| Bersiap killings | |
|---|---|
| Part of theIndonesian National Revolution | |
 Bodies of murdered Chinese in a mass grave following theMergosono massacre, 1947 | |
| Location | Dutch East Indies (present-dayIndonesia) |
| Date | August 1945–November 1947[1] |
| Target | Chinese,Europeans,Indos,Japanese,Korean POWs,Indonesian Christians, and elites |
Attack type | Eliticide,ethnic cleansing,mass murder,massacre,politicide,religious violence,revolutionary violence,sexual violence |
| Deaths | 3,500–30,000 (seecasualties) |
| Perpetrators | Indonesian nationalist militias and civilians |
| Motive | Anti-colonialism,Christophobia,Europhobia,Indonesian nationalism,Islamic extremism,Sinophobia,vengeance,xenophobia |
In Dutch historiography,Bersiap ("Get ready" or "Be prepared" inIndonesian) refers to the violent and chaotic beginning of theIndonesian National Revolution following theend of World War II in Asia. In Indonesia, the termBerdaulat ("Sovereign") is also used for this transitional period.[2] It began afterSukarno'sproclamation of Indonesian Independence on 17 August 1945 and culminated during the power vacuum between the withdrawal ofJapanese occupational forces and the gradual buildup of aBritish military presence, before the official handover to a Dutch military presence in March 1946.[3]
Thousands of European andIndo-European people were killed bynative Indonesians.[4] Many non-Europeans accused of anti-revolutionary sentiment also fell victim to violence, such asChinese civilians,Japanese andKorean prisoners of war, native Indonesian minority groups like theMoluccans andMinahasans, andJavanese people of higher social and economic standing.[5] The violence led to forced repatriation and the proliferation of a worldwideIndo-European diaspora.[6]
Instances of wanton violence had decreased by the time British forces withdrew in 1946 and after the Dutch had rebuilt their military capacity in the region, though revolutionary and intercommunal killings continued into 1947. Meanwhile, the Indonesian revolutionary fighters were well into the process of forming a formal military and stemming violent excesses. The last troops of the formerImperial Japanese Armed Forces had been evacuated by July 1946.
The termBersiap is derived from the battle cry and perpetual call to arms"Siap!" ("Get ready!" or "Be prepared!"), uttered byIndonesian nationalists when potential enemies of the revolution entered pro-republican areas.[7] Originally coined by Dutch Indonesian survivors of the period, the term soon saw use in academic works in Dutch and English.
OnJava, other terms aside frombersiap andberdaulat are commonly used, such asgedoran in Depok,ngeli in Banten and surrounding West Java, andgegeran anddombreng in Central Java.[8]
In 2022, Indonesian historianBonnie Triyana sparked controversy when he published an editorial in the Dutch newspaperNRC Handelsblad regarding aRijksmuseum exhibit about theIndonesian National Revolution.[9][10] Triyana, who was a guest curator on the exhibit, stated that the termBersiap had a strong racist connotation in the Netherlands, and that its use invoked stereotypes of Indonesians as "primitive and uncivilized", and claimed that the team of curators agreed that the term would not be used in the exhibition. As a response, Hans Moll, head of theFederation of Dutch Indos (Federatie Indische Nederlanders, FIN), accused the Rijksmuseum of genocide denial, censorship, and falsifying history by ignoring that thousands of Dutch people had been brutally tortured, raped, and murdered by Indonesians because of their ethnicity.[11][12] The museum later stated that the term would continue to be used in the exhibit and that Triyana had been expressing his personal opinion, not that of the curatorial team.[13] Both Hans Moll of the FIN and Jeffry Pondaag of theDutch Honorary Debts Committee Foundation filed police reports,[14][15] but the police decided not to pursue charges.[16][17][18]
Today, the termBersiap killings is also used to avoid confusion.[19][20]
On 15 August 1945, the Japanesesurrendered to the Allies. As there was, for the most part, no Allied re-conquest of the western part of the Dutch East Indies (The eastern islands were already occupied by theAllies), the Japanese were still in charge on Java and Sumatra and had received specific orders to maintain thestatus quo until Allied forces arrived on these islands. Sukarno, Hatta, and the older leadership were hesitant to act and did not want to provoke conflict with the Japanese.[21] Vice AdmiralTadashi Maeda, fearing volatile youth groups, and the demoralised Japanese troops, wanted a quick transfer of power to the older generation of Indonesian leaders.[21]
While the older nationalist leadership group, including Sukarno and Hatta, were reluctant, younger members of the new elite, the 'youth' (Indonesian:pemuda), believed they had a duty to push for revolution. A group associated withMenteng 31 kidnapped both Sukarno and Hatta and forced them to agree todeclaring Indonesian independence. On 17 August 1945, two days after the surrender, Sukarno and Hatta declared independence at Sukarno's house in Jakarta.[22] Indonesian staff briefly seized Jakarta radio from their Japanese supervisors and broadcast the news of the declaration across Java.[23]
It was mid-September before news of the declaration of independence spread across the island Java, and many Indonesians far from the capitalJakarta did not believe it. As the news spread, most Indonesians came to regard themselves as pro-Republican, and a mood of revolution swept across the country.[24] External power had shifted; it would be weeks before theAllied Forces entered the island of Java, and the Dutch were too weakened by World War II. The Japanese, on the other hand, were required by the terms of the surrender to both lay down their arms and maintain order; a contradiction that some resolved by handing weapons to Japanese-trained Indonesians.[25] At the time of the surrender, there were 70,000 Japanese troops in Java and Sukarno and Hatta were concerned that celebratory independence rallies would result in the guns of Japanese troops being turned on Indonesian crowds.[26] While the older leadership set about constructing a government on paper, they could do little to curb younger mobs who attacked sultans and other members of the Indonesian elite, retaliated violently against those village heads who had assisted Japanese oppression of Indonesian peasants, attacked other alleged "traitors", and fought for turf and weapons.[27]
The resulting power vacuums in the weeks following the Japanese surrender created an atmosphere of uncertainty, but also one of opportunity for the Republicans.[28] Manypemuda joined pro-Republic struggle groups (badan perjuangan). The most disciplined were soldiers from the Japanese-formed but disbandedGiyūgun (PETA) andHeiho groups. Many groups were undisciplined, due to both the circumstances of their formation and what they perceived as revolutionary spirit. In the first weeks, Japanese troops often withdrew from urban areas to avoid confrontations.[29] However, as Republican youths fought to secure the cities and take arms, attacks on the Japanese did occur, usually following Allied orders for the Japanese to disarm Indonesian troops. Many of the Indonesian militia and some Japanese troops had no intention of allowing Indonesian disarmament, and in places like Bandung open conflict broke out.[30]
By September 1945, control of major infrastructure installations, including railway stations and trams in Java's largest cities, had been taken over by Republicanpemuda.[29] To spread the revolutionary message,pemuda set up their own radio stations and newspapers, and graffiti proclaimed the nationalist sentiment. On most islands, struggle committees andmilitia were set up.[31] Republican newspapers and journals were common in Jakarta,Yogyakarta, andSurakarta. They fostered a generation of writers known asangkatan 45 ('generation of 45') many of whom believed their work could be part of the revolution.[29] In southern Kalimantan, Australian Communist soldiers spread the word of the Indonesian independence declaration.[32]
Republican leaders struggled to come to terms with popular sentiment; some wanted passionate armed struggle; others a more reasoned approach. Some leaders, such as the leftistTan Malaka, spread the idea that this was a revolutionary struggle to be led and won by the Indonesianpemuda. Sukarno and Hatta, in contrast, were more interested in planning out a government and institutions to achieve independence through diplomacy.[31] Pro-revolution demonstrations took place in large cities, including one led by Tan Malaka in Jakarta with over 200,000 people, which Sukarno and Hatta, fearing violence, successfully quelled.[33]
By September 1945, many of the self-proclaimedpemuda, who were ready to die for '100% freedom', were becoming impatient.[34] It was common for ethnic 'out-groups' — Dutch internees, Eurasians,Ambonese andChinese — and anyone considered to be a spy, to be subjected to intimidation, kidnap, robbery, and sometimes murder, even organised massacres. Such attacks would continue to some extent for the course of the revolution.[34][35] As the level of violence increased across the country, the Sukarno- and Hatta-led Republican government in Jakarta urged calm. However,pemuda, in favour of armed struggle, saw the older leadership as dithering and betraying the revolution, which often led to conflict amongst Indonesians.
By the end of August, a central Republican government had been established in Jakarta. It adopteda constitution drafted during the Japanese occupation by the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence.[36] Following Japanese navy advice that Christian Indonesians in its area would disapprove and internal discussions and debates inPreparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence as well as personal lobby ofMohammad Hatta andTeuku Mohammad Hasan towardKi Bagus Hadikusumo,[37] provisions for a special role for Islam, such as theJakarta Charter and a mandatory Muslim head of state, were not enacted.[36] With general elections yet to be held, aCentral Indonesian National Committee (KINP) was appointed to assist the president, however, elections were not held for 10 years. Similar committees were established at provincial and regency levels.[36] Indonesian administrative advisors (sanyo), who had been appointed by the Japanese, and vice regents were appointed as Republican officials. This allowed for an efficient and discreet handover of power from the Japanese that minimised violation of the terms of the Japanese surrender.[36]
Questions of allegiance immediately arose amongst indigenous rulers.Central Javanese principalities, for example, immediately declared themselves Republican, while manyraja ('rulers') of the outer islands, were less enthusiastic. Such reluctance among many outer islands was sharpened by the radical, non-aristocratic, and sometimes Islamic nature of the Java-centric Republican leadership. Support did, however, come fromSouth Sulawesi (including theLa Mappanyukki, king ofBone, who still recalled battles against the Dutch from early in the century), mostMakassarese andBugisraja, followed him and supported the Republican Governor of Sulawesi,G.S.S.J. Ratulangi aMenadonese Christian. ManyBalineseraja accepted Republican authority.[38] In Aceh, the bitter animosity of pro-Republican religious leaders (ulama) and pro-Dutch aristocratic administrators (uleëbalangs) that has roots in the Aceh War, temporarily halted by the Japanese in 1942, turned to civil war.[39] In Kalimantan,Kutai aristocrats, andPontianak were unsupportive of the Republican form of government, while South Kalimantan aristocrats ofBanjar was more receptive with PrinceMohammad Noor becoming Kalimantan Governor. He would sendHasan Basry to lead resistance inMeratus Mountains, whileTjilik Riwut would contact and lead resistance among local Dayak tribes.[40]
Fearing the Dutch would attempt to re-establish their authority over Java and Sumatra, the newDe facto Republican Government and its leaders moved quickly to strengthen the fledgling administration. Within Indonesia, the newly formed government, although enthusiastic, was fragile and focused in parts of Java. It was rarely and loosely in contact with the outer islands,[41] which had more Japanese troops (particularly inJapanese naval areas), less sympathetic Japanese commanders, and fewer established Republican leaders and activists. In Sumatra, youths have virtual monopoly of revolutionary authority as a result. Many youths would also join Islamic-based revolutionary forces, which includeMasyumi army ofBarisan Hizbullah, andBarisan Sabilillah led by rural Islamic teachers.[42] In November 1945, aparliamentary form of government was established andSjahrir was appointed prime minister. Meanwhile, other islands were already liberated by Allied forces, including British, Australian and Dutch troops, before republican authority could be formed, hence demonstrations were put down and some pro-Republican officials arrested.[43]
In the week following the Japanese surrender, theGiyūgun (PETA) andHeiho groups were disbanded by the Japanese.[44] Command structures and membership vital for a national army were consequently dismantled. Thus, rather than being formed from a trained, armed, and organised army, the Republican armed forces began to grow in September from local initiatives by able, usually younger, charismatic leaders with/or access to arms. Creating a rational military structure that was obedient to central authority from such disorganisation, was one of the major problems of the period of revolution and after.[38]
In the self-created Indonesian army, Japanese-trained Indonesian officers usually prevailed over those trained by the Dutch.[45] In a meeting between former KNIL and former PETA Division Commanders, organised by chief of staff (KSO) ofPeople's Security Agency,Oerip Soemohardjo, a thirty-year-old former school teacher and PETA member,Sudirman, was elected 'commander-in-chief' in Yogyakarta on 12 November 1945.[46][47]
The Dutch accused Sukarno and Hatta of collaborating with the Japanese, and denounced the Republic as a creation of Japanese fascism.[48] The Dutch East Indies administration had just received a ten million dollar loan from the United States to finance its return to the Dutch East Indies.[49]
The Netherlands was critically weakened from World War II in Europe and did not return as a significant military force until early 1946. The Japanese and members of the Allied forces reluctantly agreed to act as caretakers.[31] As US forces were focusing on the Japanese home islands, the archipelago was put under the jurisdiction of British Admiral EarlLouis Mountbatten, theSupreme Allied Commander,South East Asia Command. Allied enclaves already existed inKalimantan (IndonesianBorneo),Morotai (Maluku), and parts ofIrian Jaya; Dutch administrators had already returned to these areas.[42] In the Japanese navy areas, the arrival of Allied troops quickly prevented revolutionary activities where Australian troops, followed by Dutch troops and administrators, took the Japanese surrender (except for Bali andLombok).[43] Due to the lack of strong resistance, twoAustralian Army divisions succeeded in occupying eastern Indonesia.[50]
The British-led South East Asia Command was charged with restoring order and civilian government in Java. The Dutch took this to mean pre-war colonial administration and continued to claim sovereignty over Indonesia. Because the Dutch London-based government-in-exile were allied to the British, they expected the return of their colony, and the Japanese and members of the Allied Forces reluctantly fulfilled this promise.[31] Before 24 August theVan Mook–MacArthur Civil Affairs Agreement was still in effect. The key provision of this agreement was that areas recaptured by Allied troops would revert to Dutch rule via the Netherlands Indies Civil Administration (NICA). After theAnglo–Dutch Civil Affairs Agreement was formally signed the agreement was accepted by the British. On 2 September, it was decided the agreement would apply to all areas of the Dutch East Indies occupied by British forces.[51]British Commonwealth troops did not, however, land on Java to accept the Japanese surrender until late September 1945. Lord Mountbatten's immediate tasks included the repatriation of some 300,000 Japanese and the freeing of prisoners of war. He neither wanted nor had the resources to commit his troops to a long struggle to recapture Indonesia for the Dutch.[52] The first British troops reached Jakarta in late September 1945, and arrived in the cities ofMedan (North Sumatra),Padang (West Sumatra),Palembang (South Sumatra),Semarang (Central Java) andSurabaya (East Java) in October. In an attempt to avoid clashes with Indonesians, the British commander, Lieutenant General SirPhilip Christison, diverted soldiers of the former Dutch colonial army to eastern Indonesia, where Dutch reoccupation was proceeding smoothly.[43] Tensions mounted as Allied troops entered Java and Sumatra; clashes broke out between Republicans and their perceived enemies, namely Dutch prisoners,Dutch colonial troops (KNIL), Chinese,Eurasians, and Japanese.[43]
The first stages of warfare began in October 1945 when, in accordance with the terms of their surrender, the Japanese tried to re-establish the authority they relinquished to Indonesian nationalists in the towns and cities. Japanese military police killed Republicanpemuda inPekalongan (Central Java) on 3 October, and Japanese troops drove Republicanpemuda out ofBandung inWest Java and handed the city to the British, but the fiercest fighting involving the Japanese was in Semarang. On 14 October, British forces began to occupy the city. Retreating Republican forces retaliated by killing between 130 and 300 Japanese prisoners they were holding. Five hundred Japanese and 2,000 Indonesians had been killed and the Japanese had almost captured the city six days later when British forces arrived.[43] The Allies repatriated the remaining Japanese troops and civilians to Japan, although about 1,000 elected to remain behind and later assisted Republican forces in fighting for independence.[53]
The British subsequently decided to evacuate the 10,000 Indo-Europeans and European internees in the volatile Central Java interior. British detachments sent to the towns ofAmbarawa andMagelang encountered strong Republican resistance and used air attacks against the Indonesians. Sukarno arranged a ceasefire on 2 November, but by late November fighting had resumed and the British withdrew to the coast.[54] Republican attacks against Allied and alleged pro-Dutch civilians reached a peak in November and December, with 1,200 killed in Bandung as thepemuda returned to the offensive.[55] In March 1946, departing Republicans responded to a British ultimatum for them to leave the city of Bandung by deliberately burning down much of the southern half of the city in what is popularly known in Indonesia as the "Bandung Sea of Fire". The last British troops left Java in November 1946, but by this time 55,000 Dutch troops had already landed.
With British assistance, the Dutch landed theirNetherlands Indies Civil Administration (NICA) forces in Jakarta and other key centres. Republican sources reported 8,000 deaths up to January 1946 in the defence of Jakarta, but they could not hold the city.[52] The Republican leadership thus established themselves in the city of Yogyakarta with the crucial support of the newsultan of Yogyakarta,Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX. Yogyakarta went on to play a leading role in the revolution, which would result in the city being granted its ownSpecial Territory status.[56] InBogor, near Jakarta, and inBalikpapan in Kalimantan, Republican officials were imprisoned. In preparation for the Dutch occupation of Sumatra, its largest cities, Palembang and Medan, were bombed. In December 1946,Special Forces Depot (DST), led by commando andcounterinsurgency expertCaptain Raymond 'Turk' Westerling, were accused ofpacifying the southern Sulawesi region using arbitrary terror techniques, which were copied by other anti-Republicans. As many as 3,000 Republican militia and their supporters were killed in a few weeks.[57]
On Java and Sumatra, the Dutch found military success in cities and major towns, but they were unable to subdue the villages and countryside. On the outer islands (including Bali), Republican sentiment was not as strong, at least among the elite. They were consequently occupied by the Dutch with comparative ease, and autonomous states were set up by the Dutch. The largest, theState of East Indonesia (NIT), encompassed most of eastern Indonesia, and was established in December 1946, with its administrative capital inMakassar.
Several phases are distinguished during theBersiap period, each with different levels of violence and chaos.
TheBersiap was mostly situated on the island ofJava. British troops landed onSumatra in October 1945. Former civilian internees on Sumatra were put into large camps in the sparsely populated interior. They were taken to the coast to the cities of Padang, Medan, and Palembang. By the end of November, all Japanese internment camps on Sumatra had been cleared. On Sumatra, the Japanese cooperated with the British and the Indonesian republicans were less militant than on Java, because the British never went inland and preferred to bypass areas with difficult terrain like Aceh and Batakland. The situation there, despite rioting in Medan and Padang, was relatively peaceful by the end of 1945. The chaoticBersiap violence did not occur on any other island in Indonesia.[58]
Bersiap started immediately after theproclamation of Indonesian independence and before the arrival of the first British and Dutch armed forces. Chinese houses and shops were looted and their families killed. Militias were formed all over the Indonesian island, inNorth Sulawesi, youth formed BPMI militia. By October, Republican leaders tried to organize these militias into a formal para-military called theTKR, however, this effort was slowed by the allies.
On 18 September 1945 a group of ex-internees led by Mr. W.V.Ch. Ploegman raised a Dutch flag at the Yamato Hotel where they were staying. This action angered unarmed Surabaya youth. Several people died.
On 23 September 1945, Dutch Captain P.J.G. Huijer who went into Surabaya with permission from Admiral Helfrich (Commander of Dutch forces in the Indies), and General Van Oyen (KNIL Commander), claimed they were ordered by Mountbatten to request that General Nagano (IJA 16th Army) surrender. They actually did not have permission from the British. The Japanese troops paraded on the airfield and laid down their weapons, including tanks, anti-aircraft weapons, artillery, transports and ammunition, then withdraw to Semarang. The newly formed Indonesian TKR militia descend on the airfield and seized the arms. Huijer was captured by the TKR on 9 October and delivered to the British consulate. This incident was the beginning of many conflicts in the Surabaya area.[59]
In the second phase of theBersiap (15 Sept – 14 Oct 1945), de-centralised localPemuda groups started to organise and obtain weapons. The first Japanese soldiers were molested[citation needed] and the attitude against Dutch and Eurasian civilians became hostile. Indonesian propaganda also became aggressive. Atrocities committed by revolutionary forces against Indo-Europeans began.[60] Fights between Pemuda and young Eurasians broke out, resulting in a food boycott of Indos (5 October), which in turn resulted in more violent fights. In October,razzias (raids) commenced and Eurasian males were arrested and killed. On 12 October, the Revolutionary government ordered the arrest of all Eurasian men and boys. In Surabaya, 42 Eurasians were killed in the basement of the Simpang Club and several hundred were tortured in the Kalisosok Prison in the Werfstraat. After an Ambonese prison guard informed the British about plans to poison the prisoners (9 November), they were rescued (10 November) by a Eurasian commander and aGurkha unit.[61][62] By the end of September, the first British (Indian) troops started to arrive.[citation needed] The British tried to remain neutral and seek cooperation with the Republican leadership. Also, the Japanese military tried not to get involved and only reacted when provoked.[citation needed]
The49th Indian Infantry Brigade arrived in Surabaya by 25 October 1945 underBrigadier Mallaby. At first, the British were received well by TKR commander Mustopo and Surabaya Governor Dr Surio, and deployed in small units all over the city. TKR was instructed to support the British in securing Japanese prisoners and to save allied internees. On the morning of the 27th, an Allied airplane spread leaflets demanding that Indonesians surrender their weapons or be shot. This ultimatum from General Hawthorne, caused an uprising in Surabaya by dozens of youth militias that led to a battle on 10 November and afatwa jihad (holy war) against westerners.
By October 1945, afatwa jihad supporting war in Surabaya was echoed in Aceh by popular cleric Daud Beurueh. Some militia contingents from Sulawesi and other Indonesian areas became involved in the Surabaya war.[63] A small Dutch forces would land inKutaraja, from October to early November, but would withdraw to Medan as the atmosphere grew more hostile. The pro-Dutchuleëbalang expected the Dutch to return, and were left exposed when they did not. The Dutch would leave Aceh untouched for the rest of the Revolution, this situation would turn the civil war in Aceh decisively in the pro-Republicanulama.[39]
The third phase (middle of October to the end of November 1945) is considered the most violent one. In Surabaya andMalang, Indonesian forces were able to disarm the Japanese military. European and Indo-European men and boys were locked up, soon followed by women and girls. (The British military subsequently decided to evacuate the 10,000 Indo-Europeans and European internees from the volatile Central Java interior).[64] Travel for the perceived anti-revolutionary population—Christian Indonesian, Chinese Indonesian, European and Indo-European people—became impossible[citation needed]. The British armed forces tried to obtain control, but encountered heavy resistance, particularly in the middle of Java.[65] Surabaya was the scene of bitter fighting.(seeBattle of Surabaya)
The Republic managed to reform the TKR para-military into a formal armed force: Tentara Republik Indonesia (Army of the Republic of Indonesia) or TRI, organised by Maj.Gen.Urip Sumohardjo, an ex-KNIL major. This new organisation managed to disband most militias. However, many major militia still remained outside the TRI until a major reorganization 1947 made possible by a United Nations sponsored cease-fire before the Renville negotiations.
The fourth phase (December 1945 to December 1946) is considered the aftermath of the heaviestBersiap fighting. In Jakarta, where hundreds of autonomousPemuda groups existed, the last months of 1945 were, according to Cribb, a "terrifying time of regular looting, robbery, kidnapping and random murders were Europeans and Indo-Europeans disappeared even from the heart of the city, to be found floating in thekali (canals) days later".[66] In Bandung, Republican attacks against alleged pro-Dutch civilians reached a peak in November and December, with 1,200 killed there.[67] The alleged pro-Dutch civilians mostly included native-born Indo-European, Indo-Chinese, Christian indigenous people (e.g. Menadonese and Ambonese) and indigenous aristocracy, which made theBersiap period a chaotic mix of civil war, religious conflict and social revolution. Other killings among supposed revolutionary groups also happened, with prominent Indonesian nationalist and minister,Oto Iskandar di Nata kidnapped and killed on 19–20 December 1945 by Laskar Hitam.[68] Meanwhile, in Aceh, between December 1945 to March 1946, the leadinguleëbalang of Aceh and their families would be imprisoned or killed, leading to dominance of pro-Republicanulama displacing theuleëbalang elites.[39]
Throughout Java regular violence continued through to March 1946. In March 1946, departing Republican forces responded to a British ultimatum for them to leave Bandung by deliberately burning down much of the southern half of the city, in what is known as the "Bandung Sea of Fire. Indonesian commanders put much effort into organising irregular fighting units and consolidating their forces on Java.Nasution in West-Java, and Sudirman in Central Java had a hard time controlling the many different armed forces and excluding criminal forces from their ranks, but in the end they succeed.[citation needed] Pressure from the British compelled Dutch politicians to commence negotiations with the Republican leadership, leading to theLinggadjati Agreement, which eventually failed.
Indonesian forces began evacuating Japanese military forces and European and Eurasian civilian prisoners.[citation needed] In March 1946, theRoyal Netherlands Army started to enter the country to restore order and peace. In July 1946, the last of the Japanese army was evacuated and all British troops were withdrawn by the end of the year, leaving the Dutch military in charge and de facto ending theBersiap period.[citation needed] Java and Sumatra was now divided into Republican and Dutch controlled areas. The violence and warfare continued.
Because the Indonesian military leadership was able to control and organise the militant revolutionary forces, the Indonesian political leadership retained overall authority and political leverage in the international arena. The civilian evacuation of Europeans and Indo-Europeans continued until the middle of the next year (May 1947) Renewed hostility and warfare continued during the struggle for Indonesian independence and lasted until, under heavy political pressure from the United States and the United Nations, the Dutch formally transferred complete sovereignty over the Dutch East Indies to theUnited States of Indonesia in December 1949.
TheTNI was established in June 1947 by merging all existing militia with the TRI, forming a united Republican army command in the areas on Java and Sumatra that formed the de facto Republic Indonesia. The establishment of the TNI, and the disbanding of the militias, increased security in Republican-controlled areas, allowing for law and order.
Most civilian (allied internees) and Japanese prisoner evacuations from inland Java and Sumatra were done by the TRI (later the TNI after June 1947), as a result of the Linggarjati and Renville Agreements, allowing the British to return home in November 1946.
 | This sectionmay beunbalanced toward certain viewpoints. Pleaseimprove the article by adding information on neglected viewpoints, or discuss the issue on thetalk page.(September 2020) |
One of the catalysts driving the atrocities committed by IndonesianPemuda against the native Eurasian civilian population and Ambonese was incendiary Republicanpropaganda. Republican propaganda during the revolution was used as a form of political warfare, by communicating loaded messages to produce emotional responses and influence the attitude of the masses, with the objective to further its political and military agenda. Effective means of mass communication were the broadcasts on republican radio stations such as 'Radio Pemberontak' and speeches during mass demonstrations. The supreme republican leaderSukarno had mastered these forms of communication. However, during theBersiap period, the republican strategic agenda had not yet fully found a common ground and a unitary message on how to achieve its single mission of independence. Due to this paradox, republican communication often fluctuated between moderate (political) and radical (military) messages.[citation needed] The Republican military declaration of total war (14 October 1945) states: "When the sun sets, we the Indonesian people are in war with the Dutch." The declaration then continues clearly targeting civilian groups: "With this declaration we order all Indonesians to find their own enemy – Dutch, Indo or Ambonese."[69]
In his speeches, the revolutionary leader,Sutomo, specifically aimed his words at the Eurasian population, verbally reducing them to bloodhounds. In Surabaya, Sutomo had a radio studio and transmitting equipment at his disposal. The first transmission was on 13 October 1945, but could only be received in Surabaya and parts of East-Java. From 16 October 1945, the radio broadcasts could be heard all over Indonesia. The next Sutomo speech was broadcast on 14 October and another on the evening of 15 October. This was the evening of 'black Monday', the day Dutch and Eurasian citizens were rounded up and killed at the Kalisosok and Bubutan prisons in Surabaya.[4]
Torture them to death, destroy those bloodhounds of colonialism to the root. […]The immortal spirits of your ancestors demand of you: revenge, bloody revenge!
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Soon in the streets of the capital, Batavia, explicit slogans appeared in graffiti on the walls: "Death to the Ambonese and Indos!" The only pro-Dutch armed forces that existed on Java were small re-groupedSouth Maluku KNIL units. These so-called 'Ambonese' or 'Belanda Hitam' (English: Black Dutch) as they were called by other Indonesians consequently retaliated against any provocation or attack byPemuda. Of the millions of people in Java thePemuda's numbers, of approximately a few thousand, were small, but in Jakarta their autonomous contra-terror operations escalated to the point where the British military leadership wanted to de-mobilise them from the city. Indonesian leaders such as Sukarno and Sjahrir attempted to call for calm, but were unable to prevent the atrocities. The small town ofDepok, predominantly occupied by native Christians, was one of the first places to be destroyed. Many of its inhabitants were tortured and killed by thePemuda.[citation needed]
The ferocious mix of social revolution, xenophobia, opportunistic crime and feral populism that resulted in theBersiap atrocities surprised and horrified not only the British commanders, but also moderate Indonesian leaders. On reflection, the Islamicist leader Abu Hanifah who later became minister of education and ambassador admitted: "The Indonesian revolution was not totally pure." But while western-educated Indonesian leaders were deeply shaken by what they witnessed, many Indonesian accounts of the time considered the violence inevitable, and even morally neutral.[71]
October 1945 in an early reaction to theBersiap atrocities Indonesian independence leaderSoetan Sjahrir issued his famous revolutionary pamphletOur Struggle. In it, Sjahrir strongly opposed and condemned the violence committed against fellow citizens.
Perhaps the high point of his career was the publication of his pamphletOur Struggle. Whoever reads that pamphlet today can scarcely comprehend what it demanded in insight and courage. For it appeared at a moment when the Indonesian masses, brought to the boiling point by the Japanese occupation and civil war, sought release in racist and other hysterical outbursts. Sjahrir's pamphlet went directly against this, and many must have felt his call for chivalry, for the understanding of other ethnic groups, as a personal attack.
— Sol Tas.[72]
Recent developments show our peoples disarray [...] particularly the murder and cruelty aimed at Indos, Ambonese, and Menadonese who in any case still are our fellow countrymen. [...] This hatred towards Indos, Ambonese, Menadonese can only be explained as a lack of national consciousness among the masses of our people. [...] Hatred against minorities and foreigners are a hidden factor in any nationalist struggle..., but a nationalist movement that lets itself be carried away by xenophobia will in the end find the whole world against itself. [...] Our strength must exist in cultivating feelings of justice and humanity. Only a nationalism that is founded in these feelings will take us further in world history.
— Sjahrir, Jakarta, October 1945.[73]
At first, republican propaganda such as radio speeches and mass rallies were the main tools to influence and mobilise the revolutionary masses. Indonesian military leadership was yet to establish a military agenda and had little control over the many autonomous revolutionary forces. During theBersiap, Indonesian leaders such as generals Sudirman and Nasution began to hastily build a formal military structure and develop an Indonesian military strategy. In his book about the founding doctrines of Indonesia's Army General Nasution, who became Indonesia's foremost military intellectual, reflects on this strategy and highlights the long term negative psychological and social impact on Indonesian fighters involved in theBersiap.[74]
Guerrilla war is indeed destructive in nature, not only materially because it uses sabotage and scorched earth, but also what is more, it causes psychological, political and social damage. A guerrilla fighter is bred on a spirit of destruction and is not easily repatriated into the community as an ordinary citizen. The spirit of revolution, of guerrilla warfare and of scorched earth is aimed at destroying the whole existing religious, legal, socio-economic order which forms the organisation of the dominating power. How can the guerrilla accept again a legal, political and socio-economic situation since to him it has the taint of the old system? Many nations and countries continue to be chaotic years and decades after a guerrilla war overturns and rubs out the ethical, legal standards which are normally found in a society. Burning, sabotage, killing and kidnapping at the expense of the enemy have a heroic value. To have participated in guerrilla activities makes it difficult for one to adapt oneself to an ordered society, a society based on law.
— Abdul Haris Nasution in 'Fundamentals of Guerrilla Warfare', 1953.
The Simpang Society Club Surabaya was appropriated by the Partai Rakyat Indonesia (P.R.I.)Permudas and made into the headquarters of P.R.I. Commander Sutomo, who personally supervised thesummary executions of hundreds of civilians. An archived eyewitness statement of the events of 22 October 1945 states:[citation needed]
Before each execution Sutomo mockingly asked the crowd what should be done with this "Musuh (enemy) of the people". The crowd yelled "Bunuh!" (kill!) after which the executioner named Rustam decapitated the victim with one stroke of his sword. The victim was then left to the bloodthirst of boys 10, 11 and 12 years old. ...[who] further mutilated the body." "Women were tied to the tree in the back yard and pierced through the genitals with "bambu runcing" (bamboo spears) until they died.[citation needed]
On Sutomo's orders the decapitated bodies were disposed of in the sea; the women were thrown in the river.[75]
Researchers from theNIOD Institute estimate the Dutch andDutch Indonesian civilian death toll of theBersiap period between August 1945 and March 1946 at between 3,500 and 5,500, and up to 10,000 deadin extremis.[76][77] The lower end of this range is based on a 1947 assessment of the Dutch authorities, who had attempted to retrieve the bodies of the victims. Several survivors of the period provided legal testimony to the attorney general's office, but due to continued revolutionary warfare, few bodies were found and few cases went to court.[34] In addition, some 2,500 Europeans were still missing across the archipelago by the end of 1948, although that figure also included people who had disappeared during the Japanese occupation.[78] The graves ofBersiap victims can be found inKembang Kuning War Cemetery in Surabaya and elsewhere.[34]
Other researchers, notablyBersiap survivor and historian Herman Th. Bussemaker,[4] Australian historian Robert Cribb,[79] and American historian William H. Frederick,[20] have suggested totals of 20,000 to 30,000 Dutch and Eurasian civilian deaths between 1945 and November 1947 in their publications.[77] These significantly higher figures appear to be based on fragmentary reports from the archives of the formerOpsporingsdienst Overledenen [nl] (ODO; English:Investigation Service for the Deceased), however, which cataloged the deaths of all citizens and subjects of the Netherlands in the Dutch East Indies from 7 December 1941 onward. As a result, statistics from this agency also include military personnel and civilians who perished in the Japanese invasion and occupation, and not just Dutch citizens, but also Chinese and native Indonesian subjects.[77][80]
Estimates of the number of Indonesian revolutionaries killed in the lead-up and during the Battle of Surabaya range from 6,300 to 15,000. The latter number is likely to include civilians, including 1,000 Chinese, and 1,000 Dutch and Eurasians killed by native Indonesians.[34]
Japanese forces lost around 1,000 soldiers and the British forces registered 660 soldiers dead, mostly British Indians, with a similar number missing in action.[4] The actual Dutch military were hardly involved,[81] as they only began to return to Indonesia in March and April 1946.
Few Dutch or Indonesian historians have undertaken holistic studies about this period of the Indonesian revolution.[citation needed] Dutch historians have only focused on particular locations and incidents, while the NIOD Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies (NIOD) has remained idle regarding this important episode of the final phase of Dutch colonial rule. Indonesian historians mostly focus on the heroic aspects of the revolution.[82] Witness reports from Eurasians focus on the atrocities experienced. Japanese historians show very little interest in this part of the aftermath of World War II. The most holistic studies encompassing all these elements have in fact been performed by American and English historians.[citation needed]
In 1988, a nationalIndies Monument (Dutch:Indisch Monument) was erected inThe Hague, the Netherlands, to commemorate the victims of both theJapanese occupation andIndonesian National Revolution. Originally there were 22 dedicated cemeteries in Indonesia, laid out between 1946 and 1952. Earth from these 22 war cemeteries was collected in an urn and was integrated into the DutchNational Monument on theDam Square. At the request of the Indonesian government, the number of war cemeteries was reduced to seven. These cemeteries,Menteng Pulo andAncol in Jakarta,Pandu in Bandung,Leuwigajah in Cimahi,Candi andKalibanteng in Semarang, andKembang Kuning in Surabaya, are all located on Java and are managed and maintained by theNetherlands War Graves Foundation [nl]. The bodies of European and Indo-European victims of theBersiap atrocities that were retrieved from individual and mass graves elsewhere on Java are mostly buried in these war cemeteries.[83]
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