Brought up to be the political heir of his father, whom he physically resembled, he was elected toParliament as aLiberal Unionist at a by-election in 1892. He held office in theUnionist coalition governments of 1895–1905, remaining in the Cabinet as Chancellor of the Exchequer (1903–05) after his father resigned in 1903 to campaign forTariff Reform. After his father's disabling stroke in 1906, Austen became the leading tariff reformer in the House of Commons. Late in 1911 he andWalter Long were due to compete for the leadership of the Conservative Party (in succession toArthur Balfour), but both withdrew in favour ofBonar Law rather than risk a party split on a close result.
Austen Chamberlain was born inBirmingham, the second child and eldest son ofJoseph Chamberlain,[2] then a rising industrialist and politicalradical, laterMayor of Birmingham and a dominant figure inLiberal andUnionist politics at the end of the 19th century. His father and mother, the former Harriet Kenrick had a baby daughterBeatrice Chamberlain who would become an educationalist. Harrietdied giving birth to Austen,[2] leaving his father so shaken that for almost 25 years he maintained a distance from his first-born son. In 1868, his father married Harriet's cousin, Florence, and had further children, the oldest of whom,Neville, would becomePrime Minister in the year of Austen's death.
Austen was dominated by his elder sister and was therefore sent away to be educated first atRugby School "to release him from her thrall",[2] before passing on toTrinity College, Cambridge.[3] While at Trinity College, he became a lifelong friend ofF. S. Oliver, a future advocate ofImperial Federation and, after 1909, a prominent member of theRound Table movement. Chamberlain made his first political address in 1884 at a meeting of the university's Political Society and was vice-president of theCambridge Union.
It would seem that from an early age his father had intended for politics to be Austen's future path, and with that in mind, he was sent first to France, where he studied at theParis Institute of Political Studies and developed a lasting admiration for the French people and culture. For nine months, he was shown the brilliance ofParis under theThird Republic, and he met and dined with the likes ofGeorges Clemenceau andAlexandre Ribot.
From Paris, Austen was sent toBerlin for twelve months, to imbibe the political culture of the other great European power, Germany. Though in his letters home to Beatrice and Neville, he showed an obvious preference for France and the lifestyle he had left behind there, Chamberlain undertook to learn German and learn from his experience in the capital of theGerman Empire. Among others, Austen met and dined with the "Iron Chancellor",Otto von Bismarck, an experience that was to hold a special place in his heart for the duration of his life.
While attending theUniversity of Berlin, Austen developed a suspicion of the growing nationalism in Germany based upon his experience of the lecturing style ofHeinrich von Treitschke, who opened up to him "a new side of the German character – a narrow-minded, proud, intolerantPrussian chauvinism", the consequences of which he was later to ponder during the First World War and the crises of the 1930s.
Austen returned to England in 1888, lured largely by the prize of a parliamentary constituency. He was first elected to parliament as a member of his father's ownLiberal Unionist Party in 1892, sitting for the seat ofEast Worcestershire. Owing to the prominence of his father and the alliance between the anti-Home Rule Liberal Unionists andConservatives, Chamberlain was returned unopposed on 30 March, and at the first sitting of the new session, he walked up the floor of the house flanked by his father and his uncle,Richard.
Owing to thedissolution of parliament and the1892 general election that August, Chamberlain was unable to make his maiden speech until April 1893, but, when delivered, it was acclaimed by the four-time prime ministerWilliam Ewart Gladstone as "one of the best speeches which has been made". That Chamberlain was speaking against Gladstone's ownSecond Home Rule Bill does not seem to have dampened the enthusiasm of the Prime Minister, who responded by publicly congratulating both Austen and his father, Joseph, on such an excellent performance. That was highly significant, given the bad blood existing between Joseph Chamberlain and his former leader.
Appointed a junior Whip of the Liberal Unionists after the general election, Austen's main role was to act as his father's "standard bearer" in matters of policy. Following the Conservative and Unionist landslide win in theelection of 1895, Chamberlain was appointedCivil Lord of the Admiralty, holding that post until 1900, when he becameFinancial Secretary to the Treasury.Lord Salisbury retired as prime minister in July 1902, and the following month Chamberlain was promoted to the position ofPostmaster General by the new premier, the ConservativeArthur Balfour, who also designated this a cabinet position,[4] and appointed him to thePrivy Council.[5]
In the wake of the struggle between his father and Balfour, Austen Chamberlain becameChancellor of the Exchequer in 1903. Austen's appointment was largely a compromise solution to the bitter division of the two Unionist heavyweights, which threatened to split the coalition between supporters of Chamberlain'sImperial Tariff campaign and Balfour's more cautious advocacy of protectionism. While Austen supported his father's programme, his influence within the cabinet was diminished following the departure of the senior Chamberlain to thebackbenches. Facing a resurgentLiberal opposition and the threat of an internal party split, Balfour eventually took the Unionists into opposition in December 1905, and in the ensuing rout in theelection of 1906, Austen found himself one of the few surviving Liberal Unionists in theHouse of Commons.
After his father's stroke and enforced retirement from active politics a few months later, Austen became the effective leader of the tariff reform campaign within the Unionist Party, and thus, he was a contender for the eventual leadership of the party itself.
With the Unionists in disarray after electoral defeats at both theJanuary andDecember 1910 elections, Balfour was forced from his position as party leader in November 1911. Chamberlain was one of the leading candidates to succeed as Conservative leader even though he was still technically a member of the Liberal Unionist wing of the coalition (the two parties merged formally only in 1912).
Given their standing in the party, only Chamberlain and Long had a realistic chance of success and though Balfour had intended Chamberlain to succeed him, it became clear from an early canvass of the sitting MPs that Long would be elected by a slender margin.
After a short period of internal party campaigning, Chamberlain determined to withdraw from the contest for the good of the still-divided party. He succeeded in persuading Long to withdraw with him in favour of Law, who was subsequently chosen by unanimous vote as a compromise candidate.
Chamberlain's action, while it prevented him from attaining the party leadership and, arguably, the premiership, did a great deal to maintain unity within the Conservative and Liberal Unionist parties at a time of great uncertainty and strain.
In the last years before the outbreak ofWorld War I, Chamberlain was concerned with one issue above all others:Home Rule for Ireland. The issue that had prompted his father to leave the Liberal Party in the 1880s now threatened to spill over into outright civil war, with the government ofH. H. Asquith committed to the passage of aThird Home Rule Bill. Chamberlain was resolutely opposed to the dissolution of the Union with Ireland. To the strain then was added the death of his father in July 1914, only a few days after the assassination ofArchduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, which began the train of events that led to the war.
Imperial War Cabinet (1917) Austen is in the second row, fourth from the left
Pressure from the Conservative opposition, in part led by Chamberlain, eventually resulted in the formation of the wartimecoalition government, in 1915. Chamberlain joined the cabinet asSecretary of State for India. Like other politicians, includingArthur Balfour andGeorge Curzon, Chamberlain supported theinvasion of Mesopotamia to increase British prestige in the region, thus discouraging a German-inspired Muslim revolt in India.[6]
Chamberlain remained at theIndia Office afterDavid Lloyd George succeeded Asquith as prime minister in late 1916, but following theInquiry into the failure of the Mesopotamian campaign (undertaken by the separately-administeredIndian Army) in 1915, including the loss of the British garrison during theSiege of Kut, Chamberlain resigned his post in July 1917; as the minister ultimately responsible, the fault lay with him. He was widely acclaimed for such a principled act.[7]
After Lloyd George's Paris speech (12 November 1917) at which he said that "when he saw the appalling casualty lists he wish(ed) it had not been necessary to win so many ["victories"]" there was talk of Chamberlain withdrawing support from the government. Lloyd George survived by claiming that the aim of the new inter-AlliedSupreme War Council was purely to "coordinate" policy, not to overrule the British generals, who still enjoyed a good deal of support from Conservatives.[8]
Following the victory of theLloyd George coalition in the1918 general election, Chamberlain was again appointed to the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer in January 1919 and immediately faced the huge task of restoring Britain's finances after four years of wartime expenditure.
Citing ill health, Law retired from the leadership of the Conservative branch of the Lloyd George government in the spring of 1921. His seniority and the general dislike of Curzon, his counterpart in theHouse of Lords, helped Chamberlain to both succeed Law as Leader of the House of Commons and take over in the office ofLord Privy Seal. He was succeeded at the Exchequer by SirRobert Horne; it seemed that after ten years of waiting, Austen would again be given the opportunity of succeeding to the premiership.
The Lloyd George coalition was beginning to falter, following numerous scandals and the unsuccessful conclusion of theAnglo-Irish War, and it was widely believed that it would not survive until the next general election. He had previously had little regard for Lloyd George, but the opportunity of working closely with the "Welsh Wizard" gave Chamberlain a new insight into his nominal superior in the government (by now, the Conservative Party was by far the largest partner in the government).
It was an unfortunate change of allegiance for Chamberlain, for by late 1921, the Conservative backbenchers were growing more and more restless for an end to the coalition and a return to single-party (Conservative) government. Conservatives in the House of Lords began, in public, to oppose the coalition, disregarding calls for support from Chamberlain. In the country at large, Conservative candidates began to oppose the coalition at by-elections, and discontent spread to the House of Commons.
In the autumn of 1922, Chamberlain faced a backbench revolt, largely led byStanley Baldwin, designed to oust Lloyd George, and when he summoned theCarlton Club meeting 19 October 1922, of Conservative MPs, a motion was passed there for fighting the forthcoming election as an independent party. Chamberlain resigned the party leadership rather than act against what he believed to be his duty. He was succeeded by Law, whose views and intentions he had predicted the evening before the vote at a private meeting. Law formed a government shortly thereafter, but Chamberlain was not given a post, but it seems that he would not have accepted a position even if he had been offered one.
Austen and Neville Chamberlain,Iain Duncan Smith andLiz Truss are the only four Conservative leaders not to lead the party into a general election. UntilWilliam Hague (1997–2001), Austen had been the only Conservative overall leader in the history of the party not to become prime minister.
After the second resignation of Law in May 1923 (Law died from throat cancer later that year), Chamberlain was passed over again for the leadership of the party in favour ofStanley Baldwin. Baldwin offered Chamberlain the post of Lord Privy Seal, but Chamberlain insisted other former ministers from the Coalition to be included as well; Baldwin refused. However, Chamberlain returned to government when Baldwin formed hissecond ministry following success in theelection of October 1924, serving in the important office ofForeign Secretary from 1924 to 1929. Chamberlain was largely allowed a free hand by the easy-going Baldwin.
It is as Foreign Secretary that Chamberlain's place in history was finally assured. In a difficult period in international relations, Chamberlain faced not only a split in theentente cordiale by the Frenchoccupation of the Ruhr but also the controversy over the 1924Geneva Protocol, which threatened to dilute British sovereignty over the issue ofLeague of Nations economic sanctions.
Despite the importance to history of other pressing issues, his reputation chiefly rests on his part in the negotiations over what came to be known as theLocarno Pact of 1925. Seeking to maintain the postwar status quo in the West, Chamberlain responded favourably to the approaches of German Foreign MinisterGustav Stresemann for a British guarantee ofGermany's western borders. Besides promoting Franco-German reconciliation, Chamberlain's main motive was to create a situation in which Germany could pursue territorial revisionism in Eastern Europe peacefully.[9]
Chamberlain's understanding was that if Franco-German relations improved,France would gradually abandon thecordon sanitaire, the French alliance system inEastern Europe between the wars.[9] Once France had abandoned its allies in Eastern Europe as the price of better relations with Germany,Poland andCzechoslovakia would have no Great Power ally to protect them and would be forced to adjust to German demands. Chamberlain believed that they would peacefully hand over the territories claimed by Germany such as theSudetenland, thePolish Corridor and theFree City of Danzig.[9] Promoting territorial revisionism in Eastern Europe in Germany's favour was one of Chamberlain's principal reasons for Locarno.
Together withAristide Briand of France, Chamberlain and Stresemann met at the town ofLocarno in October 1925 and signed a mutual agreement (together with representatives fromBelgium andItaly) to settle all differences between the nations by arbitration, not war. For his services, Chamberlain was not only awarded theNobel Peace Prize but also made a Knight Companion of theOrder of the Garter. He was the first ordinary Knight Companion of the Garter since Elizabethan times (SirHenry Lee) to die without having been made apeer. He was the871st Knight Companion of the Garter.
Chamberlain also secured Britain's accession to theKellogg-Briand Pact, which theoretically outlawed war as an instrument of policy. Chamberlain also said that Italian dictatorBenito Mussolini was "a man with whom business could be done".[10]
After his less satisfactory engagement in issues in the Far East and Egypt, Chamberlain's tenure as Foreign Secretary ended with the defeat of Baldwin's government at theelection of 1929. He went into retirement.
Chamberlain briefly returned to government in 1931 asFirst Lord of the Admiralty inRamsay MacDonald's firstNational Government but soon retired later that year after his actions in regards to theInvergordon Mutiny. Many of the officers at the time state that the mutiny at Invergordon was a direct result of the action of the Admiralty under Chamberlain's leadership who accepted the cuts in pay for the crews as a result of the Government's need to reduce expenditure.[11] The First Sea LordFrederick Field was ill at the time of the incident and Chamberlain had proceeded without receiving the advice of the First Sea Lord.[12]
Over the next six years as a senior backbencher, he gave strong support to the National Government on domestic issues but was critical on its foreign policy. In 1935, the government faced a parliamentary rebellion over theHoare-Laval Pact; his opposition to the vote of censure is widely believed to have been instrumental in saving the government from defeat on the floor of the House.
Chamberlain was again briefly considered in 1935 for the post of Foreign Secretary but was passed over once theAbyssinia Crisis was over for being too old for the job.[13] Instead, his advice was sought as to the suitability of his formerParliamentary Private Secretary, now Minister for the League of Nations,Anthony Eden for the post.
However, in 1935, Stanley Baldwin's government produced aWhite Paper and announced modest rearmament.[14] Although Baldwin would forever be condemned for his failure to rearm sufficiently, the Labour Party opposed the White Paper.Clement Attlee said:
We believe in a League system in which the whole world would be ranged against an aggressor. If it is shown that someone is proposing to break the peace, let us bring the whole world opinion against her.[15]
Afterwards Austen Chamberlain fully supported Baldwin and severely criticised Attlee's speech with the words:
If war breaks out, and we become involved in a struggle and if the Honourable Member forLimehouse [Clement Attlee] is sitting on the government benches while London is being bombed, do you think he will hold the language he held today? If he does he will be one of the first victims of the war, for he will be strung up by an angry and justifiably angry populace to the nearest lamp post.[16]
In addition to speaking eloquently in Parliament on the matter, he was the chairman of twoConservative parliamentary delegations in late 1936 that met with Prime MinisterStanley Baldwin to remonstrate with him about his government's delay in rearming the British defence forces.[17] More respected than Churchill, Chamberlain became something of an icon to young Conservatives, as the last survivor of Victorian high politics.
Though he never again served in a government, he survived in good health until March 1937, dying just ten weeks before his younger half-brother, Neville, became the first and only member of the Chamberlain dynasty to become prime minister.
Chamberlain died at the age of 73 in his London home, 24 Egerton Terrace, on 16 March 1937. He is buried inEast Finchley Cemetery in London.
At his death, his estate was valued for probate at £45,044 18/1.[18] This was a relatively modest sum for such a famous public figure. Much of his father's fortune had been lost in a failed attempt by his younger brother Neville to growsisal in theWest Indies in the early 1890s, and unlike Neville, he never went into business to make money for himself.
His personal and political papers are housed in the Cadbury Research Library at theUniversity of Birmingham.
Robert Blake wrote that Austen Chamberlain "for all his talents was only a thin echo of his formidable father, a mere shadow of that extraordinary figure ... Austen Chamberlain was altogether kinder than his father, more likeable, more honourable, more high-minded and less effective ... he lacked that ultimate hardness without which men seldom reach supreme political power". Blake comments that he often missed his chances because he could be persuaded to back off by the suggestion that he was acting for self-seeking reasons, hence Churchill's quip that "he always played the game, and he always lost it".[19]
David Dutton comments that early assessments of Chamberlain's career compared him unfavourably with his father, who overshadowed his early career, and his brother, who overshadowed his later decades. In his forties, when he was ready to carve out his own identity, he had to act as a surrogate for his disabled father, whom he resembled in appearance (although he was softer and less wiry, both in face and body) and dress (wearing amonocle, and anorchid in his lapel). UntilWilliam Hague (1997–2001), he was the only Conservative leader of the twentieth century not to become prime minister. Although this is sometimes attributed to character defects, Dutton argues that he was a major figure in his own right, who only narrowly missed becoming prime minister in 1922 or 1923. Dutton quotes with approvalLeo Amery's verdict written just after Chamberlain's death: 'He just missed greatness and the highest position, but his was a fine life of honourable public service'.[20]
Chamberlain could speak effectively, but was never a stirring orator. For most of his career he was renowned for rectitude and civic duty. Before the war Chamberlain had been a somewhat reluctant radical, but after 1918 he became more conservative, concerned at the new threat of socialism, and whose dress – he not only wore a monocle andfrock coat but was one of the last MPs to wear a top hat inside the Commons Chamber – made him appear a relic from a previous generation. Dutton suggests that his "exaggerated sense of his own importance and dignity which compounded an already stiff and unbending personal demeanour", came from having to serve under men – Law and Baldwin – whom he regarded as his juniors.[20]
In 1906, Chamberlain married Ivy Muriel Dundas (died 1941), daughter of Colonel Henry Dundas.[21] She was created a Dame Grand Cross of theOrder of the British Empire (GBE) in 1925. The couple had two sons, Joseph and Lawrence, and a daughter, Diane.
During the 1920s, the Chamberlains lived at a house called Twytt's Ghyll in Fir Toll Road,Mayfield,East Sussex. The house was sold in 1929. R.C.G. Foster said, "He kept himself quite aloof from the village and was not popular with his neighbours".[citation needed] He had an interest inrock gardening.[22]
A collection of archival material related to Austen Chamberlain can be found at the Cadbury Research Library,University of Birmingham.[23] A separate collection of letters relating to Austen Chamberlain can also be found there.[24]
^Woodward, David R, "Field Marshal Sir William Robertson", Westport Connecticut & London: Praeger, 1998,ISBN0-275-95422-6, pp. 192–4
^abcStephen Schuker, "The End of Versailles" inThe Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered: A.J.P. Taylor and the Historians edited by Gordon Martel (Routledge: 1999) pp. 48–49.
Alexander, M.S.; Philpott, W.J. (1998). "The Entente Cordiale and the Next War: Anglo-French Views on Future Military Cooperation, 1928 –1939".Intelligence and National Security.13 (1):53–84.doi:10.1080/02684529808432463.
Blake, Robert (1955).The Unknown Prime Minister: The Life and Times of Andrew Bonar Law, 1858–1923. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode.
Dutton, David (1985).Austen Chamberlain: Gentleman in Politics. Bolton: R.Anderson.
Grayson, Richard. "Austen Chamberlain and the Commitment to Europe: British Foreign Policy, 1924–1929"Diplomacy & Statecraft 17#4 (2006)https://doi.org/10.1080/09592290600943304
McKercher, B. J. C. "Austen Chamberlain and the continental balance of power: Strategy, stability, and the league of nations, 1924–29."Diplomacy and Statecraft 14.2 (2003): 207–236.
McKercher, Brian J. C. "A Sane and Sensible Diplomacy: Austen Chamberlain, Japan, and The Naval Balance of Power in the Pacific Ocean, 1924–29."Canadian Journal of History 21.2 (1986): 187–214.
Petrie, Sir Charles (1938).The Chamberlain Tradition. London: Lovat Dickson Limited.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link)
Tomes, Jason H. "Austen Chamberlain and the Kellogg Pact."Millennium 18.1 (1989): 1–27.
Turner, Arthur. "Austen Chamberlain, The Times and the Question of Revision of the Treaty of Versailles in 1933."European History Quarterly 18.1 (1988): 51–70.
Zametica, Jovan. "Sir Austen Chamberlain and the Italo-Yugoslav crisis over Albania February–May 1927."Balcanica 36 (2005): 203–235.online
Petrie, Sir Charles (1939–1940).The Life and Letters of the Right Hon. Sir Austen Chamberlain. London: Cassell & Co. 2 vols.
Self, Robert C., ed. (1995).The Austen Chamberlain Diary Letters: The Correspondence of Sir Austen Chamberlain with his Sisters Hilda andIda, 1916–1937. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link)
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