catholic andIrish nationalist hostility to the British Army and worsened the conflict. Support for theProvisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) rose, and there was a surge of recruitment into the organisation, especially locally.[18] TheRepublic of Ireland held anational day of mourning, and huge crowds besieged andburnt down the chancery of the British Embassy in Dublin.
The City ofDerry was perceived by manyCatholics andIrish nationalists inNorthern Ireland to be the epitome of what was described as "fifty years ofUnionist misrule": despite having a nationalist majority,gerrymandering ensured elections to the City Corporation always returned a unionist majority. The city was perceived to be deprived of public investment: motorways were not extended to it,a university was opened in the smaller (Protestant-majority) town ofColeraine rather than Derry (seeUniversity for Derry Committee) and, above all, the city's housing stock was in a generally poor state.[19][page needed] Derry therefore became a major focus of thecivil rights campaign led by organisations such as theNorthern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) in the late 1960s. It was the scene of the major riot known asBattle of the Bogside in August 1969, which pushed theNorthern Ireland administration to ask for military support.[20]
While many Catholics initially welcomed theBritish Army as a neutral force – in contrast to theRoyal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), which was regarded as a sectarian police force – relations between them soon deteriorated.[21]
In response to rising levels of violence across Northern Ireland,internment without trial was introduced on 9 August 1971.[22] There was disorder across the region following the introduction of internment, with 21 people being killed in three days of violence.[23] InBelfast, soldiers of theParachute Regiment shot dead 11 civilians in what became known as theBallymurphy massacre.[5] On 10 August,Bombardier Paul Challenor became the first soldier to be killed by theProvisional Irish Republican Army (Provisional IRA) in Derry, when he was shot by a sniper in theCregganhousing estate.[24] A month after internment was introduced, a British soldier shot dead a 14-year-old Catholic schoolgirl,Annette McGavigan, in Derry.[25][26] Two months later, Kathleen Thompson, a 47-year-old mother of six, was shot dead in her back garden in Derry by the British Army.[27][28]
IRA activity also increased across Northern Ireland, with 30 British soldiers being killed in the remaining months of 1971, in contrast to the ten soldiers killed during the pre-internment period of the year.[23] A further six soldiers had been killed in Derry by end of 1971.[29] At least 1,332 rounds were fired at the British Army, which also faced 211 explosions and 180nail bombs,[29] and who fired 364 rounds in return. Both the Provisional IRA and theOfficial IRA had built barricades and establishedno-go areas for the British Army and RUC in Derry.[30] By the end of 1971, 29 barricades were in place to prevent access to what was known asFree Derry, 16 of them impassable even to the British Army'sone-ton armoured vehicles.[30] IRA members openly mounted roadblocks in front of the media, and daily clashes took place between nationalist youths and the British Army at a spot known as "aggro corner".[30] Due to rioting andincendiary devices, an estimated£4 million worth of damage was caused to local businesses.[30]
On 18 January 1972 theNorthern Irish Prime Minister,Brian Faulkner, banned all parades and marches in the region until the end of the year.[31] Four days later, in defiance of the ban, an anti-internment march was held atMagilligan strand, near Derry. Protesters marched to aninternment camp but were stopped by soldiers of the Parachute Regiment. When some protesters threw stones and tried to go around the barbed wire, paratroopers drove them back by firingrubber bullets at close range and makingbaton charges. The paratroopers badly beat a number of protesters and had to be physically restrained by their own officers. These allegations of brutality by paratroopers were reported widely on television and in the press. Some in the British Army also thought there had been undue violence by the paratroopers.[32][33]
NICRA intended to hold another anti-internment march in Derry on 30 January. The authorities decided to allow it to proceed in the Bogside, but to stop it from reachingGuildhall Square, as planned by the organisers, to avoid rioting. Major GeneralRobert Ford, then Commander of Land Forces in Northern Ireland, ordered that the1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment (1 Para), should travel to Derry to be used to arrest rioters.[34] The arrest operation was codenamed 'Operation Forecast'.[35] The Saville Report criticised Ford for choosing the Parachute Regiment for the operation, as it had "a reputation for using excessive physical violence".[36] March organiser and MPIvan Cooper had been promised beforehand that no armed IRA members would be near the march, althoughTony Geraghty wrote that some of the stewards were probably IRA members.[37]
The paratroopers arrived in Derry on the morning of the march and took up positions.[38] Brigadier Pat MacLellan was the operational commander and issued orders fromEbrington Barracks. He gave orders to Lieutenant ColonelDerek Wilford, commander of 1 Para. He in turn gave orders to MajorTed Loden, who commanded thecompany who would launch the arrest operation. The protesters planned on marching from Bishop's Field, in the Creggan housing estate, to the Guildhall in the city centre, where they would hold a rally. The march set off at about 2:45 p.m. There were 10,000–15,000 people on the march, with many joining along its route.[39] Lord Widgery, in his now discredited tribunal,[40][41][42][43] said that there were only 3,000 to 5,000.[44]
The march made its way along William Street but, as it neared the city centre, its path was blocked by British Army barriers. The organisers redirected the march down Rossville Street, intending to hold the rally atFree Derry Corner instead. However, some broke off from the march and began throwing stones at soldiers manning the barriers. The soldiers fired rubber bullets,CS gas andwater cannons.[45] Such clashes between soldiers and youths were common, and observers reported that the rioting was no more violent than usual.[46]
Some of the crowd spotted paratroopers occupying a derelict three-story building overlooking William Street and began throwing stones up at the windows. At about 3:55 p.m., these paratroopers opened fire. The civilians Damien Donaghy and John Johnston were shot and wounded while standing on waste ground opposite the building. These were the first shots fired.[47] The soldiers claimed Donaghy was holding a black cylindrical object,[48] but the Saville Inquiry concluded that all of those shot were unarmed.[49]
At 4:07 p.m., the paratroopers were ordered to go through the barriers and arrest rioters. The paratroopers, on foot and in armoured vehicles, chased people down Rossville Street and into the Bogside. Two people were knocked down by the vehicles. MacLellan had ordered that only one company of paratroopers be sent through the barriers, on foot, and that they should not chase people down Rossville Street. Wilford disobeyed this order, which meant there was no separation between rioters and peaceful marchers.[50] There were many claims of paratroopers beating people, clubbing them with rifle butts, firing rubber bullets at them from close range, making threats to kill, and hurling abuse. The Saville Report agreed that soldiers "used excessive force when arresting people […] as well as seriously assaulting them for no good reason while in their custody".[51]
One group of paratroopers took up position at a low wall about 80 yards (73 m) in front of a rubble barricade that stretched across Rossville Street. There were people at the barricade and some were throwing stones at the soldiers, but were not near enough to hit them.[52] The soldiers fired on the people at the barricade, killing six and wounding a seventh.[53]
A large group fled or were chased into the car park of Rossville Flats. This area was like a courtyard, surrounded on three sides by high-rise flats. The soldiers opened fire, killing one civilian and wounding six others.[54] This fatality, Jackie Duddy, was running alongside a priest,Edward Daly, when he was shot in the back.[2]
Another group fled into the car park of Glenfada Park, which was also surrounded by flats. Here, the soldiers shot at people across the car park, about 40–50 yards (35–45 m) away. Two civilians were killed and at least four others wounded.[55] The Saville Report says it is probable that at least one soldier fired randomly at the crowd from the hip.[56] The paratroopers went through the car park and out the other side. Some soldiers went out the southwest corner, where they shot dead two civilians. The other soldiers went out the southeast corner and shot four more civilians, killing two.[57]
About ten minutes had elapsed between the time soldiers drove into the Bogside and the time the last of the civilians was shot.[58] More than 100 rounds were fired by the soldiers.[59] No warnings were given before soldiers opened fire.[11]
Some of those shot were givenfirst aid by civilian volunteers, either on the scene or after being carried into nearby homes. They were then driven to hospital, either in civilian cars or in ambulances. The first ambulances arrived at 4:28 p.m. The three boys killed at the rubble barricade were driven to hospital by paratroopers. Witnesses said paratroopers lifted the bodies by the hands and feet and dumped them in the back of theirarmoured personnel carrier as if they were "pieces of meat". The Saville Report agreed that this is an "accurate description of what happened", saying the paratroopers "might well have felt themselves at risk, but in our view this does not excuse them".[60]
In all, 26 people were shot by the paratroopers;[3][2] 13 died on the day and another died of his injuries four months later. The dead were killed in four main areas: the rubble barricade across Rossville Street, the car park of Rossville Flats (on the north side of the flats), the forecourt of Rossville Flats (on the south side), and the car park of Glenfada Park.[2]
All of the soldiers responsible insisted that they had shot at, and hit, gunmen or bomb-throwers. No soldier said he missed his target and hit someone else by mistake. The Saville Report concluded that all of those shot were unarmed and that none were posing a serious threat. It also concluded that none of the soldiers fired in response to attacks, or threatened attacks, by gunmen or bomb-throwers.[11]
The casualties are listed in the order in which they were killed.
Thirteen people were shot and killed, with another wounded man dying subsequently, which his family believed was from injuries suffered that day.[71] Apart from the soldiers, all eyewitnesses—including marchers, local residents, and British and Irish journalists present—maintain that soldiers fired into an unarmed crowd, or were aiming at fleeing people and those helping the wounded. No British soldier was wounded by gunfire or bombs, nor were any bullets or nail bombs recovered to back up their claims.[59] The British Army's version of events, outlined by theMinistry of Defence and repeated byHome SecretaryReginald Maudling in theHouse of Commons the day after Bloody Sunday, was that paratroopers returned fire at gunmen and bomb-throwers.[72]Bernadette Devlin, the independent Irish socialist republicanMember of Parliament (MP) forMid Ulster, slapped Maudling for his comments,[73] and was temporarily suspended from Parliament.[74] Having seen the shootings firsthand, she was infuriated that theSpeaker of the House of Commons,Selwyn Lloyd, repeatedly denied her the chance to speak about it in Parliament, although convention decreed that any MP witnessing an incident under discussion would be allowed to do so.[75][76]
On Wednesday 2 February 1972, tens of thousands attended the funerals of eleven of the victims.[77] In theRepublic of Ireland it was observed as anational day of mourning, and there was ageneral strike, the biggest in Europe since theSecond World War relative to population.[78] Memorial services were held in Catholic and Protestant churches, as well as synagogues, throughout the Republic, while schools closed and public transport stopped running. Large crowds had besieged thechancery of theBritish embassy onMerrion Square inDublin, and embassy staff had been evacuated. That Wednesday, tens of thousands of protesters marched to the chancery and 13 symbolic coffins were placed outside the entrance. TheUnion Jack was burnt and the building was attacked with stones and petrol bombs. The outnumberedGardaí tried to push back the crowd, butthe building was burnt down.[79]Anglo-Irish relations hit one of their lowest ebbs with theIrish Minister for Foreign Affairs,Patrick Hillery, going to theUnited Nations Security Council to demand the involvement of aUN peacekeeping force in the Northern Ireland conflict.[80]Kieran Conway, the head of the IRA's intelligence-gathering department for a period in the 1970s, stated in his memoir that after the massacre, theIRA Southern Command in Dublin received up to 200 applications from Southern Irish citizens to fight the British.[81]
Harold Wilson, then theLeader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, reiterated his belief that aunited Ireland was the only possible solution to Northern Ireland's Troubles.[82]William Craig, then Stormont Home Affairs Minister, suggested that the west bank of Derry should be ceded to the Republic of Ireland.[83]
On 22 February 1972, the Official IRA attempted to retaliate for Bloody Sunday by detonating acar bomb at Aldershot military barracks, headquarters of16th Parachute Brigade, killing seven ancillary staff.[77]
Aninquest into the deaths was held in August 1973. The city'scoroner, Hubert O'Neill, a retired British Army major, issued a statement at the completion of the inquest. He declared:
This Sunday became known as Bloody Sunday and bloody it was. It was quite unnecessary. It strikes me that the Army ran amok that day and shot without thinking what they were doing. They were shooting innocent people. These people may have been taking part in a march that was banned but that does not justify the troops coming in and firing live rounds indiscriminately. I would say without hesitation that it was sheer, unadulterated murder. It was murder.[77]
Several months after Bloody Sunday, 1 Para—again under Lt Col Wilford's command—were involved in another controversial shooting incident. On 7 September, paratroopers raided the headquarters of theUlster Defence Association (UDA) and houses in theShankill area of Belfast. Two Protestant civilians were shot dead and others wounded by the paratroopers, who claimed they were returning fire atloyalist gunmen. This sparked angry demonstrations by local Protestants, and the UDA declared: "Never has Ulster witnessed such licensed sadists and such blatant liars as the 1st Paras. These gun-happy louts must be removed from the streets". A unit of the British Army'sUlster Defence Regiment refused to carry out duties until 1 Para was withdrawn from the Shankill.[84]
At the end of 1972, Wilford, who was directly in charge of the soldiers involved in Bloody Sunday and Shankill, was appointed anOfficer of the Order of the British Empire (OBE).[85]
Two days after Bloody Sunday, the British Parliament adopted a resolution for atribunal into the shootings, resulting inPrime MinisterEdward Heath commissioning theLord Chief Justice,Lord Widgery, to undertake it. Many witnesses intended toboycott the tribunal as they lacked faith in Widgery's impartiality, but many were eventually persuaded to take part.[77]
Widgery's quickly-produced report—completed within ten weeks (on 10 April) and published within eleven weeks (on 19 April)—supported the British Army's account of the events of the day. It stated that the soldiers returned fire at gunmen and bomb-throwers.[86] It said "None of the deceased or wounded is proved to have been shot whilst handling a firearm or bomb. Some are wholly acquitted of complicity in such action; but there is a strong suspicion that some others had been firing weapons or handling bombs".[86] Among the evidence presented to the tribunal were the results ofparaffin tests, used to identify lead residues from firing weapons, and that nail bombs had been found on the body of one of those killed. Tests for traces of explosives on the clothes of eleven of the dead proved negative, while those of the remaining man could not be tested as they had already been washed. It has been argued that firearms residue on some victims may have come from contact with the soldiers themselves who moved some of the bodies, or that lead residue on the hands of one (James Wray) was easily explained by the fact that his occupation involved using lead-basedsolder.[n 3] Widgery held the march organisers responsible, concluding "There would have been no deaths [...] if those who organised the illegal march had not thereby created a highly dangerous situation".[86]
Widgery stated there was no evidence the paratroopers were sent to "flush out any IRA gunmen in the Bogside" or to punish its residents for opposing the British Army.[86] The Saville Inquiry also trawled classified documents and found no evidence of such a plan, but said "It is of course possible for plans to be hatched in secret and kept out of documents".[88]
Most witnesses to the event disputed the report's conclusions and regarded it as awhitewash, the slogan, "Widgery washes whiter" – a play on the contemporary advertisement forDaz soap powder – emblazoned on walls in Derry, crystallised the views of many nationalists about the report.[89]
In 1992, British Prime MinisterJohn Major, replying toJohn Hume's request for a new public inquiry, stated: "The Government made clear in 1974 that those who were killed on 'Bloody Sunday' should be regarded as innocent of any allegation that they were shot whilst handling firearms or explosives".[90] Major was succeeded byTony Blair. Blair's chief aide,Jonathan Powell, later described Widgery as a "complete and utter whitewash".[91]
In 1998, during the latter stages of theNorthern Ireland peace process, Prime Minister Blair agreed to hold a public inquiry into Bloody Sunday. The inquiry, chaired byLord Saville, was established in April 1998.[92] The other judges wereJohn Toohey, a formerJustice of theHigh Court of Australia who had worked onAboriginal issues (he replaced New Zealander SirEdward Somers, who retired from the Inquiry in 2000 for personal reasons), andWilliam Hoyt, formerChief Justice ofNew Brunswick and member of theCanadian Judicial Council. The inquiry heard testimony at the Guildhall in Derry from March 2000 until November 2004.[92] The Saville Inquiry was much more comprehensive than the Widgery Tribunal, interviewing a wide range of witnesses including local residents, soldiers, journalists and politicians, and reviewing large amounts of photographs and footage. Lord Saville declined to comment on the Widgery report and made the point that this was a judicial inquiry into Bloody Sunday, not the Widgery Tribunal.[93]
Colonel Wilford expressed anger at the decision to hold the inquiry and said he was proud of his actions on Bloody Sunday.[94] Two years later, in 2000, Wilford said: "There might have been things wrong in the sense that some innocent people, people who were not carrying a weapon, were wounded or even killed. But that was not done as a deliberate malicious act. It was done as an act of war."[95] In 2007, General (then Captain) SirMike Jackson, adjutant of 1 Para on Bloody Sunday, said: "I have no doubt that innocent people were shot."[96] This was in contrast to his insistence, for more than 30 years, that those killed had not been innocent.[97]
One former paratrooper testified that a lieutenant told them the night before Bloody Sunday: "Let's teach these buggers a lesson – we want some kills tomorrow".[98][99] He did not see anyone with a weapon nor hear any explosions, and said some fellow soldiers were thrilled and were shooting out of bravado or frustration.[99] The paratrooper said several soldiers "fired their own personal supply ofdum-dums", which were banned, and that one "fired 10 dum-dums into the crowd but as he still had his official quota he got away with saying he never fired a shot". Furthermore, the paratrooper said his original statement to the Widgery Inquiry was torn up and replaced by one "bearing no relation with fact".[100]
Many observers allege that theMinistry of Defence (MoD) acted in a way to impede the inquiry.[101] Over 1,000 Army photographs and original Army helicopter video footage were never made available. Furthermore, guns used by the soldiers on Bloody Sunday, which could have been evidence in the inquiry, were lost by the MoD.[102][103] The MoD claimed all the guns had been destroyed, but some were later recovered in various locations (such asSierra Leone andBeirut) despite the obstruction.[104]
By the time the inquiry had retired to write up its findings, it had interviewed over 900 witnesses over seven years, making it the biggest investigation in British legal history.[103] It was also the longest and most expensive, taking 12 years and costing£195 million.[105] The inquiry was expected to report in late 2009 but was delayed until after the2010 general election.[106]
The report of the inquiry[107] was published on 15 June 2010. It concluded, "The firing by soldiers of 1 PARA on Bloody Sunday caused the deaths of 13 people and injury to a similar number, none of whom was posing a threat of causing death or serious injury."[108] It stated that British paratroopers "lost control", shooting fleeing civilians and those who tried to help the wounded.[109] The civilians had not been warned by soldiers that they intended to shoot.[110] Contrary to the soldiers' claims, the report concluded that the victims were unarmed, and no nail bombs or petrol bombs were thrown.[109] "None of them fired in response to attacks or threatened attacks by nail or petrol bombers."[11] It stated that while some soldiers probably fired out of fear and recklessness, others did not, and fired at civilians they knew were unarmed.[111] The report stated that soldiers lied to hide their acts.[109] Soldier H, who fired the most bullets, claimed to have fired 19 separate shots at a gunman behind a frosted glass window, but missed each time, and suggested all the bullets had gone through the same hole.[112]
The inquiry concluded that an Official IRA sniper, positioned in a block of flats, fired one round at British soldiers, who were at the Presbyterian church on the other side of William Street. The bullet missed the soldiers and hit a drainpipe. The inquiry concluded that it was fired shortlyafter the British soldiers had shot Damien Donaghy and John Johnston in this area. It rejected the sniper's account that he fired in reprisal, concluding that he and another Official IRA member had already been in position and probably fired simply because the opportunity presented itself.[113] The inquiry also concluded an Official IRA member fired a handgun at a British APC from behind a gable wall near Rossville Flats, but there is no evidence the soldiers noticed this. The IRA member said he fired three rounds in anger after seeing civilians shot. He was seen by Father Edward Daly and others, who shouted at him to stop.[114]
Martin McGuinness, a senior member ofSinn Féin and later thedeputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, stated in his testimony that he was second-in-command of theProvisional IRA Derry Brigade and was at the march.[92] Paddy Ward told the inquiry he was the local leader ofFianna Éireann, the IRA youth wing, in January 1972. He claimed that McGuinness and another unnamed IRA member gave him bomb detonators on the morning of Bloody Sunday, with the intent to attack premises in Derry city centre that day. McGuinness rejected the claims as "fantasy", while Gerry O'Hara, a Sinn Féin councillor in Derry, stated that he, not Ward, was the Fianna leader at the time.[67] The inquiry was unsure of McGuinness's movements on the day. It stated that while he had probably been armed with aThompson submachine gun, there was insufficient evidence to state whether he fired it, but concluded "we are sure that he did not engage in any activity that provided any of the soldiers with any justification for opening fire".[115]
Regarding the soldiers in charge on Bloody Sunday, the inquiry arrived at the following findings:
Reporting on the findings of the Saville Inquiry in the House of Commons, British Prime MinisterDavid Cameron said:
Mr Speaker, I am deeply patriotic. I never want to believe anything bad about our country. I never want to call into question the behaviour of our soldiers and our army, who I believe to be the finest in the world. And I have seen for myself the very difficult and dangerous circumstances in which we ask our soldiers to serve. But the conclusions of this report are absolutely clear. There is no doubt, there is nothing equivocal, there are no ambiguities. What happened on Bloody Sunday was both unjustified and unjustifiable. It was wrong.[120]
Cameron added: "You do not defend the British Army by defending the indefensible."[121] He acknowledged that all those who died were unarmed when they were killed and that a British soldier had fired the first shots at civilians. He also said that this was not premeditated, though "there was no point in trying to soften or equivocate" as "what happened should never, ever have happened". Cameron apologised on behalf of the British Government, saying he was "deeply sorry".[122] A survey byAngus Reid Public Opinion in June 2010 found that 61 per cent of Britons and 70 per cent of Northern Irish agreed with Cameron's apology.[123] Stephen Pollard, a solicitor representing several of the soldiers, said the report had cherry-picked the evidence and did not have justification for its findings.[124]
Soldier F, the only soldier who would be charged over Bloody Sunday, was questioned at the Saville Inquiry. During proceedings on 2 October 2003, JusticeChristopher Clarke QC, the lead counsel to the Inquiry, summarised the allegations against Soldier F, who admitted killing some of the victims:[12]
Mr Clarke: The allegations are, firstly, that you killed up to four people, possibly even more. Firstly Michael Kelly, and we know, do we not, that you killed him because of the forensic evidence that a bullet from your gun was found in his body?
Soldier F: That is correct.
Mr Clarke: Secondly, you have accepted ... that you shot Barry McGuigan, whose photograph, in a pool of blood, you have seen; do you remember that?
Soldier F: Yes.
Mr Clarke: Do you also accept that you shot Patrick Doherty?
Soldier F: Yes.
Mr Clarke: As I have put to you, there is evidence that might lead to the conclusion that you shot William McKinney in Glenfada Park; do you follow?
Soldier F: Yes.
Mr Clarke: What is alleged in relation to each of those four people is that you shot them without justification, that is to say, that you murdered them; do you follow?
Soldier F: I follow, it is not correct, but I follow, yes.
Mr Clarke: And you say that it is not correct, because?
Soldier F: Because, as I refer to my statements, the people I shot were either petrol bombers or a person who had a weapon.[125]
Following the publication of the Saville Report, a murder investigation was begun by thePolice Service of Northern Ireland's Legacy Investigation Branch. On 10 November 2015, a 66-year-old former member of the Parachute Regiment, referred to as "Soldier J" in the Saville Report, was arrested for questioning over the deaths of William Nash, Michael McDaid and John Young. He was released onbail shortly after.[126] On 8 March 2016, a formerlance corporal of the Parachute Regiment, previously referred to as "Soldier F", was questioned by police regarding his actions on the day in question. "Soldier F" asserted during the interview that he had no reliable recollections of what happened, and was therefore refusing to answer any questions put to him, however he added that he was sure he had properly discharged his duties as a soldier on that day.[127]
ThePublic Prosecution Service for Northern Ireland announced in March 2019 that there was enough evidence to prosecute "Soldier F" for the murders of James Wray and William McKinney, both of whom were shot in the back. He was also charged with fourattempted murders.[128][129][130] The Saville Inquiry concluded, based on the evidence, that "Soldier F" also killed Michael Kelly, Patrick Doherty and Barney McGuigan, but evidence from the inquiry was inadmissible to theprosecution and "the only evidence capable of identifying the soldier who fired the relevant shots came from "Soldier F"'s co-accused, "Soldier G", who is deceased".[131]
Relatives of the Bloody Sunday victims expressed dismay that only one soldier would face trial for some of the killings.[132] In September 2020, it was ruled that there would be no charges against any other soldiers.[133] The victims' relatives were supported by Irish nationalist political representatives. "Soldier F" received support from some Ulster loyalists[134] and from the group Justice for Northern Ireland Veterans.[135] TheDemocratic Unionist Party (DUP) called for former British soldiers to be givenimmunity from prosecution.Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) leader and former soldier,Doug Beattie, said that if soldiers "went outside the law, then they have to face the law".[136]
In July 2021, the Public Prosecution Service decided it would no longer prosecute "Soldier F" because statements from 1972 were deemed inadmissible as evidence.[14] On 13 July 2021Social Democratic and Labour Party MPColum Eastwood revealed the name of "Soldier F" usingparliamentary privilege.[137][138] On 17 JulyVillage magazine published the identity of "Soldier F" and some pictures of him at the time of the massacre.[139]
In March 2022, the High Court overturned the decision not to press charges against "Soldier F" following an appeal by the family of William McKinney and ordered the Public Prosecution Service to reconsider the case.[140] The PPS attempted to appeal the court's decision to theSupreme Court of the United Kingdom,[141] but permission to appeal was refused that September and the PPS were forced to continue with the prosecution.[15] In October 2022, it was announced that the committal hearing against "Soldier F" would resume on 16 January 2023.[142] On 24 January 2023 the case against "Soldier F" was resumed at Derry Magistrate's Court.[143] Following an adjournment, the case resumed on 26 May 2023.[144] On 25 August 2023 Judge Ted Magill ruled that five statements given to the Widgery Report implicating "Soldier F" could be used as evidence at trial.[127]
In December 2023, an evidentiary hearing was held to decide whether or not to proceed to trial. Judge Magill ruled that "Soldier F" should face trial at Belfast Crown Court.[145] The soldier appeared in court for the first time on 14 June 2024.[146] In December 2024, "Soldier F" pleaded not guilty to two charges of murder and five of attempted murder after Judge Mr. Justice Fowler overruled attempts by the soldier's lawyers to have the case dismissed.[147] The trial was scheduled to begin in mid-September 2025.[148]
On 15 September 2025 at Belfast Crown Court, the former British paratrooper known as "Soldier F" went on trial for the murder of William McKinney and James Wray, as well as five counts of attempted murder (regarding Patrick O'Donnell, Joseph Friel, Joe Mahon, Michael Quinn and an unknown person) on Bloody Sunday. The defendant, who was screened from public view by a black curtain, pleaded not guilty to all charges before judge Patrick Lynch at thenon-jury court.[16]
The Saville Inquiry concluded that there was "no doubt" Soldier F had shot Michael Kelly, Patrick Doherty and Barney McGuigan (in the back of the head as he went to help Doherty) and that they were all unarmed.[149] At the Inquiry, Soldier Fadmitted that he shot the three victims, but claimed they were petrol bombers or had a weapon. However, evidence from the Inquiry was inadmissible for the murder trial.[150]
Regarding the media attention the trial would attract, Lynch later highlighted a recentTwitter post by loyalist bloggerJamie Bryson that caused him "concerns" under theContempt of Court Act, remarking that if the current trial was taking place in front of a jury it could have led to amistrial application.[151] After Bryson then attempted to submit a letter to Lynch personally regarding the case, it was announced that the matter had been referred to theDirector of Public Prosecutions to consider if there was any contempt of court regarding this inappropriate attempt to communicate with a trial judge.[152]
Prosecutor Louis Mably described to the court how a group of soldiers, including "Soldier F", had opened fire on a group of unarmed civilians in Glenfada Park North area ofthe Bogside as they began to run away, and that McKinney and Wray were killed while several others were injured. Mably asserted that statements recorded by theRoyal Military Police in the aftermath placed "Soldier F" at the scene and that he had also fired hisservice weapon during the incident.[153] All of the dead and wounded had gunshot wounds either in the back or their sides, Mably added,[16] while informing the court that Joe Mahon, Michael Quinn and Joseph Friel would be taking the stand to give eye witness evidence for the prosecution around the circumstances of how they were shot on the day in question.[154]
Legal arguments regarding the admissibility of the statements recorded by the Royal Military Police, specifically regardinghearsay applications by the prosecution, took up most of the second day of the trial. According to Mably, the non-voluntary statements made by "Soldier G" and "Soldier H" in 1972 (which they were ordered to make without aright to counsel) were the only evidence capable of proving "Soldier F" opened fire on civilians, as "Soldier G" died a number of years ago while "Soldier H" had refused to testify in court. "Soldier H", who previously admitted to firing 22 bullets on the day in question,[155] had additionally informed authorities via his legal representative that if he was forced to attend the trial he would exercise hisright to silence to avoid self-incrimination.[156] In the statements, "Soldier G" described firing aimed shots at what he believed to be two armed individuals (possibly carryingM1 carbine rifles) in the Glenfada Park North area, and that "Soldier F" simultaneously opened fire also. "Soldier G" targeted one of the men with three shots, and saw him fall to the ground, while the other man likewise collapsed when "Soldier F" fired his weapon. "Soldier H" had claimed in his statement to have fired shots at a person who he believed to be armed with anail bomb, while he witnessed "Soldier F" firing his rifle at a man in the south-west corner of the square during the same incident.[157]
In response, Mark Mulholland for the defence argued that since they could not test the veracity and accuracy of the statements provided by "Soldier G" and "Soldier H", they should not be introduced as evidence. Mulholland asserted that "Soldier H" had given different accounts of the incident in Glenfada Park North over the years, some of which contained inconsistencies and lies in an effort to justify his own firing of live ammunition on that day,[158] adding that it was possible that "Soldier G" and "Soldier H" had colluded with each other to incriminate "Soldier F" before making their statements.[159]
On 24 September 2025, judge Patrick Lynch announced that after careful consideration he had decided that the statements from "Soldier G" and "Soldier H" should be admitted into evidence.[160][161]
Starting on 1 October 2025, witnesses who had been shot on Bloody Sunday gave evidence for the prosecution. Joe Mahon testified to the court how he had been at the civil rights march on the day in question and had escaped into Glenfada Park with a number of other people after hearing reports of people being shot on Roseville Street. He then witnessed some British soldiers entering Glenfada Park North, one of whom beganshooting from the hip side to side in his direction. Mahon was shot in the pelvis, and ended up on the ground beside William McKinney and James Wray. As the soldier who opened fire began walking across the square towards them, Mahon claimed to have heard someone say "pretend you are dead", and that when James Wray started to move this soldier opened fire twice on Wray as he lay on the ground and then said to a colleague "I’ve got another one".[162] Mahon told the court he remembered which soldier had shot him as he wore a different colour of combat jacket to the other soldiers, and that when he removed his helmet to wipe sweat off his forehead he noticed he had short blond hair. Mahon later saw this soldier in a news clip, and when the video was played to the court he pointed out the soldier who he believed had shot him in Glenfada Park.[163] Joseph Friel gave testimony to the court how he also witnessed a soldier shooting from the hip in Glenfada Park North, and that he had been hit in the chest by a single bullet after a burst of three rounds had been fired in his direction.[164] Michael Quinn described to the court how he ran from William Street into Glenfada Park North after soldiers opened fire on protestors, and that he was aware of sustained gunfire coming from the Rossville Street area. When more soldiers entered Glenfada Park, Quinn tried to exit into Abbey Park when a bullet grazed his shoulder and pierced his cheekbone, before finally exiting from his nose.[165]A statement from Patrick O'Donnell, who died in 2005, was also read out to the court, where he described being present in Glenfada Park North when he was shot in the shoulder.[166]
Eyewitnesses who were not directly involved in the shootings also gave sworn testimony to the court. Derek McFeely described how he had attended the civil rights march and was standing on William Street when a person beside him was shot by British soldiers. After helping carry him to safety, McFeely then went into Glenfada Park thinking he would be safe there, where he saw a group of soldiers running in and then opening fire. John Shiels was also on the march and took shelter in flat in Glenfada Park after disorder broke out. Shiels testified how he was looking out the window of the flat when he seen a soldier enter the court yard and then fire a shot at an unarmed person who was running away, and that person then fell to the ground and remained motionless.[167] Malachy Coyle told the court how he and another man had ran into the backyard of a house on Glenfada Park North to escape gunfire, and that while looking through slats in the garden fence he seen soldiers entering the courtyard. Coyle observed three people lying on the ground, and the man closest to him (who was later identified as James Wray) called out that he couldn't feel his legs, and fearing for the man's safety Coyle said to him "don't move, pretend you're dead". Coyle then heard another gunshot, seen the spark of a bulletricochet on the pavement under the man, and finally saw the man slump down with a groan. Coyle then witnessed a soldier shout "I am going to shoot you, you Irish b******s" at a group of men running away, before he then opened fire on them. Coyle and the other man thereafter emerged from the backyard with their hands on their heads.[168]
On 7 October 2025, the original statements given to the Royal Military Police by the colleagues of "Soldier F" in the early hours of 31 January 1972 were read out to the court. "Soldier G" claimed that he and "Soldier F" came under fire from a gunman in the Rossville flats at around 4pm on the day in question, and after moving up the street he spotted an armed individual at the end of an alleyway. He then ran into Glenfada Park along with "Soldier F", where they observed two men armed with rifles on the far side of the courtyard. Both he and "Soldier F" opened fire and the two men collapsed to the ground, then bystanders grabbed the men's rifles and ran off down an alleyway. "Soldier G" briefly chased these individuals, before being ordered back to Rossville Street. "Soldier H" told the RMP how he had entered Glenfada Park with "Soldier F" and "Soldier G", when he observed three young men holding nail bombs. "Soldier H" fired two rounds at the youth in the middle of the group, while "Soldier F" and "Soldier G" also opened fire at them, and the other two fell to the ground along with the individual he opened fire on. "Soldier H" claimed another youth then suddenly ran over and took an object from the group on the ground, and when he tried to run off "Soldier H" fired a shot that struck him on the shoulder.[169] Statements from "Soldier E", who was serving as acorporal from 1 Para on the day in question, were submitted to the court also. "Soldier E" described leading a 'four-man brick' of paratroopers from the junction of William Street and Rossville Street into Glenfada Park North, where they came under attack from both petrol bomb and nail bombs. "Soldier E" admitted firing two shots at a man about to throw a nail bomb in his direction, and seen one round hitting him in the chest. "Soldier E" recalled there was alot of additional gunfire in the court yard at the time, and he witnessed two other individuals collapse to the ground.[170]
Statements given to the Saville Inquiry by "Soldier H" were also submitted as evidence, where he described standing outside a church when a gunman suddenly opened fire on him, after which he entered Glenfada Park North with a number of other soldiers. "Soldier H" claimed that he had a nail bomb thrown at him, and then observed a young man throwing a "smoking object" in his direction, which in response he fired two aimed shots at the youth. Because he was concentrating on hitting the target, he had no awareness of others in the court yard and no recollection of the actions of "Soldier G" and "Soldier F" regarding them opening fire or not.[171] "Soldier H" went onto narrate how he spotted a rifle barrel sticking out of window with frosted glass, and that he fired a total of 19 rounds at the window hoping to hit the shape moving behind the glass. "Soldier H" asserted that since he was totally concentrating on engaging this sniper, he could not see what "Soldier G" and "Soldier F" were doing during this time period.[172]
The prosecution concluded its evidence by asserting to the court that during post-mortem examinations on McKinney and Wray, forensic tests looking for firearm or explosives residue both came back negative. It was also revealed that "Soldier F" was interviewed twice by police in 2016, and after his lawyer read a short statement he then refused to answer any questions. Defence lawyers then informed the judge that they would be launching ano case to answer application when the trail resumed the following week.[173]
On 13 October 2025, defence lawyer Mark Mulholland argued that the hearsay evidence admitted into the trial was "fundamentally inconsistent." Mulholland further described "Soldier H" as an unreliable witness who had altered his account multiple times and refused to testify or becross-examined.[174] He also criticised the credibility of "Soldier G"'s statements, which he said were self-contradictory regarding who fired first in Glenfada Park North. Civilian testimony, Mulholland asserted, supported the claim that all shooting in that area was carried out by the first soldier to arrive, "Soldier G".[175]
In response, prosecution lawyer Louis Mably maintained that there was a case for "Soldier F" to answer. He acknowledged inconsistencies in the soldiers’ statements but attributed them to how they were recorded by the Royal Military Police. Mably argued that a "core of consistency" remained: both sets of statements implicated "Soldier F" in opening fire, and civilian evidence did not support the claim that only one soldier had fired.[176][177]
On 16 October, judge Patrick Lynch ruled that the trial should proceed and declined to direct a verdict of not guilty. He invited the defence to present its case, but Mulholland stated that "Soldier F" would not testify or be cross-examined, nor would any other defence evidence be introduced. Lynch warned that the court could draw an adverse inference from this refusal, a point echoed by Mably, who called it implausible that "Soldier F" had no memory of whether he fired with intent to kill.[178]
On 23 October 2025, Lynch ruled that "Soldier F" was not guilty and acquitted him of all charges, stating that "evidence presented by the Crown falls way short of standard" to prove guiltbeyond reasonable doubt.[179] He highlighted how statements from "Soldier H" and "Soldier G" could not be relied upon as they had both committedperjury at previous legal inquiries, and they potentially had ulterior motives to name "Soldier F" as a participant in their own murderous activities on the day in question.[180]
When it was first deployed on duty in Northern Ireland during the1969 Northern Ireland riots, the British Army was welcomed by many Catholics as a neutral force there to protect them from Protestant loyalist mobs, the RUC and theB-Specials.[181] After Bloody Sunday many Catholics turned on the British Army, seeing it no longer as their protector but as their enemy. Young nationalists became increasingly attracted to armedrepublican groups. With the Official IRA andOfficial Sinn Féin having moved away from mainstream Irish republicanism towardsMarxism, the Provisional IRA began to win the support of newly radicalised, disaffected youth.[182]
In the following 20 years, the Provisional IRA and other smaller republican groups such as theIrish National Liberation Army stepped up theirarmed campaigns against the state and those seen as being in service to it. With rival paramilitary organisations appearing in both the republican and loyalist communities (such as the UDA,Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), etc. on the loyalist side), the Troubles cost the lives of thousands of people.[183]
In 1979, the Provisional IRA killed 18 British soldiers in theWarrenpoint ambush, most of them paratroopers. This happened the same day the IRA assassinatedLord Mountbatten. Republicans portrayed the attack as belated retaliation for Bloody Sunday, with graffiti declaring "13 gone and not forgotten, we got 18 and Mountbatten".[184]
In 2012 a serving British soldier from Belfast was charged with inciting hatred, due to their use of onlinesocial media to post sectarian slurs about the killings along with banners of the Parachute Regiment.[185]
In recent years, Parachute Regiment flags have been erected by someloyalists around the time of the Bloody Sunday anniversaries. In January 2013, shortly before the yearly Bloody Sunday remembrance march, several Parachute Regiment flags were flown in loyalist areas of Derry. The flying of the flags was condemned by nationalist politicians and relatives of the Bloody Sunday dead.[186] The MoD also condemned the flying of the flags.[187] The flags were replaced by Union Jacks.[188] Later that year, the Parachute Regiment flag was flown alongside other loyalist flags in other parts of Northern Ireland. In 2014, loyalists erected the flags near the route of aSaint Patrick's Day parade inCookstown.[189]
Paul McCartney, who is of Irish descent,[190] andWings recorded the first song in response only two days after the massacre. The single, entitled "Give Ireland Back to the Irish", was banned by theBBC for its political content.[191]
In March 1972,Irish traditional group Paddywagon released "Sunday Bloody Sunday", responding to the incident; it reached #1 in the Republic of Ireland.[192]
The 1972John Lennon albumSome Time in New York City features a song entitled "Sunday Bloody Sunday", inspired by the incident, as well as the song "The Luck of the Irish", which dealt more with the Irish conflict in general. Lennon, who was of Irish descent, also spoke at a protest in New York in support of the victims and families of Bloody Sunday.[193]
Irish poetThomas Kinsella's 1972 poemButcher's Dozen is a satirical and angry response to the Widgery Tribunal and the events of Bloody Sunday.[194]
Black Sabbath'sGeezer Butler (also of Irish descent) wrote the lyrics to the Black Sabbath song "Sabbath Bloody Sabbath" on the album of thesame name in 1973. Butler stated, "…the Sunday Bloody Sunday thing had just happened in Ireland, when the British troops opened fire on the Irish demonstrators… So I came up with the title 'Sabbath Bloody Sabbath', and sort of put it in how the band was feeling at the time, getting away from management, mixed with the state Ireland was in."[195]
TheRoy Harper song "All Ireland" from the albumLifemask, written in the days following the incident, is critical of the military but takes a long-term view with regard to a solution. In Harper's book (The Passions of Great Fortune), his comment on the song ends "…there must always be some hope that the children of 'Bloody Sunday', on both sides, can grow into some wisdom".[196]
Brian Friel's 1973 playThe Freedom of the City deals with the incident from the viewpoint of three civilians.[197]
Irish poetSeamus Heaney'sCasualty (published inField Work, 1981) criticises Britain for the death of his friend.[198]
The Irish rock bandU2 commemorated the incident in their 1983protest song "Sunday Bloody Sunday".[197]
Christy Moore's song "Minds Locked Shut" on the 1996 albumGraffiti Tongue is about the events of the day and names the dead civilians.[199]
The events of the day have been dramatised in two 2002 television films,Bloody Sunday (starringJames Nesbitt) andSunday byJimmy McGovern.[197]
TheCeltic metal bandCruachan addressed the incident in a song "Bloody Sunday" from their 2002 albumFolk-Lore.[200]
Willie Doherty, a Derry-born artist, has amassed a large body of work which addresses the troubles in Northern Ireland. "30 January 1972" deals specifically with the events of Bloody Sunday.[197]
In mid-2005, the playBloody Sunday: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry, a dramatisation based on the Saville Inquiry, opened in London, and subsequently travelled to Derry and Dublin.[201][202] The writer, journalistRichard Norton-Taylor, distilled four years of evidence into two hours of stage performance at theTricycle Theatre. The play received glowing reviews in all the British broadsheets, includingThe Times: "The Tricycle's latest recreation of a major inquiry is its most devastating";The Daily Telegraph: "I can't praise this enthralling production too highly… exceptionally gripping courtroom drama"; andThe Independent: "A necessary triumph".[203]
In October 2010,T with the Maggies released the song "Domhnach na Fola" (Irish for "Bloody Sunday"), written byMairéad Ní Mhaonaigh,Moya Brennan,Tríona Ní Dhomhnaill andMaighread Ní Dhomhnaill on theirT with the Maggies album.[204]
…the level of rioting was no greater than usual – and no petrol bombs or nail bombs were being thrown."
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link){{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)3.119 in the course of investigating the activities of the Provisional and Official IRA on the day, we considered at some length allegations that Martin McGuinness, at that time the Adjutant of the Derry Brigade or Command of the Provisional IRA, had engaged in paramilitary activity during the day. In the end we were left in some doubt as to his movements on the day. Before the soldiers of Support Company went into the Bogside he was probably armed with a Thompson sub-machine gun, and though it is possible that he fired this weapon, there is insufficient evidence to make any finding on this, save that we are sure that he did not engage in any activity that provided any of the soldiers with any justification for opening fire.
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