| Biblical Hebrew | |
|---|---|
| Classical Hebrew | |
| שְֹפַת כְּנַעַן,יְהוּדִית,(לָשׁוֹן) עִבְרִית,לְשׁוֹן הַקֹּדֶשׁ | |
 | |
| Region |
|
| Era | attested from the 10th century BCE; developed intoMishnaic Hebrew after theJewish–Roman wars in the 1st century CE |
Early form | |
Standard forms | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | Either:hbo – Ancient Jewish Hebrew (Southern dialect)smp – Samaritan Hebrew (Northern dialect) |
hbo | |
smp | |
| Glottolog | anci1244 Ancient Hebrewsama1313 Samaritan |
| This article containsIPA phonetic symbols. Without properrendering support, you may seequestion marks, boxes, or other symbols instead ofUnicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, seeHelp:IPA. | |
Biblical Hebrew (Hebrew:עִבְרִית מִקְרָאִית,romanized: ʿiḇrîṯ miqrāʾîṯⓘ orלְשׁוֹן הַמִּקְרָא,ləšôn ha-miqrāʾⓘ), also calledClassical Hebrew, is an archaic form of theHebrew language, a language in theCanaanitic branch of theSemitic languages spoken by theIsraelites in the area known as theLand of Israel, roughly west of theJordan River and east of theMediterranean Sea. The termʿiḇrîṯ'Hebrew' was not used as the language in theHebrew Bible, which was referred to asשְֹפַת כְּנַעַןśəp̄aṯ kənaʿan'language of Canaan' orיְהוּדִיתYəhûḏîṯⓘ'Judean', but was used inKoine Greek andMishnaic Hebrew texts.[1]
Paleo-Hebrew is attested ininscriptions from about the 10th century BCE,[2][3] when it was almost identical toPhoenician and otherCanaanite languages, and spoken Hebrew persisted as afirst language through and beyond theSecond Temple period, which ended in 70 CE with thesiege of Jerusalem. It eventually developed intoMishnaic Hebrew, which was employed as asecond language until the 5th century.
The language of theHebrew Bible reflects various stages of the Hebrew language in itsconsonantal skeleton, as well as theTiberian vocalization system added in theMiddle Ages by theMasoretes. There is evidence of regionaldialectal variation, including differences between the northernKingdom of Israel and the southernKingdom of Judah. The consonantal text, called theMasoretic Text ("𝕸"), was transmitted in manuscript form and underwent redaction and modernization in the Second Temple period, but its earliest portions (parts ofAmos,Isaiah,Hosea andMicah) can be dated to the late 8th to early 7th centuries BCE.
Biblical Hebrew has several differentwriting systems. From around the 12th century BCE until the 6th century BCE, writers employed thePaleo-Hebrew alphabet. This system was retained by theSamaritans, who use a descendant, theSamaritan script, to this day. However, theImperial Aramaic alphabet gradually displaced the Paleo-Hebrew alphabet after theBabylonian captivity, and became the source for the currentHebrew alphabet. These scripts lack letters to represent all of the sounds of Biblical Hebrew, although these sounds are reflected in Greek and Latin transcriptions/translations of the time. They initially indicated only consonants, but certain letters, known by the Latin termmatres lectionis, became increasingly used to mark vowels. In the Middle Ages, various systems ofdiacritics were developed to mark the vowels in Hebrew manuscripts; of these, only the Tiberian vocalization is still widely used.
Biblical Hebrew possessed a series ofemphatic consonants whose precisearticulation (pronunciation) is disputed, likelyejective or possiblypharyngealized. Earlier Biblical Hebrew had three consonants that were not distinguished in the writing system and later merged with other consonants. Thestop consonants developedfricativeallophones under the influence ofAramaic, and these sounds (the "begadkefat consonants") eventually became marginallyphonemic. Thepharyngeal andglottal consonants underwent weakening in some regional dialects, as reflected, for example, in the modernSamaritan Hebrew reading tradition. The vowel system of Hebrew underwent changes over time and is reflected differently inKoine Greek andLatin transcriptions, medieval vocalization systems, and modern reading traditions.
Premodern Hebrew had a typically Semiticnonconcatenative morphology, arrangingroots into patterns to form words. Biblical Hebrew distinguished twogrammatical genders (masculine and feminine), and threenumbers (singular, plural, and the uncommon dual). Verbs were marked forvoice andmood, and had twoconjugations that may have indicatedaspect ortense. The tense or aspect of verbs was also influenced by the conjunctionו, the "waw-consecutive" construction. The default word order for Biblical Hebrew wasverb–subject–object (unlikeModern Hebrew), and verbs were inflected for the number, gender, andperson of their subject. Pronominal suffixes could be appended to verbs to indicateobject or nouns to indicatepossession, and nouns had specialconstruct states for use in possessive constructions.
The earliest written sources refer to Biblical Hebrew asשפת כנען 'the language of Canaan'.[4][5] The Hebrew Bible also calls the languageיהודית 'Judaean, Judahite'[6][5] In theHellenistic period, Greek writings use the namesHebraios,Hebraïsti[7] and in Mishnaic Hebrew we findעברית 'Hebrew' andלשון עברית 'Hebrew language'.[8][5] The origin of this term is obscure; suggested origins include the biblicalEber, the ethnonymsʿApiru, Ḫabiru, and Ḫapiru found in sources fromancient Egypt andWest Asia, and a derivation from the rootעבר 'to pass', alluding to crossing over theJordan River.[5][9] Jews also began referring to Hebrew asלשון הקדש 'the Holy Tongue' in Mishnaic Hebrew.[5]
The term "Classical Hebrew" may encompass all pre-medieval dialects of Hebrew, including Mishnaic Hebrew, or it may be limited to Hebrew contemporary with the Hebrew Bible. The termBiblical Hebrew refers to pre-Mishnaic dialects (sometimes excluding the language of theDead Sea Scrolls); it may or may not include extra-biblical texts, such as inscriptions like theSiloam inscription, and generally also includes later vocalization traditions for the Hebrew Bible's consonantal text, most commonly the early medieval Tiberian vocalization.[citation needed]
The archeological record for the prehistory of Biblical Hebrew is far more complete than the record of Biblical Hebrew itself.[10] EarlyNorthwest Semitic (ENWS) materials are attested from 2350 BCE to 1200 BCE, the end of theBronze Age.[10] The Northwest Semitic languages, including Hebrew, differentiated noticeably during theIron Age (1200–540 BCE), although in its earliest stages Biblical Hebrew was not highly differentiated fromUgaritic and theCanaanite of theAmarna letters.[11]
Hebrew developed during the latter half of thesecond millennium BCE between the Jordan and theMediterranean Sea, an area known asCanaan.[12] TheDeuteronomic history says the Israelites established aunified kingdom in Canaan at the beginning of the first millennium BCE, which later split into thekingdom of Israel in the north and thekingdom of Judah in the south after a disputed succession.[13]
In 722 BCE, theNeo-Assyrian Empire destroyed Israel[13] and someIsraelite elites (עם הארץ) escaped to the Kingdom of Judah, which was made aclient state of the Empire. In 586 BCE, theNeo-Babylonian Empire destroyed Judah. The Judahites were exiled, andSolomon's Temple was destroyed.[13][14]
Later, theAchaemenid Empire made former Judah a province,Yehud Medinata, and permitted the Judahite exiles to return and repopulate the land and aided the rebuilding of theTemple in Jerusalem.[13] According to theGemara, Hebrew of this Second Temple period was similar toImperial Aramaic;[15][16]Hanina bar Hama said that God sent the exiled Jews to Babylon because "their language,Aramaic, is similar to the language of the Torah." (מִפְּנֵי שֶׁקָּרוֹב לְשׁוֹנָם לִלְשׁוֹן תּוֹרָה.Pesahim 87b:20).
Aramaic became the common language in the north, inGalilee andSamaria.[14] Hebrew remained in use in Judah, but the returning exiles brought back Aramaic influence, and Aramaic was used for communicating with other ethnic groups during the Persian period.[14]Alexander the Great conquered Judah in 332 BCE.[14] During the subsequentHellenistic period, Judea became independent under theHasmonean dynasty and conquered nearby regions:Perea, Samaria,Idumea, Galilee, andIturea. Later, theRoman Republic ended their independence, makingHerod the Great their ruler, and it was made the province ofJudaea in 6 CE.[13]
A revolt against the Romans led to thedestruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, and the secondBar Kokhba revolt in 132–135 led to the purge and expulsion of the Jewish population of Judea,[13] the establishment of a new province ofSyria Palaestina, and the rebuilding of Jerusalem as the Romancolonia ofAelia Capitolina.
Roman-era Hebrew, calledTannaitic Hebrew, ceased being spoken about 200 CE and developed into the literary language of the later Mishnaic Hebrew of theAmoraim.[17] Hebrew continued to be used as a literary and liturgical language in the form ofMedieval Hebrew. Therevival of the Hebrew language as a vernacular began in the 19th century, culminating in Modern Hebrew becoming the official language ofIsrael. Currently, Classical Hebrew is generally taught in public schools inIsrael, and Biblical Hebrew forms are sometimes used in Modern Hebrew literature, much as archaic and biblical constructions are used in English literature. Since Modern Hebrew contains many biblical elements, Biblical Hebrew is fairly intelligible to Modern Hebrew speakers.[18]
The primary source of Biblical Hebrew material is the Hebrew Bible.[11][19]Epigraphic materials from the area of Israelite territory are written in a form of Hebrew called Inscriptional Hebrew, although this is meagerly attested.[19][20] According to Waltke & O'Connor, Inscriptional Hebrew "is not strikingly different from the Hebrew preserved in the Masoretic text."[20] The damp climate of Israel caused the rapid deterioration of papyrus and parchment documents, in contrast to the dry environment of Egypt, and the survival of the Hebrew Bible may be attributed to scribal determination in preserving the text through copying.[21] No manuscript of the Hebrew Bible dates to before 400 BCE, although two silver rolls (theKetef Hinnom scrolls) from the seventh or sixth century BCE show a version of thePriestly Blessing.[21][22][23] Vowel andcantillation marks were added to the older consonantal layer of the Bible between 600 CE and the beginning of the 10th century.[24][nb 1] The scholars who preserved the pronunciation of the Bibles were known as theMasoretes. The most well-preserved system that was developed, and the only one still in religious use, is the Tiberian vocalization, but both Babylonian and Palestinian vocalizations are also attested.[24] The Palestinian system was preserved mainly inpiyyutim, which contain biblical quotations.[24]
| Proto-Semitic | Hebrew | Aramaic | Arabic | Examples | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Hebrew | Aramaic | Arabic | meaning | ||||
| */ð/*ḏ | */z/ז | */d/ד | */ð/ذ | זָהָב זָכָר | דְּהָב דְּכָר | ذَهَب ذَكَر | 'gold' 'male' |
| */z/1*z | */z/ז | */z/ز | מֹאזְנָיִם זְמָן | מֹאזְנָיִן זְמָן | مَوَازِين زَمَن | 'scale' 'time' | |
| */s/*s | */s/ס | */s/س | סַכִּין | سِكِّين | 'knife' | ||
| */ɬ/*ś | */s/שׂ | */s/ס | */ʃ/ش | עָשָׂר | עָסָר | عَشْر | 'ten' |
| */ʃ/*š | */ʃ/שׁ | */ʃ/ש | */s/س | שָׁנָה שָׁלוֹם | שָנָה שְלָם | سَنَة سَلَام | 'year' 'peace' |
| */θ/*ṯ | */t/ת | */θ/ث | שָׁלוֹשׁ שְׁתָּיִם | תְּלָת תְּרֵין | ثَلَاث اِثْنَان | 'three' 'two' | |
| */θʼ/1*ṱ | */sˤ/1צ | */tˤ/ט | */ðˤ/ظ | צֵל צָהֳרָיִם | טְלָה טֹהֶר | ظِلّ ظُهْر | 'shadow' 'noon' |
| */ɬʼ/1*ṣ́ | */ʕ/ע | */dˤ/ض | אֶרֶץ צָחַק | אֶרַע עֲחַק | أَرْض ضَحِكَ | 'land' 'laughed' | |
| */sʼ/1*ṣ | */sˤ/צ | */sˤ/ص | צָרַח צַבָּר | צְרַח צַבָּר | صَرَخَ صَبْر | 'shout' 'watermelon-like plant' | |
| */χ/*ḫ | */ħ/ח | */x~χ/خ | חֲמִשָּׁה צָרַח | חַמְשָה צְרַח | خَمْسَة صَرَخَ | 'five' 'shout' | |
| */ħ/*ḥ | */ħ/ح | מֶלַח חָלוֹם | מֶלַח חֲלָם | مِلْح حُلْم | 'salt' 'dream' | ||
| */ʁ/*ġ | */ʕ/ע | */ɣ~ʁ/غ | עוֹרֵב מַעֲרָב | עוֹרָב מַעֲרָב | غُرَاب غَرْب | 'raven' 'west' | |
| */ʕ/*ʻ | */ʕ/ع | עֶבֶד שֶׁבַע | עֶבֶד שֶבַע | عَبْد سَبْع | 'slave' 'seven' | ||
Biblical Hebrew is aNorthwest Semitic language from theCanaanite subgroup.[28][29]
As Biblical Hebrew evolved from theProto-Semitic language it underwent a number of consonantal mergers parallel with those in other Canaanite languages.[25][30][31][nb 2] There is no evidence that these mergers occurred after the adaptation of the Hebrew alphabet.[32][nb 3]
As a Northwest Semitic language, Hebrew shows the shift of initial*/w/ to/j/, a similar independent pronoun system to the other Northwest Semitic languages (with third person pronouns never containing/ʃ/), some archaic forms, such as/naħnu/ 'we', first person singular pronominal suffix -i or -ya, and/n/ commonly preceding pronominal suffixes.[30] Case endings are found in Northwest Semitic languages in the second millennium BCE, but disappear almost totally afterwards.[30]Mimation is absent in singular nouns, but is often retained in the plural, as in Hebrew.[30]
The Northwest Semitic languages formed a dialect continuum in theIron Age (1200–540 BCE), withPhoenician and Aramaic on each extreme.[30][33] Hebrew is classed with Phoenician in the Canaanite subgroup, which also includesAmmonite,Edomite, andMoabite.[30] Moabite might be considered a Hebrew dialect, though it possessed distinctive Aramaic features.[33][34] Although Ugaritic shows a large degree of affinity to Hebrew in poetic structure, vocabulary, and some grammar, it lacks some Canaanite features (like theCanaanite shift and the shift*/ð/ >/z/), and its similarities are more likely a result of either contact or preserved archaism.[35]
Hebrew underwent the Canaanite shift, where Proto-Semitic/aː/ tended to shift to/oː/, perhaps when stressed.[30][36] Hebrew also shares with the Canaanite languages the shifts*/ð/ >/z/,*/θʼ/ and*/ɬʼ/ >/sʼ/, widespread reduction of diphthongs, and full assimilation of non-final/n/ to the following consonant if word final, i.e.בַּת/bat/ from *bant.[30] There is also evidence of a rule of assimilation of/j/ to the following coronal consonant in pre-tonic position, shared by Hebrew, Phoenician and Aramaic: cfבַּיִתbáyiṯ, but pluralבָּתִּיםbattím.[37]
Typical Canaanite words in Hebrew include:גַּג "roof"שֻׁלְחָן "table"חַלֹּון "window"יָשָׁן "old (thing)"זָקֵן "old (person)" andגֵּרֵשׁ "expel".[30] Morphological Canaanite features in Hebrew include the masculine plural marker-ם, first person singular pronounאָנֹכִי, interrogative pronounמִי, definite articleהַ- (appearing in the first millennium BCE), and third person plural feminine verbal marker-ת.[30]
Biblical Hebrew as preserved in theHebrew Bible is composed of multiple linguistic layers. The consonantal skeleton of the text is the most ancient, while thecantillation and modern vocalization are later additions reflecting a later stage of the language.[19] These additions were added after 600 CE; Hebrew had already ceased being used as a spoken language around 200 CE.[38] Biblical Hebrew as reflected in the consonantal text of the Bible and in extra-biblical inscriptions may be subdivided by era.
The oldest form of Biblical Hebrew, Archaic Hebrew, is found in poetic sections of the Bible and inscriptions dating to around 1000 BCE, the earlyMonarchic Period.[39][40] This stage is also known as Old Hebrew or Paleo-Hebrew, and is the oldest stratum of Biblical Hebrew. The oldest known artifacts of Archaic Biblical Hebrew are various sections of theTanakh, including theSong of Moses (Exodus 15) and theSong of Deborah (Judges 5).[41] Biblical poetry uses a number of distinct lexical items, for exampleחזה for proseראה 'see',כביר forגדול 'great'.[42] Some have cognates in other Northwest Semitic languages, for exampleפעל 'do' andחָרוּץ 'gold' which are common in Canaanite and Ugaritic.[43] Grammatical differences include the use ofזה,זוֹ, andזוּ as relative particles, negativeבל, and various differences in verbal and pronominal morphology and syntax.[44]
Later pre-exilic Biblical Hebrew (such as is found in prose sections of the Pentateuch,Nevi'im, and someKetuvim) is known as 'Biblical Hebrew proper' or 'Standard Biblical Hebrew'.[39][40] This is dated to the period from the 8th to the 6th century BCE. In contrast to Archaic Hebrew, Standard Biblical Hebrew is more consistent in using the definite articleה-, the accusative markerאת, distinguishing between simple andwaw-consecutive verb forms, and in using particles likeאשר andכי rather thanasyndeton.[45]
Biblical Hebrew from after the Babylonian exile in 587 BCE is known as 'Late Biblical Hebrew'.[39][40] Late Biblical Hebrew shows Aramaic influence in phonology, morphology, and lexicon, and this trend is also evident in the later-developed Tiberian vocalization system.[46][nb 4]
Qumran Hebrew, attested in theDead Sea Scrolls from ca. 200 BCE to 70 CE, is a continuation of Late Biblical Hebrew.[40] Qumran Hebrew may be considered an intermediate stage between Biblical Hebrew and Mishnaic Hebrew, though Qumran Hebrew shows its own idiosyncratic dialectal features.[47]
Dialect variation in Biblical Hebrew is attested to by the well-knownshibboleth incident of Judges 12:6, whereJephthah's forces fromGilead caughtEphraimites trying to cross theJordan River by making them sayשִׁבֹּ֤לֶתšibbóleṯ ('ear of corn')[48] The Ephraimites' identity was given away by their pronunciation:סִבֹּ֤לֶתsibbóleṯ.[48] The apparent conclusion is that the Ephraimite dialect had/s/ for standard/ʃ/.[48] As an alternative explanation, it has been suggested that the proto-Semitic phoneme*/θ/, which shifted to/ʃ/ in most dialects of Hebrew, may have been retained in the Hebrew of theTransjordan[49][nb 5] (however, there is evidence thatשִׁבֹּ֤לֶת's Proto-Semitic ancestor had initial consonantš (whence Hebrew/ʃ/), contradicting this theory;[48] for example,שִׁבֹּ֤לֶת's proto-Semitic ancestor has been reconstructed as *šu(n)bul-at-.[50]); or that the Proto-Semitic sibilant *s1, transcribed withšin and traditionally reconstructed as */ʃ/, had been originally */s/ while another sibilant *s3, transcribed withsameḵ and traditionally reconstructed as/s/, had been initially/ts/;[51] later on, a push-typechain shift changed *s3/ts/ to/s/ and pushed s1/s/ to/ʃ/ in many dialects (e.g.Gileadite) but not others (e.g. Ephraimite), where *s1 and *s3 merged into/s/.
Hebrew, as spoken in the northern Kingdom of Israel, known asIsraelian Hebrew, shows phonological, lexical, and grammatical differences from southern dialects.[52] The northern dialect spoken around Samaria shows a more frequent simplification of/aj/ into/eː/ as attested by the Samaria ostraca (8th century BCE), e.g.ין (=/jeːn/ <*/jajn/ 'wine'), while the southern or Judean dialect instead adds in anepenthetic vowel/i/, added halfway through the first millennium BCE (יין =/ˈjajin/).[30][nb 6][53] Theword play inAmos 8:1–2כְּלוּב קַ֫יִץ... בָּא הַקֵּץ may reflect this: given that Amos was addressing the population of the Northern Kingdom, the vocalization *קֵיץ would be more forceful.[53] Other possible Northern features include use ofשֶ- 'who, that', forms likeדֵעָה 'to know' rather thanדַעַת and infinitives of certain verbs of the formעֲשוֹ 'to do' rather thanעֲשוֹת.[54] The Samaria ostraca also showשת for standardשנה 'year', as in Aramaic.[54]
The guttural phonemes/ħʕhʔ/ merged over time in some dialects.[55] This was found in Dead Sea Scroll Hebrew, butJerome (d. 420) attested to the existence of contemporaneous Hebrew speakers who still distinguished pharyngeals.[55] Samaritan Hebrew also shows a general attrition of these phonemes, though/ʕħ/ are occasionally preserved as[ʕ].[56]
| Name | Paleo-Hebrew | Block | Samaritan | Phonetic value (Pre-Exilic)[57][58] (IPA) |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aleph |  | א | ࠀ | [ʔ] |
| Beth |  | ב | ࠁ | [b],[β] |
| Gimel |  | ג | ࠂ | [ɡ],[ɣ] |
| Daleth |  | ד | ࠃ | [d],[ð] |
| He |  | ה | ࠄ | [h] |
| Waw |  | ו | ࠅ | [w]/wᶹ |
| Zayin |  | ז | ࠆ | [z] |
| Heth |  | ח | ࠇ | [ħ] or[χ] |
| Teth |  | ט | ࠈ | [tˤ] |
| Yodh |  | י | ࠉ | [j] |
| Kaph |  | כך | ࠊ | [k],[x] |
| Lamedh |  | ל | ࠋ | [l] |
| Mem |  | מם | ࠌ | [m] |
| Nun |  | נן | ࠍ | [n] |
| Samekh |  | ס | ࠎ | [s] |
| Ayin |  | ע | ࠏ | [ʕ] or[ʁ][59][60] |
| Pe |  | פף | ࠐ | [p],[ɸ] |
| Tsade |  | צץ | ࠑ | [sˤ] |
| Qoph |  | ק | ࠒ | [qˁ] |
| Resh |  | ר | ࠓ | [ɾ],[r] |
| Shin |  | ש | ࠔ | [ʃ] or [ɬ͡s] |
| Taw |  | ת | ࠕ | [t],[θ] |
The earliest Hebrew writing yet discovered, found atKhirbet Qeiyafa, dates to the 10th century BCE.[2] The 15 cm × 16.5 cm (5.9 in × 6.5 in) trapezoid potterysherd (ostracon) has five lines of text written in ink in theProto-Canaanite alphabet (the old form which predates both the Paleo-Hebrew and Phoenician alphabets).[2][3] The tablet is written from left to right, suggesting that Hebrew writing was still in the formative stage.[3]
The Israelite tribes who settled in the land of Israel used a late form of theProto-Sinaitic Alphabet (known asProto-Canaanite when found in Israel) around the 12th century BCE, which developed into Early Phoenician and Early Paleo-Hebrew as found in theGezer calendar (c. 10th century BCE).[61][62] This script developed into the Paleo-Hebrew script in the 10th or 9th centuries BCE.[63][64][65] ThePaleo-Hebrew alphabet's main differences from the Phoenician script were "a curving to the left of the downstrokes in the "long-legged" letter-signs... the consistent use of a Waw with a concave top, [and an] x-shaped Taw."[63][nb 7] The oldest inscriptions in Paleo-Hebrew script are dated to around the middle of the 9th century BCE, the most famous being theMesha Stele in theMoabite language (which might be considered a dialect of Hebrew).[22][34] The ancient Hebrew script was in continuous use until the early 6th century BCE, the end of the First Temple period.[66] In the Second Temple Period the Paleo-Hebrew script gradually fell into disuse, and was completely abandoned among the Jews after the failedBar Kochba revolt.[64][67] The Samaritans retained the ancient Hebrew alphabet, which evolved into the modernSamaritan alphabet.[64][67]
By the end of the First Temple period theAramaic script, a separate descendant of the Phoenician script, became widespread throughout the region, gradually displacing Paleo-Hebrew.[67] The oldest documents that have been found in theAramaic Script are fragments of the scrolls of Exodus, Samuel, and Jeremiah found among the Dead Sea scrolls, dating from the late 3rd and early 2nd centuries BCE.[68] It seems that the earlier biblical books were originally written in the Paleo-Hebrew script, while the later books were written directly in the later Assyrian script.[64] Some Qumran texts written in the Assyrian script write thetetragrammaton and some other divine names in Paleo-Hebrew, and this practice is also found in several Jewish-Greek biblical translations.[64][nb 8] While spoken Hebrew continued to evolve intoMishnaic Hebrew, A number of regional "book-hand" styles were put into use for the purpose of Torah manuscripts and occasionally other literary works, distinct from the calligraphic styles used mainly for private purposes.[69] TheMizrahi andAshkenazi book-hand styles were later adapted to printed fonts after the invention of the printing press.[69] The modernHebrew alphabet, also known as the Assyrian or Square script, appears a descendant of the Aramaic alphabet.[67]
The Phoenician script had dropped five characters by the 12th century BCE, reflecting the language's twenty-two consonantal phonemes.[65] The 22 letters of the Paleo-Hebrew alphabet numbered less than the consonant phonemes of ancient Biblical Hebrew; in particular, the letters⟨ח, ע, ש⟩ could each mark two different phonemes.[70] After a sound shift the lettersח,ע could only mark one phoneme, but (except in Samaritan Hebrew)ש still marked two. The old Babylonian vocalization system wrote a superscriptס above theש to indicate it took the value/s/, while the Masoretes added theshin dot to distinguish between the two varieties of the letter.[71][72]
The original Hebrew alphabet consisted only ofconsonants, but the lettersא,ה,ו,י, also were used to indicate vowels, known asmatres lectionis when used in this function.[65][73] It is thought that this was a product of phonetic development: for instance, *bayt ('house') shifted toבֵּית inconstruct state but retained its spelling.[74] While no examples of early Hebrew orthography have been found, olderPhoenician andMoabite texts show how First Temple period Hebrew would have been written.[73] Phoenician inscriptions from the 10th century BCE do not indicate matres lectiones in the middle or the end of a word, for exampleלפנ andז for laterלפני andזה, similarly to the HebrewGezer Calendar, which has for instanceשערמ forשעורים and possiblyירח forירחו.[73] Matres lectionis were later added word-finally, for instance theMesha inscription hasבללה, בנתי for laterבלילה, בניתי; however at this stage they were not yet used word-medially, compareSiloam inscriptionזדה versusאש (for laterאיש).[73] The relative termsdefective andfull/plene are used to refer to alternative spellings of a word with less or more matres lectionis, respectively.[73][nb 9]
The Hebrew Bible was presumably originally written in a more defective orthography than found in any of the texts known today.[73] Of the extant textual witnesses of the Hebrew Bible, the Masoretic text is generally the most conservative in its use of matres lectionis, with theSamaritan Pentateuch and its forebearers being more full and the Qumran tradition showing the most liberal use of vowel letters.[75] The Masoretic text mostly uses vowel letters for long vowels, showing the tendency to mark all long vowels except for word-internal/aː/.[74][nb 10] In the Qumran tradition,back vowels are usually represented by⟨ו⟩ whether short or long.[76][77]⟨י⟩ is generally used for both long[iː] and[eː] (אבילים,מית), and final[iː] is often written as־יא in analogy to words likeהיא,הביא, e.g.כיא, sometimesמיא.[76][77]⟨ה⟩ is found finally in forms likeחוטה (Tiberianחוטא),קורה (Tiberianקורא) while⟨א⟩ may be used for an a-quality vowel in final position (e.g.עליהא) and in medial position (e.g.יאתום).[76] Pre-Samaritan and Samaritan texts show full spellings in many categories (e.g.כוחי vs. Masoreticכחי in Genesis 49:3) but only rarely show full spelling of the Qumran type.[78]
Presumably, the vowels of Biblical Hebrew were not indicated in the original text, but various sources attest to them at various stages of development. Greek and Latin transcriptions of words from the biblical text provide early evidence of the nature of Biblical Hebrew vowels. In particular, there is evidence from the rendering of proper nouns in theKoine GreekSeptuagint (3rd–2nd centuries BCE[79]) and the Greek alphabettranscription of the Hebrew biblical text contained in theSecunda (3rd century CE, likely a copy of a preexisting text from before 100 BCE[nb 11]). In the 7th and 8th centuries CE various systems of vocalic notation were developed to indicate vowels in the biblical text.[80] The most prominent, best preserved, and the only system still in use, is theTiberian vocalization system, created by scholars known as Masoretes around 850 CE.[24][81] There are also various extant manuscripts making use of less common vocalization systems (Babylonian andPalestinian), known assuperlinear vocalizations because their vocalization marks are placed above the letters.[24][81][nb 12][nb 13] In addition, theSamaritan reading tradition is independent of these systems and was occasionally notated with a separate vocalization system.[81][82][nb 14] These systems often record vowels at different stages of historical development; for example, the name of the JudgeSamson is recorded in Greek as ΣαμψώνSampsōn with the first vowel as/a/, while Tiberianשִמְשוֹן/ʃimʃon/ with/i/ shows the effect of thelaw of attenuation whereby/a/ in closed unstressed syllables became/i/.[83] All of these systems together are used to reconstruct the original vocalization of Biblical Hebrew.
At an early stage, in documents written in the paleo-Hebrew script, words were divided by short vertical lines and later by dots, as reflected by the Mesha Stone, the Siloam inscription, the Ophel inscription, and paleo-Hebrew script documents from Qumran.[84] Word division was not used in Phoenician inscriptions; however, there is no direct evidence for biblical texts being written without word division, as suggested byNahmanides in his introduction to the Torah.[84] Word division using spaces was commonly used from the beginning of the 7th century BCE for documents in the Aramaic script.[84] In addition to marking vowels, the Tiberian system also usescantillation marks, which serve to mark word stress, semantic structure, and the musical motifs used in formal recitation of the text.[85][86]
While the Babylonian and Palestinian reading traditions are extinct, various other systems of pronunciation have evolved over time, notably theYemenite,Sephardi,Ashkenazi, andSamaritan traditions.Modern Hebrew pronunciation is also used by some to read biblical texts. The modern reading traditions do not stem solely from the Tiberian system; for instance, the Sephardic tradition's distinction between qamatz gadol and qatan is likely pre-Tiberian.[87] However, the only orthographic system used to mark vowels is the Tiberian vocalization.
Thephonology as reconstructed for Biblical Hebrew is as follows:
| Labial | Coronal | Dorsal | Pharyn- geal | Glottal | ||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Dental | Alveolar | Lateral | Post- alv. | Palatal | Velar | Uvular | ||||||
| Stops | voiceless | p | t | k | q | ʔ | ||||||
| voiced | b | d | g | |||||||||
| emphatic | tˤ | |||||||||||
| Fricatives | voiceless | ɸ | θ | s | ɬ | ʃ | x | χ | ħ | h | ||
| voiced | β | ð | z | ɣ | ʁ | ʕ | ||||||
| emphatic | sˤ | |||||||||||
| Nasals | m | n | ||||||||||
| Approximants | w/ʋ | l | j | |||||||||
| Trill | r | |||||||||||
Legend: | ||||||||||||
The phonetic nature of some Biblical Hebrew consonants is disputed. The so-called "emphatics" were likelypharyngealized, but possibly velarized.[88][89] The pharyngealization of emphatic consonants is viewed as aCentral Semitic innovation.[90]
Some argue that/s,z,sˤ/ were affricated (/ts,dz,tsˤ/),[88] but Egyptian starts usings in place of earlierṯ to represent Canaanites around 1000 BC. It is likely that Canaanite was already dialectally split by that time, and the northern Early Phoenician dialect that the Greeks were in contact with could have preserved the affricate pronunciation untilc. 800 BC at least, unlike the more southern Canaanite dialects (like Hebrew) that the Egyptians were in contact with, so that there is no contradiction within this argument.
Originally, the Hebrew letters⟨ח⟩ and⟨ע⟩ each represented two possible phonemes, uvular and pharyngeal, with the distinction unmarked in Hebrew orthography. However, the uvular phonemes/χ/ח and/ʁ/ע merged with their pharyngeal counterparts/ħ/ח and/ʕ/ע respectively c. 200 BCE.
This is observed by noting the preservation of the double phonemes of each letter in one Sephardic reading tradition, and by noting that these phonemes are distinguished consistently in theSeptuagint of the Pentateuch (e.g.IsaacיצחקYīṣḥāq =Ἰσαάκ versusRachelרחלRāḫēl =Ῥαχήλ), but this becomes more sporadic in later books and is generally absent in translations ofEzra andNehemiah.[91][92]
The phoneme/ɬ/, is also not directly indicated by Hebrew orthography but is clearly attested by later developments: It is written with⟨ש⟩ (also used for/ʃ/) but later merged with/s/ (normally indicated with⟨ס⟩). As a result, three etymologically distinct phonemes can be distinguished through a combination of spelling and pronunciation:/s/ written⟨ס⟩,/ʃ/ written⟨ש⟩, and/ś/ (pronounced/ɬ/ but written⟨ש⟩). The specific pronunciation of/ś/ as[ɬ] is based on comparative evidence (/ɬ/ is the correspondingProto-Semitic phoneme and still attested inModern South Arabian languages[72] as well as early borrowings (e.g.balsam < Greekbalsamon < Hebrewbaśam)./ɬ/ began merging with/s/ in Late Biblical Hebrew, as indicated by interchange of orthographic⟨ש⟩ and⟨ס⟩, possibly under the influence of Aramaic, and this became the rule in Mishnaic Hebrew.[59][89] In all Jewish reading traditions/ɬ/ and/s/ have merged completely; however in Samaritan Hebrew/ɬ/ has instead merged with/ʃ/.[59]
Allophonicspirantization of/bɡdkpt/ to[vɣðxfθ] (known asbegadkefat spirantization) developed sometime during the lifetime of Biblical Hebrew under the influence of Aramaic.[nb 15] This probably happened after the original Old Aramaic phonemes/θ,ð/ disappeared in the 7th century BCE,[93] and most likely occurred after the loss of Hebrew/χ,ʁ/ c. 200 BCE.[nb 16] It is known to have occurred in Hebrew by the 2nd century CE.[94] After a certain point this alternation became contrastive in word-medial and final position (though bearing lowfunctional load), but in word-initial position they remained allophonic.[95] This is evidenced both by the Tiberian vocalization's consistent use of word-initial spirants after a vowel insandhi, as well asSaadia Gaon's attestation to the use of this alternation in Tiberian Aramaic at the beginning of the 10th century CE.[95]
The Dead Sea scrolls show evidence of confusion of the phonemes/ħʕhʔ/, e.g.חמרħmr for Masoreticאָמַר/ʔɔˈmar/ 'he said'.[96] However the testimony of Jerome indicates that this was a regionalism and not universal.[55] Confusion of gutturals was also attested in later Mishnaic Hebrew and Aramaic (see Eruvin 53b). In Samaritan Hebrew,/ʔħhʕ/ have generally all merged, either into/ʔ/, a glide/w/ or/j/, or by vanishing completely (often creating a long vowel), except that original/ʕħ/ sometimes have reflex/ʕ/ before/aɒ/.[56]
Geminate consonants are phonemically contrastive in Biblical Hebrew. In the Secunda/wjz/ are never geminate.[97] In the Tiberian tradition/ħʕhʔr/ cannot be geminate; historically first/rʔ/ degeminated, followed by/ʕ/,/h/, and finally/ħ/, as evidenced by changes in the quality of the preceding vowel.[98][nb 17]
| Proto-Semitic | Language | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Hebrew | Aramaic | Arabic | ||
| Jewish | Samaritanּ | |||
| */p/ | */ɸ/(normally)פף */p/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)פּ | */f/ ࠐ | */ɸ/(normally)פף */p/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)פּ | */f/ ف |
| */b/ | */β/(normally)ב */b/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)בּ | */b/ ࠁ | */β/(normally)ב */b/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)בּ | */b/ ب |
| */t/ | */θ/(normally)ת */t/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)תּ | */t/ ࠕ | */θ/(normally)ת */t/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)תּ | */t/ ت |
| */θ/ ṯ | */ʃ/שׁ | */ʃ/ ࠔ | */θ/ ث | |
| */ʃ/ š | */ʃ/ש | */s/ س | ||
| */ɬ/ ś | */s/שׂ | */s/ס | */ʃ/ ش | |
| */θʼ/ ṯ̣ | */sˤ/צץ | */sˤ/ ࠑ | */tˤ/ט | */ðˤ/ ظ |
| */sʼ/,*/t͡sʼ/ ṣ | */sˤ/צץ | */sˤ/ ص | ||
| */ɬʼ/ ṣ́ | */ʕ/ע | */dˤ/ ض | ||
| */d/ | */ð/(normally)ד */d/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)דּ | */d/ ࠃ | */ð/(normally)ד */d/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)דּ | */d/ د |
| */ð/ ḏ | */z/ז | */z/ ࠆ | */ð/ ذ | |
| */z/,*/d͡z/ z | */z/ז | */z/ ز | ||
| */k/ | */x/(normally)כך */k/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)כּ | */k/ ࠊ | */x/(normally)כך */k/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)כּ | */k/ ك |
| */χ/ ḫ | */ħ/ח | silent(normally) ࠇ */ʔ~ʕ/(syllable-initially) ࠇ | */ħ/ח | */χ/خ |
| */ħ/ ḥ | */ħ/ح | |||
| */g/ | */ɣ/(normally)ג */g/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)גּ | */g/ ࠂ | */ɣ/(normally)ג */g/(syllable-initially, after closed syllables,geminated)גּ | */d͡ʒ/ ج |
| */ʁ/ ġ | */ʕ/ע | silent(normally) ࠏ */ʔ~ʕ/(syllable-initially) ࠏ | */ʕ/ע | */ʁ/غ |
| */ʕ/ ʻ | */ʕ/ع | |||
| */w/ | */w~ʋ/(normally)ו */j/(word-initially, except inו- "and")י | */b/(normally) ࠅ */j/(word-initially, except in -ࠅ "and") ࠉ | */w/(normally)ו */j/(word-initially, except inו- "and")י | */w/ و |
The vowel system of Hebrew has changed considerably over time. The following vowels are those reconstructed for the earliest stage of Hebrew, those attested by the Secunda, those of the various vocalization traditions (Tiberian and varieties ofBabylonian andPalestinian), and those of the Samaritan tradition, with vowelsabsent in some traditions color-coded.
| Proto-Hebrew[99] | Biblical Hebrew[99] | Secunda Hebrew[100] | Tiberian, Babylonian, and Palestinian Hebrew[101][102][103] | Samaritan Hebrew[104] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
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possible allophones
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The following sections present the vowel changes that Biblical Hebrew underwent, in approximate chronological order.
Proto-Semitic is the ancestral language of all theSemitic languages, and in traditional reconstructions possessed 29 consonants; 6 monophthong vowels, consisting of three qualities and two lengths,*/aaːiiːuuː/, in which the long vowels occurred only in open syllables; and two diphthongs*/ajaw/.[111][112] The stress system of Proto-Semitic is unknown but it is commonly described as being much like the system ofClassical Latin or the modern pronunciation ofClassical Arabic: If the penultimate (second last) syllable is light (has a short vowel followed by a single consonant), stress goes on the antepenult (third to last); otherwise, it goes on the penult.
Various changes, mostly in morphology, took place betweenProto-Semitic and Proto-Central-Semitic, the language at the root of theCentral Semitic languages. The phonemic system was inherited essentially unchanged, but theemphatic consonants may have changed their realization in Central Semitic fromejectives topharyngealized consonants.
The morphology of Proto-Central-Semitic shows significant changes compared with Proto-Semitic, especially in its verbs, and is much like inClassical Arabic. Nouns in the singular were usually declined in three cases:/-u/ (nominative),/-a/ (accusative) or/-i/ (genitive). In some circumstances (but never in theconstruct state), nouns also took a final nasal after the case ending:nunation (final/-n/) occurred in some languages,mimation (final/-m/) in others. The original meaning of this marker is uncertain. In Classical Arabic, final/-n/ on nouns indicates indefiniteness and disappears when the noun is preceded by adefinite article or otherwise becomes definite in meaning. In other languages, final/-n/ may be present whenever a noun is not in theconstruct state.Old Canaanite had mimation, of uncertain meaning, in an occurrence of the wordurušalemim (Jerusalem) as given in an Egyptian transcription.[113]
Broken plural forms in Arabic are declined like singulars, and often take singular agreement as well. Dual and "strong plural" forms use endings with a long vowel or diphthong, declined in only two cases: nominative and objective (combination accusative/genitive), with the objective form often becoming the default one after the loss of case endings. Both Hebrew and Arabic had a special form of nunation/mimation that co-occurred with the dual and masculine sound plural endings whenever the noun was not in the construct state. The endings were felt as an inherent part of the ending and, as a result, are still used. Examples are Arabic strong masculine plural-ūna (nominative),-īna (objective), and dual endings-āni (nominative),-ayni (objective); corresponding construct-state endings are-ū, -ī (strong masculine plural),-ā, -ay (dual). (The strong feminine endings in Classical Arabic are-ātu nominative,-āti objective, marked with a singular-style-n nunation in the indefinite state only.)
If Hebrew had at some point had thebroken plural, any vestigial forms that may remain have been extended with the strong plural endings. The dual and strong plural endings were likely much like the Arabic forms given above at one point, with only the objective-case forms ultimately surviving. For example, dual-ayim is probably from*-aymi with an extended mimation ending (cf. Arabic-ayni above), while dual construct-ē is from*-ay without mimation. Similarly,-īm <*-īma,-ōt <*-āti. (Expected plural construct state*-ī was replaced by dual-ē.)
Feminine nouns at this point ended in a suffix/-at-/ or/-t-/ in case endings. When the ending is final due to the loss or absence of the case ending, it is replaced with/-ah/ and then/-aː/ in both Hebrew and Arabic. The final/t/ consonant therefore is silent in the absolute state, but becomes/t/ again in the construct state and when these words take suffixes, e.g.תֹורָה/toːraː/ "law" becomesתֹורַת/toːrat/ "law of", andתֹורָתְךָ/toːraːtəkaː/ "your law", etc. (This is equivalent to the Arabic lettertāʼ marbūṭahة, a modified final form of the letterhāʾه, which indicates this same phoneme shifting. Only its pronunciation varies between construct and absolute state.)
Hebrew shows certain aspects of theCanaanite shift whereby*/aː/ often shifted to/oː/; the conditions of this shift are disputed.[36][nb 20] This shift had occurred by the 14th century BCE, as demonstrated by its presence in theAmarna letters (c. 1365 BCE).[114][115][116]
As a result of the Canaanite shift, the Proto-Hebrew vowel system is reconstructed as*/aaːoːiiːuuː/ (and possibly rare*/eː/).[99] Furthermore, stress at this point appears to have shifted so that it was consistently on the penultimate (next to last) syllable, and was still non-phonemic. The predominant final stress of Biblical Hebrew was a result of loss of final unstressed vowels and a shift away from remaining open syllables (see below).
Final unstressed short vowels dropped out in most words, making it possible for long vowels to occur in closed syllables.This appears to have proceeded in two steps:
Vowel lengthening in stressed, open syllables occurredbetween the two steps, with the result that short vowels at the beginning of an original -VCV ending lengthened in nouns but not verbs. This is most noticeable with short/a/: e.g.*dabara ('word' acc.') >/dɔˈvɔr/ but*kataba ('he wrote') >/kɔˈθav/.
The dropping of final short vowels in verb forms tended to erase mood distinctions, but also some gender distinctions; however, unexpected vowel lengthening occurred in many situations to preserve the distinctions. For example, in the suffix conjugation, first-singular *-tu appears to have been remade into *-tī already by Proto-Hebrew on the basis of possessive-ī (likewise first singular personal pronoun*ʔana became*ʔanī).[citation needed]
Similarly, in the second-singular, inherited*-ta -ti competed with lengthened*-tā -tī for masculine and feminine forms. The expected result would be-t or-tā for masculine,-t or-tī for feminine, and in fact both variants of both forms are found in the Bible (with-h marking the long-ā and-y marking the long-ī). The situation appears to have been quite fluid for several centuries, with-t and-tā/tī forms found in competition both in writing and in speech (cf. theSecunda (Hexapla) ofOrigen, which records both pronunciations, although quite often in disagreement with the written form as passed down to us). Ultimately, writing stabilized on the shorter-t for both genders, while speech chose feminine-t but masculine-tā. This is the reason for the unexpectedqamatz vowel written under the final letter of such words.
The exact same process affected possessive*-ka ('your' masc. sing.) and*-ki ('your' fem. sing.), and personal pronouns*ʔanta, *ʔanti, with the same split into shorter and longer forms and the same ultimate resolution.
The short vowels*/aiu/ tended to lengthen in various positions.
In the process of lengthening, the high vowels were lowered. In the Secunda, the lengthened reflexes of/aiu/ are/aːeːoː/; when kept short they generally have reflexes/aeo/.[118][nb 22][nb 23]
Stressedopen syllables with a short vowel (i.e. syllables consisting of a short vowel followed by a consonant and another vowel) had the vowel reduced to/ə/ and the stressed moved one syllable later in the word (usually to the last syllable of the word).[119] Presumably, stress was originally penultimate and loss of final short vowels made many words have final stress. However, in this case, words whose final syllable had a long vowel or ended with a consonant were unaffected and still had penultimate stress at this point except inpausal position, where the penultimate stress is preserved, and vowel lengthening rather than reduction occurs.
The previous three changes occurred in a complex, interlocking fashion:
Examples:
| 'killing/killer (masc. sg.)' | 'he killed' | 'she killed' | 'they killed' | 'they killed' (pausa) | 'you (masc. sg.) kill' | 'you (fem. sg.) kill' | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Proto-Central-Semitic | *ˈqaːṭilu | *ˈqaṭala | *ˈqaṭalat | *ˈqaṭaluː | *ˈqaṭaluː | *ˈtaqṭulu | *taqṭuˈliː(na) |
| Pre-Hebrew | *ˈqaːṭilu | *ˈqaṭala | *ˈqaṭalat | *ˈqaṭaluː | *ˈqaṭaluː | *ˈtaqṭulu | *ˈtaqṭuliː |
| Canaanite shift | *ˈqoːṭilu | — | — | — | — | — | — |
| Penultimate stress | *qoːˈṭilu | *qaˈṭala | *qaˈṭalat | *qaˈṭaluː | *qaˈṭaluː | *taqˈṭulu | *taqˈṭuliː |
| Final short vowel loss (verb) | — | *qaˈṭal | — | — | — | *taqˈṭul | — |
| Pre-tonic lengthening | — | *qaːˈṭal | *qaːˈṭalat | *qaːˈṭaluː | *qaːˈṭaluː | — | — |
| Stress shift / de-stressed reduction | — | — | *qaːṭəˈlat | *qaːṭəˈluː | — | — | *taqṭəˈliː |
| Tonic lengthening/lowering | *qoːˈṭeːlu | — | — | — | *qaːˈṭaːluː | — | — |
| Final short vowel loss (noun) | *qoːˈṭeːl | — | — | — | — | — | — |
| Feminine/-at/ >/aː/ | — | — | *qaːṭəˈlaː | — | — | — | — |
| Short vowel lowering | — | — | — | — | — | *taqˈṭol | — |
| Law of attenuation | — | — | — | — | — | *tiqˈṭol | *tiqṭəˈliː |
| Tiberian/aː/ >/ɔː/ | *qoːˈṭeːl | *qɔːˈṭal | *qɔːṭəˈlɔː | *qɔːṭəˈluː | *qɔːˈṭɔːluː | — | — |
| Loss of phonemic vowel length; attested Tiberian form | qoˈṭel | qɔˈṭal | qɔṭəˈlɔ | qɔṭəˈlu | qɔˈṭɔlu | tiqˈṭol | tiqṭəˈli |
Many, perhaps most, Hebrew words with a schwa directly before a final stress are due to this stress shift.
This sound change shifted many more originally penultimate-stressed words to have final stress. The above changes can be seen to divide words into a number of main classes based on stress and syllable properties:
*/aiu/ were reduced to/ə/ in the second syllable before the stress,[100] and occasionally reduced rather than lengthened in pretonic position, especially when initial (e.g. σεμω =שמו/ʃəˈmo/ 'his name').[120][nb 24] Thus the vowel system of the Secunda was/aeeːiːooːuːə/.[100]
The later Jewish traditions (Tiberian, Babylonian, Palestinian) show similar vowel developments. By the Tiberian time, all short vowels in stressed syllables and open pretonic lengthened, making vowel length allophonic.[121][nb 25][122] Vowels in open or stressed syllables had allophonic length (e.g./a/ inיְרַחֵם/jəraˈħem/[jəraːˈħeːm] ('he will have mercy') < previously short[jəraˈħeːm] <[jəraħˈħeːm] by Tiberian degemination of/ħ/ < PSem*/juraħˈħimu/).[122][nb 26] The Babylonian and Palestinian vocalizations systems also do not mark vowel length.[87][107][123] In the Tiberian and Babylonian systems,*/aː/ and lengthened*/a/ become the back vowel/ɔ/.[107][124] In unaccented closed syllables,*/iu/ become/ɛ⁓iɔ⁓u/ (Tiberian),/a⁓iu/ (Babylonian), or/e⁓io⁓u/ (Palestinian) – generally becoming the second vowel before geminates (e.g.לִבִּי) and the first otherwise.[107][108][124][125][nb 27] In the Tiberian tradition pretonic vowels are reduced more commonly than in the Secunda. It does not occur for/*a/, but is occasional for/*i/ (e.g.מסמְרים/masməˈrim/ 'nails' <*/masmiriːm/), and is common for/*u/ (e.g.רְחוֹב/rəˈħoβ 'open place' <*/ruħaːb/).[120][126] In Tiberian Hebrew pretonic/*u/ is most commonly preserved by geminating the following consonant, e.g.אדֻמּים/ăðumˈmim/ ('red' pl.) (cf./ăˈðom/ 'red' sg.); this pretonic gemination is also found in some forms with other vowels likeאַסִּיר⁓אָסִיר/ɔˈsir/⁓/asˈsir/ ('prisoner').[127]
The Babylonian and Palestinian systems have only one reduced vowel phoneme/ə/ like the Secunda, though in Palestinian Hebrew it developed the pronunciation[ɛ].[100][107][128] However the Tiberian tradition possesses three reduced vowels/ăɔ̆ɛ̆/ of which/ɛ̆/ has questionable phonemicity.[129][130][nb 28]/ă/ under a non-guttural letter was pronounced as an ultrashort copy of the following vowel before a guttural, e.g.וּבָקְעָה[uvɔqɔ̆ˈʕɔ], and as[ĭ] preceding/j/, e.g.תְדֵמְּיוּ֫נִי[θăðamːĭˈjuni], but was always pronounced as[ă] under gutturals, e.g.שָחֲחו, חֲיִי.[131][132] When reduced, etymological*/aiu/ become/ăɛ̆⁓ăɔ̆/ under gutturals (e.g.אֲמרתם 'you [mp.] said' cf.אָמר 'he said'), and generally/ă/ under non-gutturals, but*/u/ >/ɔ̆/ (and rarely*/i/ >/ɛ̆/) may still occur, especially after stops (or their spirantized counterparts) and/sʼʃ/ (e.g.דֳּמִי/dɔ̆ˈmi/).[133][134] Samaritan and Qumran Hebrew have full vowels in place of the reduced vowels of Tiberian Hebrew.[135]
Samaritan Hebrew also does not reflect etymological vowel length; however the elision of guttural consonants has created new phonemic vowel length, e.g./rɒb/רב ('great') vs./rɒːb/רחב ('wide').[136] Samaritan Hebrew vowels are allophonically lengthened (to a lesser degree) in open syllables, e.g.המצרי[ammisˤriˑ],היא[iˑ], though this is less strong in post-tonic vowels.[136] Pretonic gemination is also found in Samaritan Hebrew, but not always in the same locations as in Tiberian Hebrew, e.g.גמלים TH/ɡămalːim/ SH/ɡɒmɒləm/;שלמים TH/ʃălɔmim/ SH/ʃelamːəm/.[137] While Proto-Hebrew long vowels usually retain their vowel quality in the later traditions of Hebrew,[124][138] in Samaritan Hebrew*/iː/ may have reflex/e/ in closed stressed syllables, e.g.דין/den/,*/aː/ may become either/a/ or/ɒ/,[139] and*/oː/ >/u/.[139] The reduced vowels of the other traditions appear as full vowels, though there may be evidence that Samaritan Hebrew once had similar vowel reduction. Samaritan/ə/ results from the neutralization of the distinction between/i/ and/e/ in closed post-tonic syllables, e.g./bit/בית ('house')/abbət/הבית ('the house')/ɡer/גר/aɡɡər/הגר.[110]
Various more specific conditioned shifts of vowel quality have also occurred. Diphthongs were frequently monophthongized, but the scope and results of this shift varied among dialects. In particular, the Samaria ostraca show/jeːn/ <*/jajn/ <*/wajn/[nb 29] for Southern/jajin/ ('wine'), and Samaritan Hebrew shows instead the shift*/aj/ >/iː/.[30][140] Original*/u/ tended to shift to/i/ (e.g.אֹמֶר andאִמְרָה 'word';חוץ 'outside' andחיצון 'outer') beginning in the second half of the second millennium BCE.[141] This was carried through completely in Samaritan Hebrew but met more resistance in other traditions such as the Babylonian and Qumran traditions.[141]Philippi's law is the process by which original*/i/ in closed stressed syllables shifts to/a/ (e.g./*bint/ >בַּת/bat/ 'daughter'), or sometimes in the Tiberian tradition/ɛ/ (e.g./*ʔamint/ >אֱמֶת/ɛ̆mɛt/ 'truth').[142][nb 30] This is absent in the transcriptions of the Secunda,[143] but there is evidence that the law's onset predates the Secunda. In the Samaritan tradition Philippi's law is applied consistently, e.g.*/libː-u/ >/lab/ ('heart').[144][nb 31] In some traditions the short vowel/*a/ tended to shift to/i/ in unstressed closed syllables: this is known as thelaw of attenuation. It is common in the Tiberian tradition, e.g.*/ʃabʕat/ > Tiberianשִבְעָה/ʃivˈʕɔ/ ('seven'), but exceptions are frequent.[145] It is less common in the Babylonian vocalization, e.g./ʃabʕɔ/ ('seven'), and differences in Greek and Latin transcriptions demonstrate that it began quite late.[145] Attenuation generally did not occur before/i⁓e/, e.g. Tiberianמַפְתֵּחַ/mafˈteħ/ ('key') versusמִפְתַּח/mifˈtaħ/ ('opening [construct]'), and often was blocked before a geminate, e.g.מתנה ('gift').[145] Attenuation is rarely present in Samaritan Hebrew, e.g.מקדש/maqdaʃ/.[146][nb 32] In the Tiberian tradition/eiou/ take offglide/a/ before/hħʕ/.[147][nb 33] This is absent in the Secunda and in Samaritan Hebrew but present in the transcriptions of Jerome.[140][148] In the Tiberian tradition an ultrashortecho vowel is sometimes added to clusters where the first element is a guttural, e.g.יַאֲזִין/jaʔăzin/ ('he will listen')פָּעֳלוֹ/pɔʕɔ̆lo/ ('his work') butיַאְדִּיר/jaʔdir/ ('he will make glorious')רָחְבּוֹ/ʀɔħbo/ 'its breadth'.[133][nb 34][nb 35]
The following chart summarizes the most regular reflexes of the Proto-Semitic vowels in the various stages of Hebrew:
| Hebrew vowel reflexes | Hebrew language stage | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Secunda | Jewish | Samaritan1 | |||||
| Palestinian | Babylonian | Tiberian | |||||
| Proto-Hebrew vowel | *a | usual7 | a | a,i2 | a,ɒ | ||
| lengthened5 | aː | a | ɔ | ||||
| reduced6 | ə | ə | ă | ||||
| *i | usual7 | e | e,i8,a3 | ɛ,i8,a3 | e,i,a3 | ||
| lengthened5 | eː | e | e | ||||
| reduced6 | ə | ə | ă,ɛ̆ | e,i,a3 | |||
| *u | usual7 | o | o,u8 | ɔ,u8 | a,ɒ,i | ||
| lengthened5 | oː | o | |||||
| reduced6 | ə | ə | ă,ɔ̆ | ||||
| *aː→*oː | oː | o | u | ||||
| *iː | iː | i | e,i | ||||
| *uː | uː | u | o,u4 | ||||
| *aj→*ej | eː | e | iː,i | ||||
| *aw→*ow | oː | o | uː,o | ||||
All Proto-Hebrew short vowels were deleted word-finally.
Notes:
Proto-Hebrew generally had penultimate stress.[149][nb 36] The ultimate stress of later traditions of Hebrew usually resulted from the loss of final vowels in many words, preserving the location of proto-Semitic stress.[nb 37] Tiberian Hebrew has phonemic stress, e.g.בָּנוּ֫/bɔˈnu/ ('they built') vs.בָּ֫נוּ/ˈbɔnu/ ('in us'); stress is most commonly ultimate, less commonly penultimate, and antipenultimate stress exists marginally, e.g.הָאֹ֫הֱלָה/hɔˈʔohɛ̆lɔ/ ('into the tent').[150][nb 38] There does not seem to be evidence for stress in the Secunda varying from that of the Tiberian tradition.[151] Despite sharing the loss of final vowels with Tiberian Hebrew, Samaritan Hebrew has generally not preserved Proto-Semitic stress, and has predominantly penultimate stress, with occasional ultimate stress.[152] There is evidence that Qumran Hebrew had a similar stress pattern to Samaritan Hebrew.[135]
Medieval grammarians of Arabic and Hebrew classified words as belonging to threeparts of speech: Arabicism ('noun'),fiʻl ('verb'), andḥarf ('particle'); other grammarians have included more categories.[153] In particular, adjectives and nouns show more affinity to each other than in most European languages.[153] Biblical Hebrew has a typicalSemitic morphology, characterized by the use of roots. Most words in Biblical Hebrew are formed from aroot, a sequence of consonants with a general associated meaning.[154] Roots are usually triconsonantal, with biconsonantal roots less common (depending on how some words are analyzed) and rare cases of quadri- and quinquiconsonantal roots.[154] Roots are modified byaffixation to form words.[154] Verbal patterns are more productive and consistent, while noun patterns are less predictable.[155]
The most common nominal prefix used is/m/, used for substantives of location (מוֹשָׁב 'assembly'), instruments (מַפְתֵּֽחַ 'key'), and abstractions (מִשְׁפָּט 'judgement').[156] The vowel after/m/ is normally/a/, but appears sometimes as/i/, or in the case ofמוֹשָׁב as/o/ (contracted from*/aw/).[156] The prefix/t/ is used to denote the action of the verb; it is derived from more common for initial-/w/ verbs, e.g.תּוֹדָה ('thanksgiving'; < ydy).[156] Prefixed/ʔ/ is used in adjectives, e.g.אַכְזָב ('deceptive'), and also occurs in nouns with initial sibilants, e.g.אֶצְבַּע ('finger').[156] In the latter case this prefix was added for phonetic reasons, and theא prefix is called either "prothetic" or "prosthetic".[156] Prefixedע often occurs in quadriliteral animal names, perhaps as a prefix, e.g.עֲטַלֵּף ('bat'),עַכְבָּר ('mouse'),עַקְרָב ('scorpion').[156]
In proto-Semitic nouns were marked for case: in the singular the markers were*/-u/ in thenominative,*/-a/ in theaccusative (used also for adverbials), and*/-i/ in thegenitive, as evidenced in Akkadian, Ugaritic, and Arabic.[157] TheAmarna letters show that this was probably still present in Hebrewc. 1350 BCE.[158] In the development of Hebrew, final*/-u,-i/ were dropped first, and later*/-a/ was elided as well.[159]Mimation, a nominal suffix*/-m/ of unclear meaning, was found in early Canaanite, as shown by early Egyptian transcriptions (c. 1800 BCE) of Jerusalem asUrušalimim, but there is no indication of its presence after 1800 BCE.[159][nb 39] Final*/-a/ is preserved inלַ֫יְלָה/ˈlajlɔ/, originally meaning 'at night' but in prose replacingלַ֫יִל/ˈlajil/ ('night'), and in the "connective vowels" of some prepositions (originally adverbials), e.g.עִמָּ֫נוּ ('with us'); nouns preserve*/-i/ in forms likeיָדֵ֫נוּ.[160][nb 40] Construct state nouns lost case vowels at an early period (similar to Akkadian), as shown by the reflexes of*/ɬadaju/ (שָֹדֶה in absolute butשְׂדֵה in construct) and the reflexes of*/jadu/ (יָד andיַד)[161] However forms likeיָדֵ֫נוּ show that this was not yet a feature of Proto-Hebrew.[162]
Biblical Hebrew has two genders, masculine and feminine, which are reflected in nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and verbs.[163] Hebrew distinguishes between singular and plural numbers, and plural forms may also be used for collectives and honorifics.[164] The plural can be used to form abstract states or qualities from concrete ideas, an phenomenon called theplural of abstraction.[165] Hebrew has a morphological dual form for nouns that naturally occur in pairs and for units of measurement and time which contrasts with the plural (יוֹם 'day'יוֹמַיִם 'two days'יָמִים 'days').[166] A widespread misconception is that the Hebrew plural denotes three or more objects. In truth, it denotes two or more objects.[167] However adjectives, pronouns, and verbs do not have dual forms, and most nominal dual forms can function as plurals (שֵׁשׁ כְּנָפַיִם 'six wings' from Isaiah 6:2).[166][168] Finite verbs are marked for subject person, number, and gender.[169] Nouns also have aconstruct form which is used in genitive constructions.[170]
Common nouns may be marked asdefinite with the prefix/ha-/ followed by gemination of the initial consonant of the noun.[171] In Tiberian Hebrew the vowel of the article may become/ɛ/ or/ɔ/ in certain phonetic environments, for exampleהֶחָכָם/hɛħɔˈxɔm/ ('the wise man'),הָאִישׁ/hɔˈʔiʃ/ ('the man').[172] However, according early Hebrew grammarians likeAbraham Ibn Ezra andDavid Kimhi have already noted that in Biblical Hebrew, the definite article may not be attached toproper nouns. Nevertheless, Reuven Chaim Klein citesphilologists who point out thatrabbinic sources like theTalmud seem to understand that a definite article can be applied even to a proper name.[173]
The traditions differ on the form ofsegolate nouns, nouns stemming from roots with two final consonants. The anaptyctic/ɛ/ of the Tiberian tradition in segolates appears in the Septuagint (3rd century BCE) but not the Hexapla (2nd century CE), e.g.גֶּתֶר/ˈɡɛθɛr/ = Γαθερ versusכֵּסֶל/ˈkesɛl/ = Χεσλ (Psalms 49:14).[174] This may reflect dialectal variation or phonetic versus phonemic transcriptions.[174] Both the Palestinian and Babylonian traditions have an anaptyctic vowel in segolates,/e/ in the Palestinian tradition (e.g./ʔeresʼ/ 'land' = Tiberianאֶרֶץ Deuteronomy 26:15) and/a/ in Babylonian (e.g./ħepasʼ/ 'item' = Tiberianחֵפֶץ Jeremiah 22:28).[175] The Qumran tradition sometimes shows some type of back epenthetic vowel when the first vowel is back, e.g.⟨אוהול⟩ for Tiberian⟨אֹהֶל⟩/ˈʔohɛl/ ('tent').
Biblical Hebrew has two sets of personal pronouns: the free-standing independent pronouns have a nominative function, while the pronominal suffixes are genitive or accusative.[176] Only the first person suffix has different possessive and objective forms (-י and-ני).[177]
Verbal consonantal roots are placed intoderived verbal stems, known asבִּנְיָנִיםbinyanim in Hebrew; the binyanim mainly serve to indicategrammatical voice.[177] This includes various distinctions of reflexivity, passivity, and causativity.[177] Verbs of all binyanim have three non-finite forms (oneparticiple, twoinfinitives), three modal forms (cohortative,imperative,jussive), and two major conjugations (prefixing, suffixing).[178][nb 41] The meaning of the prefixing and suffixing conjugations are also affected by the conjugationו, and their meaning with respect totense andaspect is a matter of debate.[178]
The default word order in Biblical Hebrew is commonly thought to beVSO,[179] though one scholar has argued that this is due to the prevalence of clauses with awayyiqtol verb form compared to other lessmarked forms that use SVO either more often or at least to a comparable degree.[180]Attributive adjectives normally follow the noun they modify.[181] In Biblical Hebrew, possession is normally expressed withstatus constructus, a construction in which the possessed noun occurs in a phonologically reduced, "construct" form and is followed by the possessor noun in its normal, "absolute" form.[182][183] Pronominal direct objects are either suffixed to the verb or alternatively expressed on the object-marking pronounאת.[184]
Biblical Hebrew has two main conjugation types, the suffix conjugation, also called the Perfect, and the prefix conjugation, also called Imperfect. The Perfect verb form expressed the idea of the verb as a completed action, viewing it from start to finish as a whole, and not focusing on the process by which the verb came to be completed, stating it as a simple fact. This is often used in the past tense; however, there are some contexts in which a Perfect verb translates into the present and future tenses.[185]
The Imperfect portrays the verb as an incomplete action along with the process by which it came about, either as an event that has not begun, an event that has begun but is still in the process, or a habitual or cyclic action that is on an ongoing repetition. The Imperfect can also express modal or conditional verbs, as well as commands in the Jussive and Cohortative moods. It is conjectured that the imperfect can express modal quality through theparagogic nun added to certain imperfect forms.[186] While often future tense, it also has uses in the past and present under certain contexts. Biblical Hebrew tense is not necessarily reflected in the verb forms per se, but rather is determined primarily by context. The Participles also reflect ongoing or continuous actions, but are also subject to the context determining their tense.
The verbal forms can be Past Tense in these circumstances:[187]
The verbal forms can be Present Tense in these circumstances:[187]
The verbal forms can be Future Tense in these circumstances:[187]
The following is a sample fromPsalm 18 as appears in the Masoretic text with medieval Tiberian niqqud and cantillation and the Greek transcription of the Secunda of theHexapla along with its reconstructed pronunciation.
Tiberian Hebrew 28 כִּֽי־אַ֭תָּה תָּאִ֣יר נֵרִ֑י יְהוָ֥ה אֱ֝לֹהַ֗י יַגִּ֥יהַּ חָשְׁכִּֽי׃ 29 כִּֽי־בְ֭ךָ אָרֻ֣ץ גְּד֑וּד וּ֝בֵֽאלֹהַ֗י אֲדַלֶּג־שֽׁוּר׃ 30 הָאֵל֮ תָּמִ֪ים דַּ֫רְכּ֥וֹ אִמְרַֽת־יְהוָ֥ה צְרוּפָ֑ה מָגֵ֥ן ה֝֗וּא לְכֹ֤ל ׀ הַחֹסִ֬ים בּֽוֹ׃ 31 כִּ֤י מִ֣י אֱ֭לוֹהַּ מִבַּלְעֲדֵ֣י יְהוָ֑ה וּמִ֥י צ֝֗וּר זוּלָתִ֥י אֱלֹהֵֽינוּ׃ | 28.[kiːʔatːɔtɔʔiːrneriː****ʔɛ̆lohajjaɡːiːahħɔʃkiː] 29.[kiːvăxɔʔɔrusˤɡăðuːðuːveʔlohajʔăðalːɛɣʃuːr] 30.[hɔʔeltɔmiːmdarkoːʔimraθ****sˤŭruːfɔmɔɣenhuːʔlăxolhaħosiːmboː] 31.[kiːmiːʔɛ̆loahmibːalʕăðej****uːmiːsˤuːrzuːlɔθiːʔɛ̆lohenuː] | Secunda[105] 29.χι αθθα θαειρ νηρι YHWH ελωαι αγι οσχι 30.χι βαχ αρους γεδουδ ουβελωαι εδαλλεγ σουρ 31.αηλ θαμμιν (*-μ) δερχω εμαραθ YHWH σερουφα μαγεν ου λαχολ αωσιμ βω 32.χι μι ελω μεββελαδη YHWH ουμι σουρ ζουλαθι ελωννου (*-ηνου) | 29.[kiːʔatːaːtaːʔiːrneːriː****ʔaloːhajaɡiːhħoʃkiː] 30.[kiːbaːkʔaːruːsˤɡəduːdubeloːhajʔədalːeɡʃuːr] 31.[haːʔeːltamːiːmderkoːʔemərat****sˤəruːfaːmaːɡenhuːləkolhaħoːsiːmboː] 32.[kiːmiːʔeloːhmebːelʕadeː****umiːsˤuːrzuːlaːtiːʔeloːheːnuː] |
Interestingly, the term 'Hebrew' (ibrit) is not used of the language in the biblical text
The singular means but one thing, the plural two or more things, the dual things which are two by nature or art, as eyes, ears, hands, feet, &c. &c.
