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Antoine Barnave | |
|---|---|
 Antoine Barnave byJoseph Boze (1791,Carnavalet Museum) | |
| 3rd Mayor of Grenoble | |
| In office 1 August 1790 – 21 November 1790 | |
| Preceded by | Joseph Marie de Barral |
| Succeeded by | Daniel d'Isoard |
| Member of the Constituent Assembly | |
| In office 9 July 1789 – 30 September 1791 | |
| Constituency | Grenoble |
| Member of the Estates-General for theThird Estate | |
| In office 7 January 1789 – 9 July 1789 | |
| Constituency | Grenoble |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave (1761-09-21)21 September 1761 |
| Died | 29 November 1793(1793-11-29) (aged 32) Paris,France |
| Political party | Jacobin(1789–1791) Feuillant(1791–1793) |
| Parent(s) | Jean-Pierre Barnave and Marie-Louise de Pré de Seigle de Presle |
| Alma mater | University of Grenoble |
| Profession | Lawyer, writer |
Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave (French pronunciation:[ɑ̃twanpjɛʁʒozɛfmaʁibaʁnav], 21 September 1761 – 29 November 1793) was a French politician, and, together withHonoré Mirabeau, one of the most influential orators of the early part of theFrench Revolution. He is most notable for correspondence withMarie Antoinette in an attempt to set up aconstitutional monarchy and for being one of the founding members of theFeuillants.[1]
Antoine Barnave was born on 21 September 1761 inGrenoble (Dauphiné),[2] in a Protestant family. His father was an advocate at theParlement of Grenoble, and his mother, Marie-Louise de Pré de Seigle de Presle, was a highly educatedaristocrat. Because they were Protestants, Antoine could not attend local schools, as those were run by the Catholic church, and his mother educated him herself. Barnave was prepared for a career in law, and at the age of twenty-two made himself known by a speech pronounced before the localParlement, theParlement du Dauphiné, also known asParlement de Grenoble, on theseparation of political powers.[3]
Dauphiné was one of the first of theprovinces of France to be touched by revolutionary ideals. After being heavily influenced by theDay of the Tiles (French:Journée des Tuiles) inGrenoble, Barnave became actively revolutionary. He explained his political position in apamphlet entitledEsprit des édits, Enregistrés militairement, le 20 mai 1788.[4] He was immediately elected deputy, with his father, to theEstates General of Dauphiné, and played a prominent role in their debates.[3]
A few months later he became better known, when theEstates-General of 1789 convened inVersailles on 5 May 1789, and Barnavewas elected a deputy of theThird Estate for his native province of Dauphiné.[3]
He soon rose to prominence in theNational Assembly, becoming the friend of most of the leaders of the party originating in the Third Estate, and formed withAdrien Duport andAlexandre Lameth the group known during theConstituent Assembly as "thetriumvirate". Together these three would later be principal figures in the formation of theFeuillants, the breakaway party from the Jacobin Club dedicated to a moderate course supportingconstitutional monarchy. Barnave took part in the conference on the claims of the three orders, drew up the first address to kingLouis XVI, and supported the proposal ofEmmanuel Joseph Sieyès that the Assembly should declare itself "National". Until 1791, he was one of the preeminent members of the club known later as theJacobin Club, of which he drew up themanifesto and first rulebook.[3]
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Although a partisan ofpolitical freedom, Barnave hoped to preserve revolutionary liberties together while maintaining the rulingHouse of Bourbon. He felt that aconstitutional monarchy would solve the problems facing France without being a complete upheaval of the government, although it does not mean that he was entirely in favor of the monarchy. Subject to the more radical forces, Barnave took part in the attacks on the monarchy, on the clergy, on RomanCatholic Church property, and on the provincialParlements. On several occasions, he stood in opposition toMirabeau. After thestorming of the Bastille, he saw the power of the masses as possibly leading to political chaos, and wished to avoid this by saving the throne. He advocated the suspensory veto, and the establishment of trial by jury in civil causes, but voted with theLeft against the system of two chambers.[3]
His conflict with Mirabeau on the question of assigning to the king the right to make peace or war (from 16 to 23 May 1790) was one of the main episodes of the Assembly's mandate. In August 1790, after a vehement debate, he fought aduel withJacques Antoine Marie de Cazalès, in which the latter was slightly wounded. About the close of October 1790, Barnave was called to the presidency of the Assembly. On the occasion of the death of Mirabeau, which occurred on 2 April 1791, Barnave paid a high tribute to his worth and public services, designating him the "William Shakespeare of oratory".[3]
Being in favor of a new system of government, Barnave spoke passionately about terminating the powerful influence of religious authorities and allocating that role in government to the people of France. Passing theCivil Constitution of the Clergy would lawfully impose Church adherence to the King and the nation of France by having the state pay them salaries for their service and holding popular elections for the priests and bishops. He strongly supported that government influence remain limited to the people and the King, not a single entity.[5]
Barnave also advocated in favor of freedom of speech and the protection of private property. His views were in accord with those theDeclaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, all citizens were entitled to the purchase and ownership of 'immovables' that were not to be taken away or trespassed unless it were deemed necessary. He said individuals had to possess the liberty to express what they feel and believe in, arguing that the voice of the French people was not to be silenced. The independent quality of ownership of land or business would encourage financial, political, and societal progress.[6]
To Barnave, allocating the appropriated land of theChurch among the French people would help abate the economic burden and starvation in the country. Having land put up as collateral enables France to receive loans from foreign nations. The land would also become a source of food for the hungry through harvests. This encourages a system of production and sale to stimulate the economy. Barnave saw that the Church, being first estate, had great power and wealth. To him, the roles of the clergy, priests, and bishops resided on spreading the message of God and thus should not oppose providing His children with basic proprietary rights.[7] He stood with theDecree on Church Lands which provided each clergymen with no more than an annual income of 1200 livres while retaining ownership of his residency and lawn.[8] He believed that laborers working this land would strengthen the role of France in the manufacturing sector and revitalize the quality and quantity of agricultural goods.[9]
In 1789, Barnave was one of the key figures to advise KingLouis XVI to work in unison with theNational Assembly in order to prevent riots that seek an anarchic form of government. He argued that therevolution had sparked a necessary change in politics. TheConstitutional monarchy was a way to maintain an improved version of French tradition.[10] However, thenobility's special privileges provided by theFeudal system were to be fully terminated. People of higher class had to adhere to the same laws and regulations as did any common citizen, so taxation would be equally applicable to them. Noblemen especially would contribute to tax revenue that will ameliorate France's national debt. Barnave was strongly in favor of making France into a country that allowed people unrestricted economic or entrepreneurial practices, enabling all citizens to take part in the offerings of commercial markets.[11]
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Barnave argued that successful political changes, incorporation of equal rights, and an inclusive government stem from successful financial progression. Without a sound economic state, France would not be able to compete with foreign powers, and the people would not have the opportunity to improve their lives or truly live freely.[12]Slavery inSaint-Domingue allowed the cultivation and sale of coffee and sugar to thrive. He opposed discrimination against any race but also understood how theAfrican slaves contributed to the only source of wealth France had at a moment of deep financial crisis. He advocated thatabolishing slavery was not an economically smart course of action.[13]
After theStorming of the Bastille, Barnave argued that violence led the citizens of France to their desired goals – the start of the Revolution and constitutional change. It was now time for people, despite their factions and distinct beliefs, to compromise and unite. Barnave advised the members of the National Assembly of the King's role in achieving this. KingLouis XVI would enablethe new Constitution of France to pass smoothly, and cease the bloodshed by working alongside the people of France. The economy was too weak to sustain the costs of military action against foreign or domestic rivals.[14]
When Louis XVI and the royal family were arrested after theFlight to Varennes, Barnave was one of the three appointed to bring them back to Paris, together withJérôme Pétion de Villeneuve andCharles César de Fay de La Tour-Maubourg. During the journey, he began to feel compassion for queenMarie Antoinette and the royal family, and subsequently attempted to do what he could to alleviate their sufferings. In one of his most powerful speeches, he maintained theinviolability of the king's person.[3]
It was during the escort of the royal family from Varennes back to Paris that Barnave first met queen Marie Antoinette. Though their initial interactions were marked by Barnave's shy attempts to avoid eye contact, the queen was soon able to charm the twenty-nine-year-old politician and earn his favor. On the journey back to Paris, the two were reported to have been seen conversing intently on several occasions within the carriage, and near the rest stops. Purportedly, the subject of these conversations included Barnave and the rest of the Feuillants' fervent belief that aconstitutional monarchy was the most viable solution for ending therevolution with a minimum of further bloodshed.
Much evidence indicates that, because her closest friends, includingCount von Fersen, who had organized the flight from Paris, were absent,Marie Antoinette was attempting to influence Barnave and his fellowFeuillants as a way to ensure her family's safety. She may also have dared to hope that it was still possible to reinstate some form of the former monarchy. Barnave was taken by the queen's charm and waited for her to call on him when she was in grave circumstances.
A few weeks later, in early July 1791, Marie Antoinette wrote to Barnave the first of a long series of cryptic letters. Referring to him by a code name, Barnave received his letters through an unknown similarly codenamed intermediary. Her instructions were that her letter be read while the intermediary stood by to accept a reply. He then would return both documents to the queen. She herself never wrote any of the letters; instead, she dictated them so as to avoid embarrassing, and possibly incriminating, documentation. Barnave pursued the Queen's support of furthering his political agenda of establishing a constitutional monarch. He believed that her support would improve the public opinion on the royal family by preventing her brother, theEmperor of Austria, from invading France and imposing upon it anabsolutist monarchical state of government that conflicted with the ideals of the French Revolution.[15] However, as communication between the two increased, it became evident to Barnave that Antoinette had no intentions of working alongside him but was in fact attempting to emotionally manipulate him. Their conversations led to nothing more than rejection by the Queen and suspicions leading Barnave to be labeled as a traitor to the French and their cause for revolution.[16]
Eventually, the entire series of letters were smuggled out of theTuileries to Count von Fersen who sent them to his sister inSweden where they remain today. The letters revealed that Barnave was confident of his influence in the National Assembly, especially in light of themassacre at theChamp de Mars.
As theJacobin Club grew more radically in favor of a republic, Barnave and the other two members of the triumvirate broke away from it and formed theFeuillant political group on 18 July 1791. In July and August 1791, Barnave reached the height of his political prominence after 17 July 1791Champ de Mars Massacre weakened the position of theJacobins.
TheFeuillants began to lose political power by early autumn, when disagreements arose with the growing influence ofJacques Pierre Brissot and his supporters, known as theGirondists. After theFeuillants opposed war againstAustria, they were driven out of the Assembly. Barnave's public career came to an end, and he returned toGrenoble at the beginning of 1792. His sympathy for and relations with the royal family, to whom he had submitted a plan for a counter-revolution, and his desire to check the violence of the Revolution, brought on him suspicion oftreason.[3]
He was denounced on 15 August 1792 in the Legislative Assembly, arrested and imprisoned for ten months in Grenoble, then transferred to Fort Barraux (also calledFort Saint-Barthélémy), nearBarraux in theIsère department, and in November 1793 to Paris (during theReign of Terror). On 28 November, he appeared before theRevolutionary Tribunal. He was condemned for treason on the evidence of papers detailing his extensive clandestine correspondence with Marie Antoinette discovered in Louis XVI'sarmoire de fer at theTuileries Palace. Barnave wasguillotined in Paris the following day, 29 November 1793,[2] as wasMarguerite-Louis-François Duport-Dutertre, former Minister of Justice.[3]
Barnave's (posthumously published)Introduction à la rèvolution française anticipates in its sociology the work ofAuguste Comte;[17] and the Marxist concept of themode of production.[18]
Barnave's belief that "just as landed property is the basis of aristocracy and federalism, commercial property is the principle of democracy and unity",[19] explicitly tied political relations to underlying differences in economic structures.
