Mār Gregory Barhebraeus | |
|---|---|
| ܓܪܝܓܘܪܝܘܣ ܒܪ ܥܒܪܝܐ | |
_Syriac_Orthodox_Icon.jpg){kind=icon} Barhebraeus absorbed in study | |
| Born | 1226 (1226) |
| Died | 30 July, 1286 (aged 59–60) Maraga, Persia |
| Philosophical work | |
| Era | Medieval era |
| Region | Christian theology,Western philosophy |
| School | Syriac Christianity |
| Main interests | Christian theology,logic,metaphysics,medicine,history |
| Maphrian of the East | |
| Church | Syriac Orthodox Church |
| Diocese | Tagrit |
| See | Antioch |
| In office | 1264–1286 |
| Predecessor | Ignatius Sleeba III |
| Successor | Gregory Barsauma |
| Orders | |
| Ordination | 1264 by Ignatius IV Yeshu |
| Rank | Maphrian |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 1226 (1226) Melitene, Sultanate of Rûm |
| Died | 30 July 1286(1286-07-30) (aged 59–60) Maraga, Persia |
| Sainthood | |
| Feast day | 30 July |
| Venerated in | Oriental Orthodox Church, especiallySyriac Orthodox Church |
| Shrines | Mor Mattai Monastery |
Gregory Barhebraeus orBar Hebraeus (Syriac:ܓܪܝܓܘܪܝܘܣ ܒܪ ܥܒܪܝܐ,romanised: Grīgōrīyōs bar ʾEbrāyā; 1226 – 30 July 1286), also known asAbu al-Faraj and in Latin,Abulpharagius, was themaphrian (regional primate) of theSyriac Orthodox Church from 1264 until his death in 1286. He is recognised as one of the most accomplished and multifaceted academics of the medievalSyriac Christian world, with important contributions to the fields of theology, philosophy, history, linguistics, medicine, and the natural sciences.
Barhebraeus was born in Melitene (modern-dayMalatya) during theSeljuk Sultanate of Rum. He experienced the shifting borders of the earlyMongol era,Ayyubid rule, andCrusader dominions. Barhebraeus's early education in medicine and logic was influenced by his father Aaron's experience serving in the upper echelons of the Mongol armies as a physician and deacon. Later in life, he was ordained bishop and soon elevated to maphrian, under which he travelled across the Middle East, engaged in scholarship, and sought to support his community through the difficult 13th-century period.
The monumental chronicle, a universal history written inSyriac and translated intoArabic under the titleTārīkh Mukhtaṣar al-Duwal, was part of Barhebraeus' vast body of work. In addition, he produced important theological and ascetic treatises, medical books, grammars, and encyclopaedic works like the "Cream of Wisdom" (Hewath Hekhemtho). Barhebraeus's writings were read by a wide range of intellectual circles outside of his Syriac Orthodox community, including Christians of different denominations, Muslim scholars, Latin orientalists, and later found in academic archives in Europe.
The immense scholarship brought forth by Barhebraeus revitalisedSyriac literature at a time when it was in decline and bridged Christian, Islamic, and classical traditions, which earned him epithets such as the "Ocean of Wisdom", "Light of East and West", and "King of Learned Men". He is commemorated with great honour as a saint in theOriental Orthodox Church and especially in the Syriac Orthodox tradition where his feast is celebrated on 30 July, the date of his repose, and his relics atMor Mattai Monastery remain a popular pilgrimage site.
The nameBarhebraeus (Syriac:ܒܪ ܥܒܪܝܐ,romanised: Bar ʿEbrāyā) literally means 'Son of the Hebrew', and although the phrase might suggest Jewish ancestry, this interpretation is almost unanimously rejected by modern scholars.[1] There is no evidence of Jewish elements in his writings and his family background was Christian, noble, and clerical; his father, Aaron, was a deacon — a name that, despite its Hebrew origin, was common among Christians of the region and period.[2][3]
Barhebraeus himself addressed the misunderstanding in a short epigram:
If the Lord called himself aSamaritan, do not be ashamed when they call youBar ʿEbrāyā. For the name has to do with theEuphrates and with the river, not with the false religion or with the language.[4]
PatriarchIgnatius Aphrem I Barsoum interpreted the epithet as originating from the circumstances of his birth, that his mother gave birth to him while crossing the Euphrates, the Syriac wordʿbar also meaning 'crossing'. Modern scholars, however, associate it with a village namedʿEbra (modern-dayElazığ) near Melitene, situated on the banks of the Euphrates River.[1][5]
His Arabic name Abu'l-Faraj appears in his own usage for the first time on the eve of his episcopal ordination, which means that Gregory (Grigorios) was his episcopal name, while Abu'l-Faraj was his earlier personal designation.[6] The Syriac nameBar ʿEbrāyā (Bar ʿEbroyo in modernWestern Syriac pronunciation) is sometimes Arabised asibn al-ʿIbrī (Arabic:ابن العبري), and in medievalLatin texts, he is known asAbulpharagius.
W. Budge states that Barhebraeus was given the baptismal name John (Syriac:ܝܘܚܢܢ,romanised: Yōḥanan),[3] but modern scholarship suggests that this might be the result of confusion with Gregory John of Bartelli. Still, the inscription on his grave atMor Mattai Monastery reads: "This is the grave of Mar Gregory John, and of Mar Bar Sawma, his brother, the children of the Hebrew [plural ofBar ʿEbrāyā] onMount Elpeph."[7][8]
Barhebraeus was born in 1225 or 1226 AD under the rule of theRum Seljuks and lived through a succession of regimes including theCrusaders, theAyyubids, and later theMongols. He was a native ofMelitene (modern-day Malatya), then a major metropolitan and cultural centre of the Syriac Orthodox Church.[9]
His father, Aaron (Arabic:هارون بن توما الملطي,romanised: Hārūn bin Tūmā al-Malaṭī)[10] was both a deacon and a renowned physician, known to have treated the Mongol generalYasa'ur during the siege of Melitene. This profession placed the family among the patrician class, to which his mother also belonged.[11] He had at least one brother Safi (often called Barsauma) and probably three more named Michael, Muwaffaq, and Quphar. Barsauma's monastic name was later changed to Gregory upon ordination.[12]
The family remained in Melitene until 1242–1243. After Aaron's medical service to Yasaʾur, they moved toAntioch, where Barhebraeus continued his studies, and at around seventeen years of age, he became a monk and began to live as ahermit upon ordination by Patriarch Ignatius III David.[6][13] Influenced by his father, Barhebraeus left Antioch and travelled toTripoli, aCrusader state at the time, to begin his study of medicine[14] alongside Saliba bar Jacob Wajih of Edessa — the future Maphrian Ignatius IV (1253–1258).[15] His expertise eventually secured him the position of personal physician toHulagu Khan, which was remarkable achievement.[16] He later undertook practical training in Damascus under Jamal al-Din ibn al-Rahbi al-Dimashqi at the Nur al-Din Hospital.[17]
Barhebraeus was first ordained bishop ofGubbos by PatriarchIgnatius David III,[13] and soon after transferred toLaqabin, both near Melitene,[18] where he was ordained maphrian.[19] He supported Dionysius VII ʿAngur (r. 1252–1261) in his conflict withJohn XV bar Maʿdani (r. maphrian 1232–1252;r. patriarch 1252–1263). As a reward, Dionysius appointed him bishop ofAleppo.[20] His tenure was short-lived, however, as his former colleague Saliba bar Jacob Wajih (now Maphrian Ignatius IV) sided with John bar Maʿdani and succeeded in having him expelled. Barhebraeus briefly resided with his father Aaron in Aleppo, then moved toMar Barsawma Monastery, where Dionysius resided.[21] In 1258 he travelled toDamascus to secure reinstatement for himself and Dionysius, aided by the Melitene-born physician Qir Michael bar Gabras. He was present in Aleppo in January 1260 when the Mongols invaded; his attempt to spare his people, in vain, led to temporary detainment inQalʿat al-Najm. He was eventually released and reconciled with John bar Maʿdani.[21]
Unlike earlier maphrians who had resided in the Levant to escape persecution, thereby neglecting their home dioceses, Barhebraeus chose to live among his flock inTagrit and at times in the nearby Monastery of Mor Mattai, even amidst the violent persecutions under theMongols andMamluks in the thirteenth century.[22]
From 1260 to 1264 Barhebraeus served at the Mongol court as personal physician toHulagu Khan before being elected maphrian byIgnatius IV atSis inCilicia on 19/20 January 1264;[23] The ceremony was grand, attended by KingHethum II, his brothers and sons,Armenian high priests and dignitaries from many nations and faiths, along with a large assembly of Syriac Orthodox bishops and laymen.[3] Afterwards, he travelled widely throughoutMesopotamia andIranian Azerbaijan, particularly betweenNineveh (where he likely stayed at Mor Mattai Monastery) and the cities ofTabriz andMaragha, centres of theIlkhanid court and learning.[24]
| Part of a series on |
| Oriental Orthodoxy |
|---|
 |
| Oriental Orthodox churches |
Independent churches |
History and theology
|
Liturgy and practices
|
Major figures
|
Links and resources |
 Christianity portal |
Barhebraeus wrote in one poem: "O' net of the world, in 1226 your trap caught me, and I think in 1286 I will not be in you." In 1286, he travelled to Tabriz and completed an Arabic translation of the Syriac workThe Political History of the World within thirty days.[3]
Soon after, in Maragha, he fell ill with a fever two days before his death and, as he predicted, died on the night of Tuesday, July 30, 1286, in the presence of his brother Barsauma and many others. A grand funeral was held in Maragha, and CatholicosYahballaha III (1282–1317) of the Church of the East declared a public day of mourning attended by "Nestorians,Armenians, andGreeks". His remains were interred beneath an altar in the Maragha church and later translated to Mor Mattai Monastery, where they are kept today alongside his brother's.[3][25][26]
He was ordained monk in 1244, bishop in 1246 (taking the name Gregory), and maphrian on 19 January 1264. He founded two churches, two monasteries, two episcopal residences, and a guesthouse for travellers.[27] During his tenure, he consecrated twelve bishops, including his biographer Dioscorus of Gozarto and his disciple Philoxenus I Nemrud (later Patriarch, 1283–1292).[26] After Nemrud's death, what followed was aschism in the Syriac Orthodox patriarchate.
One of the most distinguished holders of the title of 'Maphrian' was Barhebraeus. He spent most of his life, including all of his later years, within Mongol territory until his death in 1286. While based mainly inNineveh and the environs ofMosul and Mor Mattai Monastery, he maintained friendships with scholars of diverse faiths and frequently travelled to major learning centres, most importantly Maragha in Iranian Azerbaijan, then-capital of the Mongol khanate. His close ties with Mongols and other communities enabled him to provide detailed first‑hand accounts, which is why the events of the 13th century are so well documented in both his secular and ecclesiastical chronicles.[28]
Barhebraeus also highlights the crucial part Syriac scholars played in bringing Greek philosophy to the Arab world in his reflections on intellectual history. He places Syriac scholarship as an important bridge in the larger evolution of medieval intellectual culture, attributing the medieval Arab interest in philosophy and the sciences to the translation efforts of earlier Syriac writers.[29]
Barhebraeus was among the most prolific writers of theMiddle Ages, with his surviving corpus being vast and diverse, spanning theology, philosophy, history, medicine, grammar, astronomy, and the natural sciences. His brother Barsauma reports a total of 31 works by him, though his disciple Dioscorus of Gozarto and various manuscripts have variations on this total.[30] His writings were so extensive and refined thatJ.S. Assemani called them "easily the chief of the writings of theJacobites" andJ.P.P. Martin described him as "one of the most prolific writers to have ever emerged".Jean Maurice Fiey said that while Barhebraeus was "often just a populariser", he was a "genius populariser, and one can only admire the amount of work he has produced, especially when considering the often difficult circumstances in which he had to operate".[31]
Barhebraeus's corpus reflects the full breadth of intellectual traditions available in his time. Göttsberger compared him withEphrem the Syrian andJacob of Edessa as the third great pillar of Syriac intellectual history — Ephrem representing pure Syriac thought, Jacob Greek influence, and Barhebraeus the synthesis of Arabic and Islamic science and philosophy.[32] His works display familiarity with Islamic scholarship by drawing from fromIbn Sina,al-Ghazali, andal-Abhari.[33]
Barhebraeus's writings circulated widely. They were found in virtually every Syriac-speaking region to the extent that any single library might contain up to 10 percent of its manuscripts authored by him. His writings were translated into Arabic and cited as a major authority. They were read across confessional line by the Church of the East, theMaronites, theCoptic Orthodox, and theMelkites; they were read even by Muslims, especially his medical works.[34] His texts also reached Europe where earlyOrientalists andSyriacists studied them extensively.[35]
Barhebraeus's works largely consist of compendia that synthesise material from older Syriac and more recent Arabo‑Persian literature. Previously castigated as a skilful but unoriginal compiler of earlier works, that judgement is misplaced, as his originality lies in his choice of sources and his openness to knowledge found in Islamic and non‑Orthodox texts. His writings remained standard acrossSyriac Christianity including itsEastern,Western andMaronite branches. They were translated into Arabic mainly by Daniel of Mardin (1326/27 – after 1382) and Grigorios Yuhanna bin al-Ghurayr al-Zurbabi (bishop of Damascus, 1668–1684).[26]
Barhebraeus's most celebrated work is his chronicle (Syriac:ܡܟܬܒܢܘܬ ܙܒܢܐ,romanised: Maḫṯabānuṯ Zabnê,lit. 'History of Times'), the largest piece of classicalSyriac historiography ever written, no later work surpassing it in scale.[36] The chronicle consists of two complementary parts, aUniversal History and anEcclesiastical History. TheUniversal History (also known as theChronicon Syriacum) covers world events fromCreation to Barhebraeus'ss own era and was translated into Arabic asTārīkh Mukhtaṣar al-Duwal, adapted for a Muslim audience.[37] His brother Barsauma addended it to 1297, while Priest Addai of Basibrina continued theEcclesiastical History to 1496.[36] It runs from Creation to his death in 1286. Though intended to instruct 'his people' (the Syriac Orthodox), Barhebraeus knew it would reach a wide readership, so he supplemented the work with material of general interest while retaining scholarly sense for specialists.[38]
The chronicle is divided into eleven dynastic sections (yubbālē), following the model of theBook of Daniel, with the final section devoted to the contemporaryMongols (whom Barhebraeus calls 'Huns'). The second part was translated into Latin in 1789 by Paul Jakob Bruns and Georg Wilhelm Kirsch, and a superior edition was produced byPaul Bedjan in 1890 from the Syriac.Budge published an English translation in 1932 based on Bedjan's French with afacsimile of the Syriac original from theBodleian Library. Although the secular sections were extensively used by medieval historians, neither part has been the subject of major analysis.[36]
It treats history, religion, language, and the customs of peoples; includes biographies of notable warriors and physicians; describes battles, sieges and the capture of cities; records comets and other unusual celestial phenomena; and notes earthquakes, famines, heavy snowfall, and the freezing of theTigris andEuphrates, with the associated food prices in times of scarcity. He also recounts court scandals, repeats various rumours, and relates 'laughable stories'.[39]
Structurally, Barhebraeus adopts and innovates upon the chronological tables of earlier historians likeEusebius of Caesarea andMichael the Syrian, replacing them with successions of rulers and patriarchs, with expansions to incorporate Muslim, Persian and Armenian sources while diminishing theByzantine focus and reflecting the multicultural milieu of the thirteenth century.[40] This arrangement separated secular and ecclesiastical history, preventing the reader from easily associating secular events with their corresponding ecclesiastical ones and forcing them to cross‑reference manually or rely on memory.[41] Early section begins with "After such-and-such, another such-and-such",[42] but it later changes, becoming "After the persecution of the orthodox [i.e.Miaphysites] of the East,Ahudhemmeh became the metropolitan of the East".[43]
Within the ecclesiastical portion, the lemmata for Jewish hierarchs begin withAaron (notMoses, since Aaron was thetrue priest), followed by his sonPhinehas, and continue through toCaiaphas andAnnas. After this, the old high‑priesthood 'disappeared' and was superseded byJesus Christ's, withPeter as the new hierarch. Afterwards, he traces the patriarchs ofAlexandria,Constantinople,Jerusalem,Ephesus, andAntioch, then continues only as Antioch, since his "eastern lands are subject to the authority of the throne of Antioch".[44]
Barhebraeus records variousChurch Fathers such asAthanasius of Alexandria and Ephrem the Syrian, in addition to heretics likeArius andApollinaris. He discusses theChalcedonian schism, noting that Justin forcefully deposedSeverus of Antioch and that his successor, the 'excellent'Sergius of Tella, was ordained by John of Anazarbus (in factJacob Baradeus performed the ordinations). He mentions Jacob Baradeus's efforts across the East to preserve the Syriac Orthodox hierarchy by ordaining many bishops, which led to the Church bearing his name. The list of patriarchs continues to Barhebraeus's time with further addenda by anonymous authors.[45]
The apostolic foundation byThomas,Addai,Aggai,Mari, andAbrosius is described in theEcclesiastical History's 'Eastern' section, where the evangelism of Thomas, the 'high priest of the East', and the translation of his relics to Edessa, are described. Barhebraeus then discusses the line of Church of the East patriarchs with notable ecumenical sympathy;[46] still, he views that the maphrianate of the Syriac Orthodox in the East is the rightful continuation of the ancient See of Seleucia-Ctesiphon,[47] where the ecclesiastical succession of the See of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, following Isho'yabh, continues through Syriac Orthodox maphrians, culminating with Barhebraeus himself. The lineage extends through his brother Barsauma, whose pontificate documented by an anonymous author writing after his time.[43]
Barhebraeus'sChronicon Syriacum was purposefully modified for Arabic inTārīkh Mukhtaṣar al-Duwal to suit his target audience. For instance, he omitted accounts of Arab persecutions, softened Christian-Mongol connections, used theHijri calendar exclusively, and replaced overtly Christian expressions with inclusive wording. Both the Syriac and Arabic versions exhibit linguistic and ideological variations that signify Barhebraeus's purpose to tailor the work for different audiences, as the Arabic version carefully adjusts the text to accommodate Muslim ears.
A more accurate translation of the Arabic recension would be "The Abridged Histories of the States or Empires" although many contemporary scholars have translated this as "The Abridged History of the Dynasties". This is because the Arabic wordal-duwal (plural ofdawla) literally means 'states' or 'political powers', while Barhebraeus frequently usedansāb to refer to 'dynasties'. An 18th-centuryLatin translation that used the worddynastiarumcode: lat promoted to code: la to convey the idea of political succession is probably what gave rise to the popular translation 'dynasties'.[48]
Though their emphases differ, the sources underpinning both texts are essentially the same. The chronicle of Michael the Syrian, East-Syriac historical writings, various Arabic and Persian material — particularlyJuvayni'sTārīkh-i Jahāngushāy, which Barhebraeus likely encountered while at Maragha — and potentialArmenian sources constitute the primary sources of inspiration.[49]
In descriptions of the terminology employed, the Syriac edition applies the title 'Caliph' to multiple Muslim rulers, including theFatimids, while the Arabic work reserves this title exclusively for theAbbasid Caliph, aligning with mainstream Islamic convention of Barhebraeus's time and region.[50] Omitted are accounts describing thepersecution of Christians at Tagrit by Arab forces and details regarding Christians taking refuge in a church before their liberation by two Armenians.[51] Additionally omitted is the use of explicitly Christian formulations like referring to Hulagu's wife as "the believing queen and lover of Christ", and all uses of theGreek calendar.[52]
Further on, the Arabic chronicle also shortens or softens depictions of Muslim aggression toward Christians such as condensing passages describing the plundering of the monastery of Beth Kūdida's Sister, themonths-long siege of Mor Mattai Monastery byKurds with looting of the monastery's valuables by them and their altercations with the monks, the murder of Christians at the Habsusyotho monastery, and the killing of ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar and his Kurdish allies.[53]
Both versions praise Hulagu's successorKublai Khan, but the Arabic version omits the phrase "lover of Christians" in favour of "lover of all religious people from all confessions and nations", with various descriptions admiring the Mongol rulers.[54] Additionally, in further demonstration of the good relations between Christians and Mongols, the Arabic text excises a passage about a Syriac priest rising to a high-ranking position as a physician in Hulagu's palace.[55]
While both recount stories of Crusaders in the Middle East, the Arabic version specifies the Crusaders as "Franks", while the Syriac version refers to everyone as "Christians" regardless of denomination or political position.[56]
Barhebraeus remained steadfast in his adherence toMiaphysite Christology even as he adopted an approach characterised by intellectual openness and ecumenical awareness. In his large theological summa, he devotes several sections toChristology. He refutes and discusses theDyophysite doctrine and its arguments, but does not mention the Crusaders in that context. In some passages, he treats these theological differences as substantive rather than merely semantic; for example, he reproaches a bishop who dismissed a Nestorian's theological objections as sophistry and supplies the responses the bishop should have given. The book ends with a list of thirty heresies, most of which are Christological in nature, but it noticeably leaves out the Chalcedonians (including the Latins) and Nestorians, categorising their differences as mainly terminological rather than substantive. This contrasts with the preceding chapter where Miaphysitism is strongly affirmed, but aligns with his other works that display an open ecumenical attitude, including those that place less emphasis on dogma and more on spiritual matters.[57]
Among Barhebraeus's theological works are the "Book of the Dove", which emphasises ascetic living, and theEthikon, which provides monks, priests and laypeople with moral and spiritual guidance. In theEthikon, he cautions against disputation as verbal cunning intended to subdue an adversary lest it causes one to sin, and counsels ascetics to abstain from speculative discussions about "natures and persons", referring to Christological debates.[58]
Barhebraeus has been described as a "supporter of the validity of a certain theological pluralism".[59] Using the framework of Greekpatristic andphilosophical thought, Barhebraeus discussed traditionalChristological issues in his theological correspondence with CatholicosDenha I. Notwithstanding their differences in doctrine, Barhebraeus urged Denha to look beyond the rifts that had long divided their churches as a result of the disputes betweenNestorius andCyril. His historical writings draw heavily on the East‑Syrian Chronicle tradition, which demonstrates his willingness to engage with traditions outside his own communion and his scholarly respect for them.[60]
Scholars differ in interpreting the motivation behind Barhebraeus's ecumenical outlook. Herman Teule considers it a sincere expression of theological fraternity and genuine openness toward other Christian denominations; on the other hand, Hidemi Takahashi sees it as partially pragmatic and meant to improve the Christian community's social and political standing during Mongol rule — though not devoid of genuine elements of goodwill and conciliation.[61]
Barhebraeus's works, while rooted in the Syriac literary and poetic tradition, also show a significant interest in Greek philosophy, especially Aristotle's ideas. This synthesis is most clearly reflected in his encyclopaedic work "The Cream of Wisdom" (Hewath Hekhmetho).[62]
Barhebraeus's initial path in life appears to have been set towardmedicine rather than theology. He was remembered as first "the father of physicians" andthen "the glory of pastors" in a manuscript colophon, showing the dual nature of his vocation but emphasising his role as a healer.[63] The fact that his father was a Mongol general's personal physician probably contributed to his early academic direction. Barhebraeus himself pursued formal studies in 'medicine and logic' under a Nestorian teacher in Tripoli, and later worked with physician Jamal al-Din in Damascus. By 1263, records place him working withinMongol military camps alongside other physicians, a great feat. Barhebraeus remained steadfast in his commitment to the medical sciences even after being promoted to the high ecclesiastical office of maphrian, in an effort to pass on medical knowledge to future generations.[64]
Eight works onmedicine andpharmacology are known to be authored by him. These treatises, which avoid the elaborate or poetic style that permeates much of his literary output, have simple, descriptive titles in contrast to many of his other works with more ornate titles. Four of these works were written in Arabic and the rest in Syriac.[65]
Barhebraeus held that the medical profession offered Christians a means of attaining influence and respect within the largely Muslim society of his day, and perhaps this motivated him to compose and disseminate his medical works amongSyriac Christians.[66] Nevertheless, his writings were not intended solely for that community; Barhebraeus records using the Hijri dating system himself and composed some works in Arabic at the request of Muslims (ṭayyāyē) in Maragha, while his openings include an Islamicbasmala with references toChristian Apostles phrased so as to suit a Muslim audience. Thus, Barhebraeus's works transcend the needs of a single religious community in favour of the greater good.[67]
Besides his knowledge of history and theology, Barhebraeus was also a skilled mathematician and astronomer.Nasir al-Din al-Tusi and other researchers at theMaragha Observatory had a significant influence on his primary scientific work, "Ascent of the Mind" (Sullaqā Hawnānāyā), which he wrote in 1279 and used as a textbook of mathematics and astronomy. It was partially based on al-Tusi'sTadhkira fī ʿIlm al-Hayʾa, but it also included Syriac scientific traditions, especially those ofSeverus Sebokht, whom Barhebraeus specifically mentions. Barhebraeus's command of Arabo-Persian astronomical literature is evident in other related works such as "On Creation" and "Candelabrum of the Sanctuary" (Mnārath Qudshē), which also referenceal-Biruni'sKitāb al-Tafhīm li-Awāʾil Ṣināʿat al-Tanjīm.[68]
Identity and language of the Syriac Orthodox and other Syriac-speaking communities took shape largely in contrast to theGreek andArab populations, and were increasingly influenced by contact with theLatin West wherenotions of national identity were already established. Such awareness was reinforced by the composition of Syriac-language chronicles that went beyond mere recordkeeping to include reflection on communal origins and identity,[69] such asMichael the Great'sChronicle.
Bar Hebraeus did not prefer to use "Arameans" as an identity, the people he addressed instead identified as "Easterners."[70] When describing the genealogy of Noah, Bar Hebraeus includes the Assyrians, Chaldeans, and Syrians, but excludesAram and the Arameans.[71] Instead, he identifies ethnically as Syrian and uses the expresion "ancient Syrians" (Syriac:ܣܘܖ̈ܝܝܐ ܥܬܝܩ̈ܐ,romanised: Sūryōyē ʿatīqē), an umbrella term encompassing the Aramaic speaking peoples of both East and West, including the Assyrians,Babylonians, and Arameans.[72] Bar Hebraeus mentions Assyria (Syriac:ܐܬܘܪ,romanised: Āṯōr) frequently in hisChronography and clearly distinguishes Syria from Assyria.[73] However, his testimony does not support the notion of a continuous Assyrian self-designation; theEcclesiastical Chronicle indicates that no Assyrian identity existed in his time, Bar Hebraeus, together with 12th-century Jacobite andNestorian Christians, did not consider themselves Assyrians and would have been terrified to be regarded as descendants of the ancient Assyrians.[74]
He includes the Chaldeans among the earliest nations, grouping them with peoples such as the Persians and Greeks and crediting them with the advancement of learning. Despite this, he describes the notion of “Chaldeanhood” (kaldōyūtō) as uncivilized, contrasting it elsewhere with the pure Aramaic language of the Syrians.[75] He describes the kings of ancient Mesopotamia as "All these are Chaldeans; that is, Syrians (Suryāyē)."[76]
Generally, "Syrian" is used inclusively for all Aramaic‑speaking Christians, including those inMount Lebanon,[77] regardless of precise ethnic origin, although occasional distinctions are made.[78]
Geographically, since Barhebraeus and his audience were mainly located in the east, his preference forTagrit overEdessa becomes evident. Edessa, while still honoured, appears far less frequently in his writings thanBaghdad andMosul; Tagrit, however, held supreme importance for him — it was the first city mentioned in hisChronicon.[79] When recounting the missionary route ofThomas the Apostle, he lists Tagrit, thenIndia, and only afterwards does he return to Edessa and its kingAbgar, which highlights the spiritual significance of Tagrit.[80] He saw Thomas as linked to Tagrit, which he hailed as the defender of orthodoxy during the spread ofNestorianism in the East. Tagrit andTur ‘Abdin, he wrote, remained steadfast against the persecutions initiated byBarsauma of Nisibis.[80] Consequently, Barhebraeus portrayed Tagrit as the true successor to the See ofSeleucia-Ctesiphon, in contrast to the Church of the East whose catholicos had been allowed by the caliphs to move to Baghdad, whereas the Tagritian maphrian was not. Thus, Tagrit came to surpass even Edessa and Baghdad in honour.[81]
Barhebraeus rarely used the term "Jacobite" (afterJacob Baradaeus) except when quoting adversaries who used it, or when referring to certain localised, Arabised communities of the Syriac Orthodox Church.[82] Instead, he preferred expressions such as "our people", "the faithful", and "theorthodox" to denote his own religious community in opposition to theChalcedonian Greeks and theNestorians. The broader term "Christians" he reserved for Christendom as a whole going beyond denominational divisions.[83]
Despite his insistence onMiaphysitism and his position as the heir of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, he maintained cordial, fraternal relations with the Church of the East and its patriarch.[84] He deliberately used the term "Easterners" for Christians in both the Syriac Orthodox Church and the Church of the East, adopting a single self‑designation for both milieus and emphasising the shared heritage of the East.[85]
Like the Syriac Orthodox Church in general, Barhebraeus maintained good relations with diverse religious and intellectual communities, such as theCrusaders. He likely encountered the Latins during his residence in Antioch and Tripoli (both under Crusader rule) and later continued his visits to the "quasi-Crusader" state of Cilicia after the Crusaders' influence waned.[86] His familiarity with Latin circles led some scholars to suggest that his thought may have been subtly influenced by Roman Catholicscholasticism, but this influence was never dominant.[87] Other scholars do not consider him to be aware of these Latin works despite spending time in Crusader‑held Antioch, Tripoli and Cilicia.[88]
Disillusioned by the Arabs and their conduct, Barhebraeus may have viewed the Mongols as liberators from oppressive Islamic forces, his writings suggesting a pragmatic appreciation of the Mongols' relative tolerance towards Christianity. In this interpretation, he perceived Hulagu as a kind of newCyrus, freeing God's people from "Babylon", or as a newConstantine through likening Hulagu's Christian mother,Sorghoqtani, toEmpress Helena. The Mongol rulers' comparative tolerance towards Christians inspired hopes that a Christian polity might arise under their protection with Syriac as its language.[89]
Within the broader intellectual sphere, Barhebraeus has frequently been paralleled with major European thinkers of the Greek and Latin traditions, described as the Eastern/Syriac counterpart to figures such as the near‑contemporaryThomas Aquinas — hisCandelabrum of the Sanctuary likened to Aquinas'sSumma Theologica. Other comparisons were made toAlbertus Magnus,Pico della Mirandola,Isidore of Seville, andCicero.[90]
Throughout his life, Barhebraeus maintained genial relations with theChurch of the East. While sometimes described as anecumenist, this is an overstatement, as he remained a firmMiaphysite and did not advocate doctrinal union.[91] Nevertheless, he expressed fraternal sentiments towards East Syrians and envisioned the restoration of a unifiedSyriac Church rooted in the ancientEdessan tradition. His familiarity with East Syrian scholars and contact with Latin Christians (who at the time had achieved communion with theMaronites) may have influenced this outlook. He corresponded courteously with CatholicoiMakkika II (1257–1265) andDenha I (1265–1281), criticising theirChristological formulations but emphasising sharedNicene faith. He even cited Church of the East commentaries as authoritative in hisNomocanon, and clergy from the Church of the East attended his consecration of the chrism in Baghdad in 1265. His belief that disputes were merely terminological rather than doctrinal has served as a model for the currentecumenical dialogue between churches today. Upon his death, CatholicosYahbalaha III (1282–1317) declared a public day of mourning in Maragha attended by "Nestorians,Armenians, andGreeks".[91]
Barhebraeus's intellectual vision embraced both theEast andWest Syriac traditions which he distinguished as "two illustrious traditions". His writings display a strong familiarity with East-Syriac vocalisation and pronunciation systems, and he frequently citedChurch Fathers of the Church of the East such asNarsai andTheodore of Mopsuestia, whom his own Church formally regards as heretical. Overall, his attitude towards these figures and their traditions was one of generous appreciation and respect.[92] Barhebraeus also saw that unity among Syriac Christians was critical to gaining the favour of the Mongols, who were already inclined towards Christianity.[93]
Aside from his nativeSyriac, Barhebraeus was proficient inArmenian,Arabic andPersian.[94] While some scholars have hypothesized the possibility ofTurkic orMongolian fluency, and have even mentioned that he probably understood something of these languages, he was scarcely proficient in either and wrote in neither.[95] The notion of slighly understandingGreek has been suggested, but it seems unlikely, as by Barhebraeus's time, Greek was in disuse in nearby regions and among theMelkites, the Liturgy was already wholly conducted in Arabic. Moreoever, his writings bear no trace of Greek linguistic influence, for extant Syriac translations of Greek works such as Aristotle and theSeptuagint had sufficed.[96]
Barhebraeus considered theEdessan dialect (today termed 'Classical Syriac') the most eloquent of the Aramaic varieties,[97] while he disapproved of the dialect of the "Easterners" found in the Aramaic-languageTalmud (theTargum), features of which persist in modernNeo‑Aramaic dialects.[98] He regarded the Aramaic of theKashkar region (i.e.,Nabatean in Babylonia), on the shore of theTigris in southernIraq, as the worst of all.[99] Like most early and medieval Christians of the time (with the notable exception ofJacob of Edessa), Barhebraeus believed thatSyriac-Aramaic was the original tongue of mankind, the very language God spoke toAdam.[71][100]
Barhebraeus was a prolific and influential author whose command of style and linguistics placed him among the greatest scholars of Christian and Eastern literature. His vast learning and eloquence have had a lasting impact.
In addition to being a scholar, historian, and physician, Barhebraeus was also a mathematician, astronomer, and lecturer. He authored numerous books on intricate subjects like philosophy, religion, and grammar, presenting them in an easily understandable manner.[38]
The following is a list of only some of his works, a few of which are lost, others unpublished:[101][102][103]
Gregory Barhebraeus | |
|---|---|
| Saint | |
| Born | John ܝܘܚܢܢ 1226 |
| Died | 1286 |
| Resting place | Mor Mattai Monastery 36°29′24″N43°26′34″E / 36.49°N 43.442778°E /36.49; 43.442778 |
| Honored in | Oriental Orthodox Church |
| Majorshrine | Mor Mattai Monastery |
| Feast | 30 July |
| Patronage | Scholars, physicians,Archdiocese of Nineveh and Environs |
Tradition or genre | Syriac Christianity |
Barhebraeus stands as one of the most venerated saints of theOriental Orthodox Church, and a towering figure of pride within theSyriac Orthodox Church. Renowned as both a blessed monastic saint and a genius polymath, he combined sanctity with scholarship and excelled in theology, philosophy, medicine, and the Syriac language. His intellectual output revivedSyriac literature and learning in an age when it had declined, thus contributing to what has often been termed the Syriac Renaissance.
His feast day in the Syriac Orthodox Church is observed on 30 July, the date of his repose. His relics, interred atMor Mattai Monastery, remain a major pilgrimage site for the faithful.[104]
PatriarchIgnatius Aphrem I Barsoum devoted numerous pages ofThe Scattered Pearls to praising Barhebraeus, calling him one of the "great philosophers and theologians of the Orient as well as the world" and "the most luminous star that ever shone on the firmament of the Syrian nations and his encyclopaedic knowledge makes him all the more unique and unequalled."[105] He also used many laudatory titles such as "Ocean of Wisdom", "Light of East and West", "King of Learned Men", "Greatest Sage", "Holy Father", and "The Most Learned Man Possessing Divine Knowledge".[106] Barsoum further commended Barhebraeus's mastery of Syriac, Arabic, Armenian, and Persian, writing, "His Syriac style is very powerful, lucid and attractive. Whenever his reader dives into his books he finds unique and precious pearls. He would end his reading by bowing his head in great reverence to the prince of writers, the king of learned men, and without exception, the most famous Syrian scholar."[106]
Other commendatory descriptions include theSyriacistSebastian P. Brock's, who classed Barhebraeus "alongside Ephrem, perhaps the most famous of all Syriac writers" and described him as "a polymath of extraordinary wide learning in virtually every subject that was studied in his time."[107] Lucas Van Rompay also called him "a man of an exceptional breadth and open-mindedness",[108] and Rev. Joseph Tarzi hailed him as "the Church's greatest and boldest knight, never to be challenged or matched in all branches of learning — theological and otherwise" and listed his many epithets: "the sea of wisdom, the light of the East and West, king of the learned, the greatest of the wise men, the holy father, the father versed in theology, the adornment of composers, the crown of Maphrians, the crown of chiefs."[3] Paul Bedjan further described his chronicle as "one of the most interesting books that were produced in my country".[109]
In modern commemoration, Barhebraeus continues to be honoured. In 2010, a symposium dedicated to him was organised inAleppo, Syria by the late Archbishop of AleppoYohanna Ibrahim.[110]
Contemporary scholars frequently refer to Barhebraeus as the "Encyclopaedia of the 13th century" which entirely captures his unmatched knowledge and lasting influence throughout the Syriac, Arabic, and wider Eastern intellectual sphere.[3]
| International | |
|---|---|
| National | |
| Academics | |
| People | |
| Other | |
