Averroes was a strong proponent ofAristotelianism; he attempted to restore what he considered the original teachings of Aristotle and opposed theNeoplatonist tendencies of earlierMuslim thinkers, such asal-Farabi andAvicenna. He also defended the pursuit of philosophy against criticism byAsh'ari theologians such asAl-Ghazali. Averroes argued that philosophy was permissible in Islam and even compulsory among certain elites. He also argued scriptural text should be interpreted allegorically if it appeared to contradict conclusions reached by reason and philosophy. In Islamic jurisprudence, he wrote theBidāyat al-Mujtahid on the differences betweenIslamic schools of law and the principles that caused their differences. In medicine, he proposed a new theory ofstroke, described the signs and symptoms ofParkinson's disease for the first time, and might have been the first to identify theretina as the part of the eye responsible for sensing light. His medical bookAl-Kulliyat fi al-Tibb, translated into Latin and known as theColliget, became a textbook in Europe for centuries.
His legacy in theIslamic world was modest for geographical and intellectual reasons. In the West, Averroes was known for his extensive commentaries on Aristotle, many of which were translated into Latin and Hebrew. The translations of his work reignited Western European interest in Aristotle and Greek thinkers, an area of study that had been widely abandoned after thefall of the Western Roman Empire. His thoughts generated controversies in LatinChristendom and triggered a philosophical movement calledAverroism based on his writings. Hisunity of the intellect thesis, proposing that all humans share the same intellect, became one of the best-known and most controversial Averroist doctrines in the West. His works were condemned by theCatholic Church in 1270 and 1277. Although weakened by condemnations and sustained critique fromThomas Aquinas, Latin Averroism continued to attract followers up to the sixteenth century.
Ibn Rushd's full, transliterated Arabic name is "Abū l-Walīd Muḥammad ibn ʾAḥmad Ibn Rushd".[3][4] Sometimes, the nicknameal-Hafid ("The Grandson") is appended to his name, to distinguish him from his grandfather, a famous judge and jurist.[5] "Averroes" is theMedieval Latin form of "Ibn Rushd"; it was derived from the Spanish pronunciation of the original Arabic name, wherein "Ibn" becomes "Aben" or "Aven".[6] Other forms of the name in European languages include "Ibin-Ros-din", "Filius Rosadis", "Ibn-Rusid", "Ben-Raxid", "Ibn-Ruschod", "Den-Resched", "Aben-Rassad", "Aben-Rasd", "Aben-Rust", "Avenrosdy", "Avenryz", "Adveroys", "Benroist", "Avenroyth" and "Averroysta".[6]
Little is known about Averroes's early life.[7] Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Rushd was born on 14 April 1126 (520AH[3]) inCórdoba.[8][9] His family was well known in the city for their public service, especially in the legal and religious fields.[9] His grandfatherAbu al-Walid Muhammad (d. 1126) was the chief judge (qadi) of Córdoba and the imam of theGreat Mosque of Córdoba under theAlmoravids.[3][9] His father Abu al-Qasim Ahmad was not as celebrated as his grandfather, but was also chief judge until the Almoravids were replaced by theAlmohads in 1146.[9]
According to his traditional biographers, Averroes's education was "excellent",[3] beginning with studies inhadith (traditions of the Islamic prophetMuhammad),fiqh (jurisprudence), medicine and theology. He learnedMaliki jurisprudence under al-Hafiz Abu Muhammad ibn Rizq and hadith with Ibn Bashkuwal, a student of his grandfather.[3][10] His father also taught him about jurisprudence, including onImam Malik'smagnum opus theMuwatta, which Averroes went on to memorize.[11][12] He studied medicine under Abu Jafar Jarim al-Tajail, who probably taught him philosophy too.[13] He also knew the works of the philosopherIbn Bajjah (also known as Avempace), and might have known him personally or been tutored by him.[9][10] He joined a regular meeting of philosophers, physicians and poets inSeville which was attended by philosophersIbn Tufayl andIbn Zuhr as well as the future caliphAbu Yusuf Yaqub.[12] He also studied thekalam theology of theAsh'ari school, which he criticized later in life.[13] His 13th-century biographerIbn al-Abbar said he was more interested in the study of law andits principles (usul) than that of hadith and he was especially competent in the field ofkhilaf (disputes and controversies in the Islamic jurisprudence).[13] Ibn al-Abbar also mentioned his interests in "the sciences of the ancients", probably in reference to Greek philosophy and sciences.[13]
Averroes served various official positions in theAlmohad Caliphate, whose territories are depicted in this map.
By 1153 Averroes was inMarrakesh, the capital of the Almohad Caliphate (now in Morocco), to perform astronomical observations and to support the Almohad project of building new colleges.[12][13] He was hoping to find physical laws of astronomical movements instead of only the mathematical laws known at the time but this research was unsuccessful.[13] During his stay in Marrakesh, he likely met ibn Tufayl, a renowned philosopher and the author ofHayy ibn Yaqdhan who was also the court physician in Marrakesh.[10][13] Averroes and ibn Tufayl became friends despite the differences in their philosophies.[10][14]
In 1169, ibn Tufayl introduced Averroes to the Almohad caliphAbu Yaqub Yusuf.[13][15] In a famous account reported by historian'Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi, the caliph asked Averroes whether the heavens had existed since eternity or had a beginning.[13][15] Knowing this question was controversial and worried a wrong answer could put him in danger, Averroes did not answer.[15] The caliph then elaborated the views of Plato, Aristotle and Muslim philosophers on the topic and discussed them with Ibn Tufayl.[13][15] This display of knowledge put Averroes at ease; Averroes then explained his views on the subject, which impressed the caliph.[13] Averroes was similarly impressed by Abu Yaqub and later said the caliph had "a profuseness of learning I did not suspect".[15]
After their introduction, Averroes remained in Abu Yaqub's favor until the caliph died in 1184.[13] When the caliph complained to Ibn Tufayl about the difficulty of understanding Aristotle's work, Ibn Tufayl recommended to the caliph that Averroes work on explaining it.[13][15] This was the beginning of Averroes's massive commentaries on Aristotle;[15] his first works on the subject were written in 1169.[15]
In the same year, Averroes was appointedqadi (judge) in Seville.[13][16] In 1171 he becameqadi in his hometown of Córdoba.[11][13] Asqadi he would decide cases and givefatwas (legal opinions) based onreligious law.[16] The writing rate increased during this time despite other obligations and his travels within the Almohad empire.[13] He also took the opportunity from his travels to conduct astronomical research.[12] Many of his works produced between 1169 and 1179 were dated in Seville rather than Córdoba.[13] In 1179 he was again appointedqadi in Seville.[11] In 1182, he succeeded his friend Ibn Tufayl as court physician. Later the same year, he was appointed chiefqadi ofCórdoba, then controlled by theTaifa of Seville, a prestigious office that his grandfather had once held.[13][16]
In 1184 Caliph Abu Yaqub died and was succeeded by Abu Yusuf Yaqub.[13] Initially, Averroes remained in royal favour, but in 1195, his fortune reversed.[13][15] Various charges were made against him, and a tribunal in Córdoba tried him.[13][15] The tribunal condemned his teachings, ordered the burning of his works and banished Averroes to nearbyLucena.[13] Early biographers' reasons for this fall from grace include a possible insult to the caliph in his writings[15] but modern scholars attribute it to political reasons. TheEncyclopaedia of Islam said the caliph distanced himself from Averroes to gain support from more orthodoxulema, who opposed Averroes and whose support al-Mansur needed for his war against Christian kingdoms.[13] Historian of Islamic philosophyMajid Fakhry also wrote that public pressure from traditional Maliki jurists who were opposed to Averroes played a role.[15]
After a few years, Averroes returned to court in Marrakesh and was again in the caliph's favour.[13] He died shortly afterwards, on 11 December 1198 (9 Safar 595 in the Islamic calendar).[13] He was initially buried inNorth Africa. His body was later moved to Córdoba for another funeral, at which future Sufi mystic and philosopheribn Arabi (1165–1240) was present.[13]
Imaginary debate between Averroes and third-century philosopherPorphyry. Monfredo de Monte ImperialiLiber de herbis, 14th century
Averroes was a prolific writer and his works, according to Fakhry, "covered a greater variety of subjects" than those of any of his predecessors in the East, including philosophy, medicine, jurisprudence or legal theory, and linguistics.[17] Most of his writings were commentaries on or paraphrasings of the works of Aristotle that—especially the long ones—often contain his original thoughts.[18] According to French authorErnest Renan, Averroes wrote at least 67 original works, including 28 works on philosophy, 20 on medicine, 8 on law, 5 on theology, and 4 on grammar, in addition to his commentaries on most of Aristotle's works and his commentary onPlato'sThe Republic.[19] Many of Averroes's works in Arabic did not survive, but their translations intoHebrew or Latin did.[20] For example, of his long commentaries on Aristotle, only "a tiny handful of Arabic manuscript remains".[21]
Averroes wrote commentaries on nearly all of Aristotle's surviving works.[17] The only exception isPolitics, which he did not have access to, so he wrote commentaries on Plato'sRepublic.[17] He classified his commentaries into three categories that modern scholars have namedshort,middle andlong commentaries.[21] Most of the short commentaries (jami) were written early in his career and contain summaries of Aristotelian doctrines.[18] The middle commentaries (talkhis) contain paraphrases that clarify and simplify Aristotle's original text.[18] The middle commentaries were probably written in response to his patron caliph Abu Yaqub Yusuf's complaints about the difficulty of understanding Aristotle's original texts and to help others in a similar position.[18][21] The long commentaries (tafsir orsharh), or line-by-line commentaries, include the complete text of the original works with a detailed analysis of each line.[22] The long commentaries are very detailed and contain a high degree of original thought,[18] and were unlikely to be intended for a general audience.[21] Only five of Aristotle's works had all three types of commentaries:Physics,Metaphysics,On the Soul,On the Heavens, andPosterior Analytics.[17]
Averroes also wrote stand-alone philosophical treatises, includingOn the Intellect,On the Syllogism,On Conjunction with the Active Intellect,On Time,On the Heavenly Sphere andOn the Motion of the Sphere. He also wrote severalpolemics:Essay onal-Farabi's Approach to Logic, as Compared to that of Aristotle,Metaphysical Questions Dealt with in theBook of Healing byIbn Sina, andRebuttal of Ibn Sina's Classification of Existing Entities.[17]
Scholarly sources, including Fakhry and theEncyclopaedia of Islam, have named three works Averroes's critical writings in this area.Fasl al-Maqal ("The Decisive Treatise") is an 1178 treatise that argues for the compatibility of Islam and philosophy.[23]Al-Kashf 'an Manahij al-Adillah ("Exposition of the Methods of Proof"), written in 1179, criticizes the theologies of theAsh'arites,[24] and lays out Averroes's argument for proving the existence of God, as well as his thoughts on God's attributes and actions.[25] The 1180Tahafut at-Tahafut ("Incoherence of the Incoherence") is a rebuttal ofal-Ghazali's (d. 1111) landmark criticism of philosophyThe Incoherence of the Philosophers. It combines ideas in his commentaries and stand-alone works and uses them to respond to al-Ghazali.[26] The work also criticizes Avicenna and hisneoplatonist tendencies, sometimes agreeing with al-Ghazali's critique against him.[26]
Title page from a Latin edition ofColliget, Averroes's main work in medicine
Averroes, who served as the royal physician at the Almohad court, wrote a number of medical treatises. The most famous wasal-Kulliyat fi al-Tibb ("The General Principles of Medicine", Latinized in the west as theColliget), written around 1162, before his appointment at court.[27] The title of this book is the opposite ofal-Juz'iyyat fi al-Tibb ("The Specificities of Medicine"), written by his friend Ibn Zuhr, and the two collaborated intending that their works complement each other.[28] The Latin translation of theColliget became a medical textbook in Europe for centuries.[27] His other surviving titles includeOn Treacle,The Differences in Temperament, andMedicinal Herbs.[29] He also wrote summaries of the works of Greek physicianGalen (diedc. 210) and a commentary onAvicenna'sUrjuzah fi al-Tibb ("Poem on Medicine").[27]
Averroes made pioneering observations. He identified the retina, rather than the lens, as the primary organ responsible for sensing light, a significant departure from prevailing theories of his time. Averroes provided early descriptions of conditions resembling Parkinson's disease and offered insights into stroke, attributing it to cerebral causes rather than peripheral obstructions.[30]
Averroes served multiple tenures as judge and produced multiple works in the fields of Islamic jurisprudence or legal theory. The only book that survives today isBidāyat al-Mujtahid wa Nihāyat al-Muqtaṣid ("Primer of the Discretionary Scholar").[31] In this work he explains the differences of opinion (ikhtilaf) between the Sunnimadhhabs (schools of Islamic jurisprudence) both in practice and in their underlying juristic principles, as well as the reason why they are inevitable.[32] Despite his status as aMaliki judge, the book also discusses the opinion of other schools, including liberal and conservative ones.[31] Other than this surviving text, bibliographical information shows he wrote a summary of Al-Ghazali'sOn Legal Theory of Muslim Jurisprudence (Al-Mustasfa) and tracts onsacrifices and land tax.[33]
In his philosophical writings, Averroes attempted to return toAristotelianism, which according to him had been distorted by theNeoplatonist tendencies of Muslim philosophers such asAl-Farabi andAvicenna.[34][35] He rejected al-Farabi's attempt to merge the ideas of Plato and Aristotle, pointing out the differences between the two, such as Aristotle's rejection of Plato'stheory of ideas.[36] He also criticized Al-Farabi's works on logic for misinterpreting its Aristotelian source.[37] He wrote an extensive critique of Avicenna, who was the standard-bearer of Islamic Neoplatonism in the Middle Ages.[38] He argued that Avicenna's theory ofemanation had many fallacies and was not found in the works of Aristotle.[38] Averroes disagreed with Avicenna's view that existence is merely anaccident added to essence, arguing the reverse; something existsper se and essence can only be found by subsequent abstraction.[39] He also rejected Avicenna's modality andAvicenna's argument to prove the existence of God as the Necessary Existent.[40]
Averroes felt strongly about the incorporation ofGreek thought into theMuslim world, and wrote that "if before us someone has inquired into [wisdom], it behooves us to seek help from what he has said. It is irrelevant whether he belongs to our community or to another".[41]
During Averroes's lifetime, philosophy came under attack from theSunni tradition, especially from theological schools like theHanbali school and the Ashʾarites.[42] In particular, the Ashʾari scholar al-Ghazali (1058–1111) wroteThe Incoherence of the Philosophers, a scathing and influential critique of the Neoplatonic philosophical tradition in the Islamic world and against the works of Avicenna in particular.[43] Among others, Al-Ghazali charged philosophers with non-belief in Islam and sought to disprove the teaching of the philosophers using logical arguments.[42][44]
InDecisive Treatise, Averroes argues that philosophy—which for him represented conclusions reached using reason and careful method—cannot contradict revelations in Islam because they are just two different methods of reaching the truth, and "truth cannot contradict truth".[45][46] When conclusions reached by philosophy appear to contradict the text of the revelation, then according to Averroes, revelation must be subjected to interpretation or allegorical understanding to remove the contradiction.[42][45] This interpretation must be done by those "rooted in knowledge"—a phrase taken from surahĀl Imrān 3:7 of theQuran, which for Averroes refers to philosophers who during his lifetime had access to the "highest methods of knowledge".[45][46] He also argues that the Quran calls for Muslims to study philosophy because the study and reflection of nature would increase a person's knowledge of "the Artisan" (God).[47] He quotes Quranic passages calling Muslims to reflect on nature. He uses them to render a fatwa that philosophy is allowed for Muslims and is probably an obligation, at least among those who have the talent for it.[48]
Averroes also distinguishes between three modes of discourse: therhetorical (based on persuasion) accessible to the common masses; thedialectical (based on debate) and often employed by theologians and theulama (religious scholars); and the demonstrative (based on logical deduction).[42][47] According to Averroes, the Quran uses the rhetorical method of inviting people to the truth, which allows it to reach the common masses with its persuasiveness,[49] whereas philosophy uses the demonstrative methods that were only available to the learned but provided the best possible understanding and knowledge.[49]
Averroes also tries to deflect Al-Ghazali's criticisms of philosophy by saying that many of them apply only to the philosophy of Avicenna and not to that of Aristotle, which Averroes argues to be the true philosophy from which Avicenna has deviated.[50]
Averroes lays out his views on the existence and nature of God in the treatiseThe Exposition of the Methods of Proof.[51][52] He examines and critiques the doctrines of four sects of Islam: theAsharites, theMutazilites, theSufis and those he calls the "literalists" (al-hashwiyah).[52] Among other things, he examines their proofs of God's existence and critiques each one.[51] Averroes argues that there are two arguments for God's existence that he deems logically sound and in accordance to the Quran; the arguments from "providence" and "from invention".[51] The providence argument considers that the world and the universe seemfinely tuned to support human life. Averroes cited the sun, the moon, the rivers, the seas and the location of humans on the earth.[51][53] According to him, this suggests a creator who created them for the welfare of mankind.[51][53] The argument from invention contends that worldly entities such as animals and plants appear to have been invented. Therefore, Averroes argues that a designer was behind the creation and that is God.[51] Averroes's two arguments areteleological in nature and notcosmological like the arguments ofAristotle and most contemporaneous Muslim kalam theologians.[54]
Averroes upholds the doctrine of divine unity (tawhid) and argues that God has sevendivine attributes: knowledge, life, power, will, hearing, vision and speech. He devotes the most attention to the attribute of knowledge and argues that divine knowledge differs from human knowledge because God knows the universe because God is its cause while humans only know the universe through its effects.[51]
Averroes argues that the attribute of life can be inferred because it is the precondition of knowledge and also because God willed objects into being.[55] Power can be inferred by God's ability to bring creations into existence. Averroes also argues that knowledge and power inevitably give rise to speech. Regarding vision and speech, he says that because God created the world, he necessarily knows every part of it in the same way an artist understands his or her work intimately. Because two elements of the world are the visual and the auditory, God must necessarily possess vision and speech.[51]
In the centuries preceding Averroes, there had been a debate between Muslim thinkers questioning whether the world was created at a specific moment in time or whether it hasalways existed.[58] Neo-Platonic philosophers such as Al-Farabi and Avicenna argued the world has always existed.[59] This view was criticized by themutakallimin (philosophers and theologians) of the Ashʾari tradition; in particular, al-Ghazali wrote an extensive refutation of the pre-eternity doctrine in hisThe Incoherence of the Philosophers and accused the Neoplatonists of unbelief (kufr).[59]
Averroes responded to Al-Ghazali in hisIncoherence of the Incoherence. He argued first that the differences between the two positions were not vast enough to warrant the charge of unbelief.[59] He also said the pre-eternity doctrine did not necessarily contradict the Quran and cited verses that mention pre-existing "throne" and "water" in passages related to creation.[60][61] Averroes argued that a careful reading of the Quran implied only the "form" of the universe was created in time but that its existence has been eternal.[60] Averroes further criticized the mutakallimin for using their interpretations of scripture to answer questions that should have been left to philosophers.[62]
Averroes states his political philosophy in his commentary of Plato'sRepublic. He combines his ideas with Plato's and with Islamic tradition; he considers the ideal state to be one based on the Islamic law (shariah).[63] His interpretation of Plato'sphilosopher-king followed that of Al-Farabi, which equates the philosopher-king with theimam,caliph and lawgiver of the state.[63][64] Averroes's description of the characteristics of a philosopher-king are similar to those given by Al-Farabi; they include love of knowledge, good memory, love of learning, love of truth, dislike for sensual pleasures, dislike for amassing wealth, magnanimity, courage, steadfastness, eloquence and the ability to "light quickly on themiddle term".[64] Averroes writes that if philosophers cannot rule—as was the case in theAlmoravid andAlmohad empires around his lifetime—philosophers must still try to influence the rulers towards implementing the ideal state.[63]
According to Averroes, there are two methods of teaching virtue to citizens; persuasion and coercion.[65] Persuasion is the more natural method consisting of rhetorical, dialectical and demonstrative methods; sometimes, however, coercion is necessary for those not amenable to persuasion, e.g. enemies of the state.[65] Therefore, he justifies war as a last resort, which he also supports using Quranic arguments.[65] Consequently, he argues that a ruler should have both wisdom and courage, which are needed for governance and defense of the state.[66]
Like Plato, Averroes calls for women to share with men in the administration of the state, including participating as soldiers, philosophers and rulers.[67] He regrets that contemporaneous Muslim societies limited the public role of women; he says this limitation is harmful to the state's well-being.[63]
Averroes also accepted Plato's ideas of the deterioration of the ideal state. He cites examples from Islamic history when theRashidun caliphate—which in Sunni tradition represented the ideal state led by "rightly guided caliphs"—became a dynastic state underMuawiyah, founder of theUmayyad dynasty. He also says the Almoravid and the Almohad empires started as ideal, shariah-based states but then deteriorated intotimocracy,oligarchy,democracy andtyranny.[63][68]
In his tenure as judge and jurist, Averroes for the most part ruled and gave fatwas according to theMaliki school of Islamic law which was dominant in Al-Andalus and the western Islamic world during his time.[69] However, he frequently acted as "his own man", including sometimes rejecting the "consensus of the people ofMedina" argument that is one of the traditional Maliki position.[70] InBidāyat al-Mujtahid, one of his major contributions to the field of Islamic law, he not only describes the differences between various school of Islamic laws but also tries to theoretically explain the reasons for the difference and why they are inevitable.[71] Even though all the schools of Islamic law are ultimately rooted in the Quran and hadith, there are "causes that necessitate differences" (al-asbab al-lati awjabat al-ikhtilaf).[72][73] They include differences in interpreting scripture in a general or specific sense,[74] in interpreting scriptural commands as obligatory or merely recommended, or prohibitions as discouragement or total prohibition,[75] as well as ambiguities in the meaning of words or expressions.[76] Averroes also writes that the application ofqiyas (reasoning by analogy) could give rise to different legal opinion because jurists might disagree on the applicability of certain analogies[77] and different analogies might contradict each other.[78][79]
As didAvempace andIbn Tufail, Averroes criticizes thePtolemaic system using philosophical arguments and rejects the use ofeccentrics andepicycles to explain the apparent motions of the Moon, the Sun and the planets. He argued that those objects move uniformly in a strictly circular motion around the Earth, following Aristotelian principles.[80] He postulates that there are three type of planetary motions; those that can be seen with the naked eye, those that require instruments to observe and those that can only be known by philosophical reasoning.[12] Averroes argues that the occasional opaque colors of the Moon are caused by variations in its thickness; the thicker parts receive more light from the Sun—and therefore emit more light—than the thinner parts.[81] This explanation was used up to the seventeenth century by the EuropeanScholastics to account forGalileo's observations ofspots on the Moon's surface, until the Scholastics such as Antoine Goudin in 1668 conceded that the observation was more likely caused bymountains on the Moon.[82] He and Ibn Bajja observedsunspots, which they thought weretransits of Venus andMercury between the Sun and the Earth.[83] In 1153 he conducted astronomical observations in Marrakesh, where he observed the starCanopus (Arabic:Suhayl) which was invisible in the latitude of his native Spain. He used this observation to supportAristotle's argument for thespherical Earth.[83]
Averroes was aware that Arabic and Andalusian astronomers of his time focused on "mathematical" astronomy, which enabled accurate predictions through calculations but did not provide a detailed physical explanation of how the universe worked.[84] According to him, "the astronomy of our time offers no truth, but only agrees with the calculations and not with what exists."[85] He attempted to reform astronomy to be reconciled with physics, especially the physics of Aristotle. His long commentary of Aristotle'sMetaphysics describes the principles of his attempted reform, but later in his life he declared that his attempts had failed.[13][80] He confessed that he had not enough time or knowledge to reconcile the observed planetary motions with Aristotelian principles.[80] In addition, he did not know the works ofEudoxus andCallippus, and so he missed the context of some of Aristotle's astronomical works.[80] However, his works influenced astronomerNur ad-Din al-Bitruji (d. 1204) who adopted most of his reform principles and did succeed in proposing an early astronomical system based on Aristotelian physics.[86]
In physics, Averroes did not adopt theinductive method that was being developed byAl-Biruni in the Islamic world and is closer to today's physics.[47] Rather, he was—in the words of historian of science Ruth Glasner—an "exegetical" scientist who produced new theses about nature through discussions of previous texts, especially the writings of Aristotle.[87] because of this approach, he was often depicted as an unimaginative follower of Aristotle, but Glasner argues that Averroes's work introduced highly original theories of physics, especially his elaboration of Aristotle'sminima naturalia and on motion asforma fluens, which were taken up in the west and are important to the overall development of physics.[88]
TheLong Commentary on Aristotle'sOn the Soul, French Manuscript, third quarter of the 13th century
Averroes expounds his thoughts on psychology in his three commentaries on Aristotle'sOn the Soul.[89] Averroes is interested in explaining the human intellect using philosophical methods and by interpreting Aristotle's ideas.[89] His position on the topic changed throughout his career as his thoughts developed.[89] In his short commentary, the first of the three works, Averroes followsIbn Bajja's theory that something called the "material intellect" stores specific images that a person encounters.[90] These images serve as basis for the "unification" by the universal "agent intellect", which, once it happens, allow a person to gain universal knowledge about that concept.[91] In his middle commentary, Averroes moves towards the ideas of Al-Farabi and Avicenna, saying the agent intellect gives humans the power of universal understanding, which is the material intellect.[91] Once the person has sufficient empirical encounters with a certain concept, the power activates and gives the person universal knowledge[91] (see alsological induction).
In his last commentary—called theLong Commentary—he proposes another theory, which becomes known as the theory of "theunity of the intellect". In it, Averroes argues that there is only one material intellect, which is the same for all humans and is unmixed with human body.[92] To explain how different individuals can have different thoughts, he uses a concept he callsfikr—known ascogitatio in Latin—a process that happens in human brains and contains not universal knowledge but "active consideration of particular things" the person has encountered.[92] This theory attracted controversy when Averroes's works entered Christian Europe; in 1229Thomas Aquinas wrote a detailed critique titledOn the Unity of the Intellect against the Averroists.[89][93]
6th-century Byzantine depiction of Galen (top centre) among other noted physicians
While his works in medicine indicate an in-depth theoretical knowledge in medicine of his time, he likely had limited expertise as a practitioner, and declared in one of his works that he had not "practiced much apart from myself, my relatives or my friends."[94][95] He did serve as a royal physician, but his qualification and education was mostly theoretical.[95] For the most part, Averroes's medical workAl-Kulliyat fi al-Tibb follows the medical doctrine of Galen, an influential Greek physician and author from the second century, which was based onthe four humors—blood, yellow bile, black bile, and phlegm, whose balance is necessary for the health of the human body.[96] Averroes's original contributions include his observations on the retina: he might have been the first to recognize that theretina was the part of the eye responsible for sensing light, rather than thelens as was commonly thought.[96] Modern scholars dispute whether this is what he meant in hisKulliyat, but Averroes also stated a similar observation in his commentary to Aristotle'sSense and Sensibilia: "the innermost of the coats of the eye [the retina] must necessarily receive the light from the humors of the eye [the lens], just like the humors receive the light from air."[97]
Another of his departures from Galen and the medical theories of the time is his description ofstroke as produced by the brain and caused by an obstruction of the arteries from the heart to the brain.[98] This explanation is closer to the modern understanding of the disease compared to that of Galen, which attributes it to the obstruction between heart and the periphery.[98] He was also the first to describe the signs and symptoms ofParkinson's disease in hisKulliyat, although he did not give the disease a name.[99]
Maimonides (d. 1204) was among early Jewish scholars who received Averroes's works enthusiastically, saying he "received lately everything Averroes had written on the works of Aristotle" and that Averroes "was extremely right".[100] Thirteenth-century Jewish writers, includingSamuel ibn Tibbon in his workOpinion of the Philosophers,Judah ben Solomon ha-Kohen in hisSearch for Wisdom andShem-Tov ibn Falaquera, relied heavily on Averroes's texts.[100] In 1232,Joseph Ibn Kaspi translated Averroes's commentaries on Aristotle'sOrganon; this was the first Jewish translation of a complete work. In 1260Moses ibn Tibbon published the translation of almost all of Averroes's commentaries and some of his medical works.[100] Jewish Averroism peaked in the fourteenth century;[101] Jewish writers of this time who translated or were influenced by Averroes includeKalonymus ben Kalonymus ofArles, France,Todros Todrosi of Arles,Elia del Medigo of Candia andGersonides ofLanguedoc.[102]
Averroes was cited by Falaquera,Yehuda Moscato andAbraham Bibago to argue that the Greeks borrowed their scientific and philosophical knowledge from Jewish sources.[103]
Averroes's main influence on theChristian West was through his extensive commentaries on Aristotle.[104] After the fall of theWestern Roman Empire, western Europe fell into a cultural decline that resulted in the loss of nearly all of the intellectual legacy of the Classical Greek scholars, including Aristotle.[105] Averroes's commentaries, which were translated into Latin and entered western Europe in the thirteenth century, provided an expert account of Aristotle's legacy and made them available again.[101][106] The influence of his commentaries led to Averroes being referred to simply as "The Commentator" rather than by name in Latin Christian writings.[21] He has been sometimes described as the "father of free thought and unbelief"[107][108] and "father of rationalism".[109][110]
Authorities of the Roman Catholic Church reacted against the spread of Averroism. In 1270, theBishop of ParisÉtienne Tempier issueda condemnation against 15 doctrines—many of which were Aristotelian or Averroist—that he said were in conflict with the doctrines of the church. In 1277, at the request ofPope John XXI, Tempier issued another condemnation, this time targeting 219 theses drawn from many sources, mainly the teachings of Aristotle and Averroes.[113]
TheTriumph of Saint Thomas Aquinas over Averroes by Benozzo Gozzoli, depictingAquinas (top center), a major Averroes critic, "triumphing" over Averroes (bottom), depicted at the feet of Aquinas
Averroes received a mixed reception from other Catholic thinkers;Thomas Aquinas, a leading Catholic thinker of the thirteenth century, relied extensively on Averroes's interpretation of Aristotle but disagreed with him on many points.[21][114] For example, he wrote a detailed attack on Averroes's theory that all humans share the same intellect.[115] He also opposed Averroes on the eternity of the universe anddivine providence.[116]Ramon Llull opposed Averroism and established a distinction between a religion that could be tolerated—Islam—and a philosophy that should be opposed—Averroism, especially in its Latin version.[117]
The Catholic Church's condemnations of 1270 and 1277, and the detailed critique by Aquinas weakened the spread of Averroism in LatinChristendom,[118] though it maintained a following until the sixteenth century, when European thought began to diverge from Aristotelianism.[101] Leading Averroists in the following centuries includedJohn of Jandun andMarsilius of Padua (fourteenth century),Gaetano da Thiene andPietro Pomponazzi (fifteenth century), andAgostino Nifo andMarcantonio Zimara (sixteenth century).[119]
Averroes had no major influence on Islamic philosophic thought until modern times.[120] Part of the reason was geography; Averroes lived in Spain, the extreme west of the Islamic civilization far from the centers of Islamic intellectual traditions.[50] Also, his philosophy may not have appealed to Islamic scholars of his time.[50] His focus on Aristotle's works was outdated in the twelfth-century Muslim world, which had already scrutinized Aristotle since the ninth century and by now was engaging deeply with newer schools of thought, especially that ofAvicenna.[50] In the nineteenth century, Muslim thinkers began to engage with the works of Averroes again.[120] By this time, there was a cultural renaissance calledAl-Nahda ("reawakening") in the Arabic-speaking world and the works of Averroes were seen as inspiration to modernize the Muslim intellectual tradition.[120]
References to Averroes appear in the popular culture of both the western and Muslim world. The poemThe Divine Comedy by the Italian writerDante Alighieri, completed in 1320, depicts Averroes, "who made the Great Commentary", along with other non-Christian Greek and Muslim thinkers, inthe first circle of hell aroundSaladin.[114][121] The prologue ofThe Canterbury Tales (1387) byGeoffrey Chaucer lists Averroes among other medical authorities known in Europe at the time.[121] Averroes is depicted inRaphael's 1501 frescoThe School of Athens that decorates theApostolic Palace in theVatican, which features seminal figures of philosophy. In the painting, Averroes wears a green robe and a turban, and peers out from behindPythagoras, who is shown writing a book.[122]
Averroes is referenced briefly inVictor Hugo'sThe Hunchback of Notre-Dame (written 1831, but set in the Paris of 1482). The novel's villain, the Priest Claude Frollo, extols Averroes' talents as an alchemist in his obsessive quest to find thePhilosophers Stone.[123]
A 1947 short story byJorge Luis Borges, "Averroes's Search" (Spanish:La Busca de Averroes), features his attempts to understandAristotle'sPoetics within a culture that lacks a tradition of live theatrical performance.[124] In the afterwords of the story, Borges comments, "I felt that [the story] mocked me, foiled me, thwarted me. I felt that Averroës, trying to imagine what a play is without ever having suspected what a theater is, was no more absurd than I, trying to imagine Averroës yet with no more material than a few snatches from Renan,Lane, andAsín Palacios."[125] Averroes is also the hero of the 1997 Egyptian movieDestiny byYoussef Chahine, made partly in commemoration of the 800th anniversary of his death.[122][126] The plant genusAverrhoa (whose members include thestarfruit and thebilimbi[127]), thelunar crateribn Rushd,[128] and theasteroid8318 Averroes are named after him.[129]
Mael Malihabadi's 1957 Urdu historical fiction novelFalsafi ibn-e Rushd revolves around his life.[130]
^Tamer, Georges (1 February 2011)."Averroism".Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. 3.Averroism is a philosophical movement named after the sixth/twelfth-century Andalusian philosopher Ibn Rushd (Averroes, d. 595/1198), which began in the thirteenth century among masters of arts at the University of Paris and continued through the seventeenth century.
Chandelier, Joël (2018). "Averroes on Medicine". In Peter Adamson; Matteo Di Giovanni (eds.).Interpreting Averroes. Cambridge University Press. pp. 158–176.doi:10.1017/9781316335543.010.ISBN978-1316335543.
Vernet, Juan; Samsó, Julio (1996). "The development of Arabic science in Andalusia". InRoshdi Rashed (ed.).Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science. Routledge. pp. 243–275.OCLC912501823.
DARE, the Digital Averroes Research Environment, an ongoing effort to collect digital images of all Averroes manuscripts and full texts of all three language-traditions.
Averroes, Islamic Philosophy Online (links to works by and about Averroes in several languages)
The Incoherence of the Incoherence translation by Simon van den Bergh. [N.B.: Because these refutations consist mainly of commentary on statements byal-Ghazali which are quoted verbatim, this work contains a translation of most of the Tahafut.] There is also an Italian translation byMassimo Campanini, Averroè,L'incoerenza dell'incoerenza dei filosofi, Turin, Utet, 1997.
[1]SIEPM virtual library, including scanned copies (PDF) of the Editio Juntina of Averroes's works in Latin (Venice 1550–1562)
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