Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami বাংলাদেশ জামায়াতে ইসলামী | |
|---|---|
.png){kind=logo} | |
| Abbreviation |
|
| Ameer | Shafiqur Rahman |
| Secretary-General | Mia Golam Parwar |
| Spokesperson | Mohammed Motiur Rahman Akanda |
| Founder | Abul A'la Maududi[1] |
| Founded |
|
| Split from | Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan[3] |
| Headquarters | 505, Elephant Road,Mogbazar,Dhaka |
| Newspaper |
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| Student wing |
|
| Women's wing | Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Women's Wing[4] |
| Trade union | Bangladesh Sramik Kalyan Federation (de facto)[5] |
| Ideology | |
| National affiliation | 11 Party Alliance Former:
|
| Colors | Light green |
| House of the Nation | 68 / 300 |
| Mayors | 0 / 1 [a] |
| Councillors | Post dissolved |
| District councils | Post dissolved |
| Subdistrict councils | Post dissolved |
| Union councils | Post dissolved |
| Municipalities | Post dissolved |
| Election symbol | |
| Party flag | |
 | |
| Website | |
| jamaat-e-islami.org | |
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami[b] is the largestIslamistpolitical party in Bangladesh.[c] It emerged from theEast Pakistani wing of theJamaat-e-Islami Pakistan in 1979. It is one of the two contemporary mainstream political parties in the country, alongside theBangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).[11]
The origin of the party lies in theJamaat-e-Islami movement founded byAbul A'la Maududi in 1941 inBritish Raj, championingpolitical Islam. Its predecessor,Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan, though actively participating in the pro-democracy movements ofEast Pakistan, opposed theindependence of Bangladesh. It organized several pro-Pakistan bodies throughout theLiberation War. Following the independence of Bangladesh, the party was banned by theSheikh Mujibur Rahman's government, but was subsequently lifted underZiaur Rahman, allowing modern party to be formed in 1979. Two of it's leaders leaders later served in theBangladesh Nationalist Party'scoalition government between 2001 and 2006. During thesecond premiership ofSheikh Hasina, Jamaat-e-Islami's registration was cancelled and its leaders were prosecuted by theInternational Crimes Tribunal forwar crimes of 1971. Her government also again banned the party for supporting the anti-governmentmass uprising in 2024. FollowingHasina's resignation, its ban was lifted by theinterim government and it's registration was reinstated.
Traditionally, the party is guided by the Maududi's vision for atotalitarianIslamic state. More recently, however, the party has sought to portray itselfreformist. The party supports awelfarist economy andtax cuts. The party is controversial for its role in the Liberation War, ideological links toextremism,human rights abuses, and contradictory positions on women andsharia.
Shafiqur Rahman has been serving as theameer (leader) andMia Golam Parwar has been serving as the secretary-general of the party since 2019. The party maintains a network of affiliated organizations, including theBangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir.
Jamaat-e-Islami was founded in British India by MaulanaSyed Abul A'la Maududi at Islamia Park,Lahore on 26 August 1941 as a movement to promote social and political Islam. Jamaat opposed the creation of a separate state ofPakistan for the Muslims of India. It also did not support theMuslim League, which was then the largest Muslim party in the 1946 elections. nor did it support"Composite Nationalism" (Muttahida Qaumiyat Aur Islam) of the Jamiat Ulama e-Hind.Maulana Abul Ala Maududi, the founder of Jamaat-e-Islami, actively worked to prevent the partition of India, arguing that concept violated the Islamic doctrine of theummah.[12] Maulana Maududi saw the partition as creating a temporal border that would divideMuslims from one another.[13] He advocated for the whole of India to bereclaimed for Islam.[14]
After the creation of Pakistan, Jamaat-e-Islami divided into separate Indian and Pakistani national organisations. WhenEast Pakistan became independent asBangladesh, the East Pakistan wing ofJamaat-e-Islami Pakistan became Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh.[15][16]
Jamaat-e-Islami participated in the democratic movement in Pakistan during the Period of Martial Law declared byAyub Khan. An all-party democratic alliance (DAC) was formed in 1965. Jamaat head of East Pakistan branch,Ghulam Azam was a member of the alliance, which also includedMaulanaAbdul Hamid Khan Bhashani andSheikh Mujibur Rahman.[17][18][19]
During the late 1960s, Jamaat‑e‑Islami strongly resisted the rising socialist programs promoted by leaders such asZulfikar Ali Bhutto inWest Pakistan and Maulana Bhashani in East Pakistan. The party actively campaigned against these agendas, and it organized a large coalition of Islamic scholars and clerics, over a hundred ulema, who issued statements denouncing the Pakistan Peoples Party's socialism as "atheistic" and "anti‑Islam".[20][21]
As theSix-Point Movement gained momentum in East Pakistan from 1966 onwards, Jamaat-e-Islami adopted a firm stance against it. The Six-Point Movement, put forth by the Awami League, demanded for extensive autonomy for East Pakistan and was viewed by Bengali nationalists as a charter for self-rule. Jamaat-e-Islami's pan-Islamist ideology emphasized the unity of Pakistan based on Islamic principles. The party viewed the Six-Point Movement as a divisive, secessionist agenda that threatened the solidarity of the Muslim nation and the integrity of Pakistan.[22]
In the1970 general election, Jamaat‑e‑Islami invested significant effort and resources by putting forward 151 candidates but managed to secure only four seats in the National Assembly and another four in the provincial assemblies.[23]
In 1971, Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan opposed the independence of Bangladesh and the dismemberment of Pakistan.Ghulam Azam, who wasthe then head of Jamaat-e-Islami East Pakistan, delivered several speeches after 25 March 1971, excerpts of which were regularly published in the party's mouthpiece,The Daily Sangram. On 30 June inLahore, while speaking to journalists, Azam stated that his party was making every effort to suppress what he described as the activities of "miscreants" in East Pakistan, and that many Jamaat workers had been killed by these elements as a result of their efforts.[24]
Jamaat-e-Islami played a key role in organizing pro‑Pakistan collaborationist bodies. On 4 April 1971, twelve pro‑Pakistan leaders, includingNurul Amin, Ghulam Azam (head of Jamaat‑e‑Islami East Pakistan), andSyed Khwaja Khairuddin, metGeneral Tikka Khan of thePakistan Army and assured him of their cooperation in suppressing the independence movement. Following a series of meetings, they announced the formation of theEast Pakistan Central Peace Committee, which initially included 140 members, among them 96 Jamaat‑e‑Islami members who began training at an Ansar camp on Khanjahan Ali Road inKhulna.[25][26] The Peace Committee was also alleged to have been involved in recruitingRazakar paramilitaries to assist the Pakistan Army.[27]
On 12 October 1971,Yahya Khan declared that elections would take place between 25 November and 9 December. Jamaat‑e‑Islami East Pakistan decided that the party would participate in the local elections. According to a government declaration issued on 2 November, 53 candidates were to be elected without contest, and Jamaat‑e‑Islami secured 14 of these uncontested seats.[28][29]
On 2 December 1971, according to a report inThe Daily Ittefaq, Ghulam Azam held a one‑hour and ten‑minute meeting with President Yahya Khan inRawalpindi. After the meeting, Azam addressed a press conference where he urged the public to give their full support to the armed forces in dealing with the ongoing crisis. He again described theMukti Bahini as an enemy force and stated that the Razakars were sufficient to confront them, further calling for an increase in the number of Razakars.[30]
Jamaat was banned after theindependence of Bangladesh in December 1971, and its top leaders fled toWest Pakistan.Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the first president of Bangladesh, also cancelled the citizenship ofGhulam Azam, the leader of Jamaat-e-Islami who moved to Pakistan, the Middle East and the UK.[31] Azam first fled to Pakistan and organized "East Pakistan Recovery Week". As information about his participation in the killing of civilians came to light "a strong groundswell of resentment against" East Pakistan JI leadership developed and Azam andMaulana Abdur Rahim were sent toSaudi Arabia. In Saudi Arabia, Azam and some of his followers successfully appealed for donations to "defend Islam" in Bangladesh, asserting that the Hindu minority there were "killing Muslims and burning their homes."[32]
Then-PresidentSheikh Mujibur Rahman wasassassinated in August 1975 by a group of officers ofBangladesh Army. post-Mujibur governments were immediately recognized by both Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, and Jamaat-e-Islami resumed political activities in Bangladesh. Ziaur Rahman also allowed Azam to return to Bangladesh as the leader of Jamaat-e-Islami.[31]
After the end ofErshad's regime in 1990, mass protests began againstGhulam Azam and Jamaat-e-Islami. The protests were headed byJahanara Imam, an author who lost her elder son,Shafi Imam Rumi, in theBangladesh War of Independence. Azam's citizenship was challenged in a case that went to theBangladesh Supreme Court, as he only held a Pakistani passport. Absent prosecution of Azam for war crimes, the Supreme Court ruled that he had to be allowed to have a Bangladeshi passport and the freedom to resume his political activities.[33]
Bangladesh Police arrested Jamaat-e-Islami chief and former Industry MinisterMotiur Rahman Nizami from his home in Dhaka in a graft case on 19 May 2008 and was charged with war crimes in 2009. He was hanged to death on 11 May 2016.[34] Earlier, two former Cabinet Ministers of the immediate past BNP-Jamaat led coalition government, Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan and Shamsul Islam were sent toDhaka Central Jail, after they surrendered before the court.[35][36]
As a result, in the parliamentary elections of December 2008, Jamaat-e-Islami garnered fewer than 5 seats out of the total 300 that constitute the national parliament. TheBangladesh Nationalist Party was concerned as Jamaat-e-Islami had been their primary political partner in the Four-Party Alliance.[37]
On 27 January 2009, theBangladesh Supreme Court issued a ruling after 25 people from different Islamic organisations, includingBangladesh Tarikat Federation's Secretary General Syed Rezaul Haque Chandpuri, Jaker Party's Secretary General Munshi Abdul Latif and Sammilita Islami Jote's President Maulana Ziaul Hasan, filed a joint petition. Jamaat-e-Islami chiefMotiur Rahman Nizami, Secretary GeneralAli Ahsan Mujaheed and theElection Commission Secretary were given six weeks time to reply, but they did not. The ruling asked to explain"why the Jamaat's registration should not be declared illegal". As a verdict of the ruling,High Court cancelled the registration of the Jamaat-e-Islami on 1 August 2013,[38][39] ruling that the party is unfit to contest national polls because its charter putsGod above democratic process.[d]
On 5 August 2013, the Supreme Court rejected Jamaat's plea against the High Court. The chamber judge of the Appellate Division Justice AHM Shamsuddin Choudhury Manik while rejecting the Jamaat's petition seeking stay on the High Court verdict, said that the Jamaat could move a regular appeal before the Appellate Division against the verdict after getting its full text.[44]
In February 2013, following the verdict by theInternational Crimes Tribunal (ICT) and the announcement of death sentence ofDelwar Hossain Sayidee (a leader of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami,[45] during the Bangladesh independence war of 1971[46]), supporters of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing,Islami Chhatra Shibir were involved inanti-Hindu violence; law enforcement killed 44 protesters and wounded 250.[e] More than 50 temples were damaged, and more than 1,500 houses and business establishments of Hindus were torched inGaibandha,Chittagong,Rangpur,Sylhet,Chapainawabganj,Bogra and in many other districts of the country,[f] By March 2013, more than 87 people had been killed by law enforcement agencies.[53] Jamaat-e-Islami supporters called for the fall of the Awami League regime. Jamaat-e-Islami supporters have been accused of murdering opponent political party activists and instigating religious riots by spreading fraudulent news.[g]
As a result of Jamaat-e-Islami and Shibir's support for theBangladesh student quota protests,[56] Hasina's regime decided to fully ban the party on 1 August 2024.[h] However, it was reversed on 28 August 2024 and the ban on Jamaat—Shibir and its affiliated organisations was officially lifted.[60] On 1 June 2025, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami regained registration after an order by theAppellate Division of theBangladesh Supreme Court.[61][62]
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Broadly classified asright-wing[63][64] tofar-right[65][66][67] in theleft-right spectrum, Jamaat has been described asIslamist,conservative,[7][68][69]neo-Islamist,[70] andreformist.[71] Jamaat-e-Islami leaders and publications claim the party to beIslamic democrat. Its incumbent leader,Shafiqur Rahman, described his party to be a "modern,liberal democratic party, whose ideal is Islam",[72][73] while its incumbent deputy leader Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher, rejected calling his party "conservative", and instead described it a "moderate Islamist force".[74]
Traditionally, Jamaat's goal has been based on its founder Syed Abul A'la Maududi's visions for asharia-basedtotalitarian state, inspired byBenito Mussolini'sFascist Party and theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union, where democracy, freedom, individualism, and equal rights for people would be non-existent, and all non-Muslims would enjoy "inferior" rights asDhimmis, obligated to payjizya.[70]
In 2012, Jamaat-e-Islami had to amend some fundamental principles of its constitution to meet the conditions for the registration of parties set by theElection Commission, as the previous version allegedly conflicted to the "democratic and noncommunal structure" of theConstitution of Bangladesh and Representation of the People Order, 1972. After the amendments, the party replaced the establishment of an "Islamic system" with the "democratic system" as its stated goal. Likewise, "efforts to establish Islam as given byAllah and shown by theMessenger" was replaced with "to establish a society based on equality and justice through a democratic system and to achieve the pleasure of Allah Almighty" as main objective.[75]
Following the execution and imprisonment of senior leaders convicted of involvement in the1971 genocide, Jamaat experienced internal fragmentation.[76] The reformist factions proposed ideological moderation and democratic participation, while hardliners insisted on maintaining traditional Islamist aims. Multiple splinter groups emerged, some more radical, some abandoning formal politics.[77]
In recent times, the party has become open on female-related issues, such asright to work outside andfreedom of clothing.[78] Similarly, the party also expressed support to the rights of religious minorities and protection of their properties.[79] The party also retracted from its stated goal of the establishment of asharia-based state, and focused on the creation of an "honest people's government".[70] Despite these initiatives, the party still officially rejects female leadership and continues to uphold its traditional philosophy of introducing sharia through "electoral process".[70]
According to a JI publication titledAn Introduction to Bangladesh Jamaate Islami, the party aims to turn Bangladesh into an "Islamicwelfare state".[80] It also runs charities that provide religious, social, food, and medical services at the local level, which helped the party build a strong network at the grassroots.[81]
Since the party's resurgence following the July Revolution, the party has focused onwelfarist issues likesocial justice andanti-corruption.[82] The party supports extensivetax cuts,interest-free loans andpublic private ownership for factories with workers' ownership.[83] In its "Policy Summit 2026", the party emphasized on "reformism" focusing on economic issues like reducingVAT, interest-free loans, and anti-corruption — standard conservativepopulist platforms.[84] Shafi Md Mostofa claimed that the party is rebranding itself in the aftermath of the revolution by putting itself in the "Islamic left".[82]
Before2026 general election, the party unveiled itselectoral manifesto under the slogan "An uncompromising Bangladesh in the national interest", which prioritises 26 points:[85]
Following the July Revolution, surveys show that the Jamaat-e-Islami's strongest demographic base are younger and more educated voters, who are likely to be impressed by the perceived discipline and integrity of the party.[69] A June 2025 conducted survey by theSouth Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM) on theBangladeshis aged between 15 and 35 found that the Jamaat's projected vote share was comparatively high among the young males, comparing with the young females of the country. The survey found that 22.21% males and 20.57% females intended to vote the party in2026 general election. The survey also found that 21.45% youths overall in the country intended to vote the party.[86]
The Emir of the Jamaat (Bengali:আমীরে জামায়াত) is the title of thehead of the party. Following is the chronological list of emirs since formation of the East Pakistani wing of Jamaat-e-Islami:
| No. | Name | From | To | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| East Pakistan | |||||||
| 01 | Abdur Rahim | 1956 | 1960 | ||||
| 02 | Ghulam Azam | 1960 | 1971 | ||||
| Bangladesh | |||||||
| Acting | Abbas Ali Khan | 1979 | 1992 | ||||
| 01 | Ghulam Azam | 1992 | 2000 | ||||
| 02 | Motiur Rahman Nizami | 2000 | 2016 | ||||
| 03 | Maqbul Ahmed | 2016 | 2019 | ||||
| 04 | Shafiqur Rahman | 2019 | Present | ||||
TheSecretary General of Jamaat (Bengali:জামায়াতের সেক্রেটারি জেনারেল) is the chief administrative officer of the party. The following is the chronological list of Secretaries General since the formation of the East Pakistani wing of Jamaat-e-Islami:
| No. | Name | From | To | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| East Pakistan | |||||||
| 01 | Abdur Rahim | 1956 | 1960 | ||||
| 02 | Khurshid Ahmad | 1960 | 1971 | ||||
| Bangladesh | |||||||
| 01 | Abbas Ali Khan | 1979 | 1987 | ||||
| 02 | Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed | 1987 | 2000 | ||||
| 03 | Matiur Rahman Nizami | 2000 | 2001 | ||||
| 04 | Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed | 2001 | 2008 | ||||
| 05 | ATM Azharul Islam | 2008 | 2011 | ||||
| 06 | Shafiqur Rahman | 2011 | 2019 | ||||
| 07 | Mia Golam Porwar | 2019 | present | ||||
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami has been the subject of extensive controversy since the country's independence, largely due to its documented opposition to the1971 Liberation War, convictions of its senior leaders for war crimes, allegations of violent extremism, repeated involvement in political violence, and sustained criticism from human rights groups, international observers, and the Bangladeshi public.[87] According to Ankita Sanyal, though the incumbent party chief Rahman reportedly sought "unconditional apology" multiple times for the mistakes committed since 1947 (including 1971), its leaders continue to indulge inhistorical negationism related to 1971.[88]
Bangladeshi security agencies have repeatedly reported ideological ties between Jamaat, its student wingIslami Chhatra Shibir, and extremist organizations such asJamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) andHarkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami (HuJI-B).[89] Historically, the Islami Chhatra Shibir has frequently been labeled one of the most violent student organizations in South Asia.[90] Although Jamaat denies institutional ties,[91] extremism investigations have reported overlaps in recruitment patterns, ideological messaging, and activist networks.
Following the war-crime verdict by ICT, Jamaat and Islami Chhatra Shibir engaged in violent street movements, including arson attacks, clashes with police, vandalism, and shutdowns of transportation networks during 2013–14 violence.[92] Jamaat–Shibir activists were widely reported to have engaged in firebombing, destruction of public property, and violent attacks on security forces.[93]
Activists from Jamaat and particularly Islami Chhatra Shibir have been implicated in violent attacks, hacking assaults, extortion, and intimidation of rival student groups and journalists.[94] Reports byHuman Rights Watch document repeated incidents in which Jamaat–Shibir supporters engaged in election-period violence, intimidation, and attacks on minority communities during political unrest.[95]
Jamaat's wartime role and ideological positions have attracted global criticism. Pakistan and Turkey condemned executions of Jamaat leaders, while India supported the war-crimes trials.[96] Western governments expressed due-process concerns but acknowledged the severity of the crimes associated with Jamaat leadership.[97]
Public perception of Jamaat declined sharply after the rise of theShahbag movement in 2013, in which millions demanded a ban on the party and harsher punishment for convicted war criminals.[98]
The party has been accused of "doublespeak" on minority, women and sharia-related issues. In 2008, the party amended it's constitution to include non-Muslims as "associated members" in the pressure of the Election Commission. Yet, full membership orrukon is constitutionally restricted for the non-Muslims, means that the non-Muslims cannot participate in the decision-making, leadership or policy formulation, which challenges the party's claimed so-called "inclusive politics". Besides, it's constitution continue to advocate for the implementation of sharia, yet, in recent times, the party's top leaders have shown tendency of avoiding the issue in formal statements. Despite this, such advocacy continue to surface in the grassroots level, and, even, there have been accusations against the party of describing voting as a "religious duty" and linking it to the attainment ofparadise.[99]
Although not stated in the constitution, the partyde facto bares women from leadership position, arguing religious obligations. This contradictory stance doesn't only come to challenge theConstitution of Bangladesh, but also questions it's alignment with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party government between 2001 and 2006 under the female leaderKhaleda Zia.[99]
Bangladesh Islami Chhatrashibir functions as thede factostudent wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, with numerous former leaders advancing to hold prominent leadership roles within the party.[100] The organisation has significant presence at many colleges and universities of Bangladesh, including theChittagong College,Government Bangla College,Dhaka College,Government Titumir College,University of Chittagong,University of Dhaka,Rajshahi University,Islamic University,Begum Rokeya University,Carmichael College etc. It is also influential inMadrasahs. It is the successor of East Pakistan Islami Chatra Sangha, the East Pakistani wing ofIslami Jamiat-e-Talaba.[i] It is a member of theInternational Islamic Federation of Student organizations and theWorld Assembly of Muslim Youth.[107][108]
Kishore Kantho (Bengali:নতুন কিশোরকণ্ঠ,lit. 'New Teenage Voice')[109] is a monthly youth-oriented magazine published since 1984.[110] The magazine has been linked to Islami Chhatrashibir.[110]
Bangladesh Chasi Kalyan Samiti is a non-governmental organization and peasant wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami. It was established in 1977 by Jamaat leaderAKM Yusuf.[111][112] It and other Jamaat-linked NGOs were under pressure due to crackdowns launched under the Awami League regime from 2018—2019 and 2024.[113][114]
Bangladesh Islami Chhatri Sangstha functions as the female student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, being established on 15 July 1978.[115]
Bangladesh Mosque Mission functions as the mosque wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami.[116] It is also registered as a social welfare organisation and non-governmental organisation.[117]
Officially established on 25 November 1973, the organisation was registered with theDepartment of Social Services in 1976.[118]
It also manages three educational institutions:[117]
| Election year | Party leader | Votes | % of Percentage | Seats | +/– | Position | Outcome |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1986 | Ghulam Azam | 1,314,057 | 4.60% | 10 / 300 |  10 | 3rd | Opposition |
| 1988 | Boycotted | 0 / 300 |  10 | N/a | Extra-parliamentary | ||
| 1991 | 4,117,737 | 12.2% | 18 / 300 | 18 | 3rd | Opposition | |
| February 1996 | Boycotted | 0 / 300 | 18 | N/a | Extra-parliamentary | ||
| June 1996 | 3,653,013 | 8.6 | 3 / 300 | 3 | 4th | Opposition | |
| 2001 | Motiur Rahman Nizami | 2,385,361 | 4.28 | 17 / 300 | 14 |  4th | Coalition government |
| 2008 | 3,186,384 | 4.6% | 2 / 300 | 15 | 4th | Opposition | |
| 2014 | Did not contest | 0 / 300 | 2 | N/a | Extra-parliamentary | ||
| 2018 | Maqbul Ahmed | Did not contest | 0 / 300 | 0 | N/a | Extra-parliamentary | |
| 2024 | Shafiqur Rahman | Did not contest | 0 / 300 | 0 | N/a | Extra-parliamentary | |
| 2026 | 17,500,550 | 23% | 68 / 300 | 68 | 2nd | Opposition | |
| Year | Results |
|---|---|
| 1973 | Party banned because it was involved in the 1971 genocide. Though, they claim it was since they were an Islamist party and so was a threat toSecularism |
| 1979 | Party legalized under the name "Islamic Democratic League" Together with larger Muslim League won 20 seats. |
| 1986 | 10 seats.[6] |
| 1991 | 18 seats.[6] |
| 1996 | 3 seats.[6] |
| 2001 | 17 seats. (took part by forming alliance with 3 other parties.)[6] |
| 2008 | 2 seats.[123] (took part by forming alliance with 3 other parties.) |
| 2013 | The Bangladesh Supreme Court declared the registration of the Jamaat-e-Islami illegal, ruling that the party is unfit to contest national polls.[124][40][41][42] |
| 2024 | Supreme Court lifted the registration ban. |
| # | Constituency | Member | Vote Percentages |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Dinajpur-6 | Azizur Rahman Chowdhury | 28.7% |
| 2 | Bogra-2 | Shahaduzzaman | 34.0% |
| 3 | Chapai Nawabganj-3 | Latifur Rahman | 35.3% |
| 4 | Naogaon-4 | Nasir Uddin | 49.8% |
| 5 | Natore-3 | Md. Abu Bakar | 36.0% |
| 6 | Pabna-1 | Motiur Rahman Nizami | 36.9% |
| 7 | Pabna-5 | Abdus Sobhan | 47.3% |
| 8 | Chuadanga-2 | Habibur Rahman | 36.6% |
| 9 | Jessore-6 | Md. Shakhawat Hossain | 47.3% |
| 10 | Bagerhat-4 | Abdus Sattar Akon | 42.9% |
| 11 | Khulna-6 | Shah Md. Ruhul Quddus | 40.5% |
| 12 | Satkhira-1 | Ansar Ali | 39.5% |
| 13 | Satkhira-2 | Kazi Shamsur Rahman | 38.6% |
| 14 | Satkhira-3 | AM Riasat Ali Biswas | 33.1% |
| 15 | Satkhira-5 | Gazi Nazrul Islam | |
| 16 | Rajbari-2 | AKM Aszad | |
| 17 | Chittagong-14 | Shajahan Chowdhury | 46.2% |
| 18 | Cox's Bazar-1 | Enamul Haq Manju | 35.0% |
| # | Constituency | Member | Vote Percentages |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Nilphamari-3 | Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury | 31.3% |
| 2 | Satkhira-2 | Kazi Shamsur Rahman | 31.9% |
| 3 | Pirojpur-1 | Delwar Hossain Sayeedi | 37.0% |
| # | Constituency | Member | Vote Percentages |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Dinajpur-1 | Abdullah Al Kafi | 44.9% |
| 2 | Dinajpur-6 | Azizur Rahman Chowdhury | 39.8% |
| 3 | Nilphamari-3 | Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury | 38.0% |
| 4 | Gaibandha-1 | Abdul Aziz Mia | 40.9% |
| 5 | Pabna-1 | Motiur Rahman Nizami | 57.7% |
| 6 | Pabna-5 | Abdus Sobhan | 56.8% |
| 7 | Jessore-2 | Abu Sayeed Md. Shahadat Hussain | 52.3% |
| 8 | Narail-2 | Shahidul Islam (Not Jamaat?) | 48.2% (96.6% by election) |
| 9 | Bagerhat-4 | Abdus Sattar Akon | 48.1% |
| 10 | Khulna-5 | Mia Golam Porwar | 49.6% |
| 11 | Khulna-6 | Shah Md. Ruhul Quddus | 56.9% |
| 12 | Satkhira-2 | Abdul Khaleque Mondal | 60.0% |
| 13 | Satkhira-3 | AM Riasat Ali Biswas | 55.0% |
| 14 | Satkhira-5 | Gazi Nazrul Islam | 54.9% |
| 15 | Pirojpur-1 | Delwar Hossain Sayeedi | 57.2% |
| 16 | Sylhet-5 | Farid Uddin Chowdhury | 49.1% |
| 17 | Comilla-12 | Syed Abdullah Muhammad Taher | 66.0% |
| # | Constituency | Member | Vote Percentages |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Chittagong-14 | Shamsul Islam | 51.1% |
| 2 | Cox's Bazar-2 | A. H. M. Hamidur Rahman Azad | 53.9% |
Footnotes
[The BNP] seems also to have been hurt by its alliance with Islamist parties, the largest of which, Jamaat-e-Islami, was reduced from 17 seats to just two.
West [Pakistan]'s army had the support of many of East Pakistan's Islamist parties. They included Jamaat-e-Islami, still Bangladesh's largest Islamist party ... [R]einstating and enforcing that original constitution might amount to an outright ban on Jamaat, the standard bearer in Bangladesh for a conservative strain of Islam.
In the debate over whether Muslims should establish their own state, separate from a Hindu India, Maududi initially argued against such a creation and asserted that the establishment of a political Muslim state defined by borders violated the idea of the universal umma. Citizenship and national borders, which would characterize the new Muslim state, contradicted the notion that Muslims should not be separated by one another by these temporal boundaries. In this milieu, Maududi founded the organisation Jama'at-e Islami. ... The Jama'at for its first few years worked actively to prevent the partition, but once partition became inevitable, it established offices in both Pakistan and India.
Mawdudi (d. 1979) was opposed to the partition of India, preferring that Muslims reclaim all of India for Islam.
Nov 3 ... The Pakistani government announced yesterday that 53 of the National Assembly seats taken away from members of the outlawed Awami League in East Pakistan will be filled without contest ... The party getting the biggest bloc of seats from the 53 ... is the Jamaat-Islami ... to get 14 seats.
However, this does not rule out the possibility of a strategic instrumentalization of the Shibir victory by its more conservative parent organization, the Jamaat-e-Islami...
The 'reformists' — most prominently BJI — operate electorally and have tried to present themselves as more than an Islamist party...
He also rejected the "conservative" label placed on Jamaat, describing his party as a "moderate Islamist force" that seeks to govern through constitutional reforms rather than ideological enforcement.
Media related toBangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami at Wikimedia Commons
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