Anti-White racism isdiscriminatory sentiments and acts of hostility of aracist nature toward peopleracialized asWhite (especially those from Europe andits diasporas). It can manifest in various forms, including but not limited toethnic hatred,stereotyping, exclusion, orviolence, and can occur in both overt and subtle ways.Philosophical,social science, and media perspectives on racism debate the relevance and existence of anti-White racism, highlighting tensions between individual andsystemic definitions, theroles of power andhistory, and controversies over media representation and political discourse.
The subject is contentious, with differing perspectives on its prevalence, impact, and comparison to other forms ofracial discrimination. Various officials have acknowledged its possible existence. Most legal systems do not formally categorize racist acts by victimethnicity, though courts have occasionally ruled on cases involving racist insults or violence against White individuals. Examples of anti-White racism include attacks targeting White individuals and anti-White sentiments in post-apartheid South Africa and Zimbabwe, as well as in some parts of Europe and North America.
The term "anti-White racism" originated in the 1960s, describing racist acts against White people recognized historically and politically (notably in France and by figures likePierre Paraf). The concept of "reverse racism" in the U.S. context is often used by opponents ofaffirmative action to claim discrimination against Whites. Claims of anti-White racism have been raised mainly by thefar right and some other political groups since the 1980s, and have become more common since the 2010s.
According to Magali Bessone, professor ofpolitical philosophy at thePanthéon-Sorbonne University in Paris, if the phenomenon of racism is considered in a structural manner, then the notion of anti-White racism is not relevant "in societies where Whites are in a position ofdomination. [Which] does not prevent the existence of individual behaviors that can be designated in this case as falling within the scope ofracial hatred. And the definition of racism must probably be both individual and institutional."[1]
According to Jorge L. A. Garcia, philosophy professor atBoston College, "the claim that Black racism is more dangerous than White in urban areas 'where blacks control power' may have little application in our nation", yet Black racism is an "ugly phenomenon" and "damaging to the cause of racial justice."[2][3]
Sociology studies racism by taking into account specific socio-historical contexts and the prior existence, inWestern societies, ofideologies and policies that have historically given Whites the role of the dominant race.[4][5][6] Researchers distinguish between what is racist behavior—rejection, anger, insults, aggression, etc.—of an individual nature, and the existence ofsystemic racism, i.e. racism that is embedded in thesocial organization.[7]
Pooja Sawrikar, a psychologist, and Ilan Katz, a social work researcher at theUniversity of New South Wales, challenge the definition of racism which they summarize as "Racism = Prejudice + Power". Describing this approach asreductionist, they refute definitions of racism based onsocial power, which they believe reduce racism toWhite supremacy in White-majority societies. Thus, the idea that only White people can be racist would be flawed and itself racist. Furthermore, they write that this approach, which places White people at the center of any discourse on race, leads to impotence in the fight against racism. This helplessness would manifest itself in a feeling ofguilt among White people, due to the fact that they cannot do anything individually against racism since they are oppressors by virtue of theirskin color, and a feeling of helplessness amongethnic minorities, who would be forced to admit that racism is a condition that they cannot change. This approach would also encourage passivity, both among White people not participating in theanti-racist struggle, who would be content with their assigned role as the dominant group, and among racial minorities, who would reject any responsibility because of their minority status.[8]
French political scientist, sociologist and historianPierre-André Taguieff considers that the notions of institutional racism, structural racism or systemic racism derive from the anti-racist definition of racism produced by revolutionaryAfrican-American activists at the end of the 1960s. According to him, these terms are not the expression of a conceptualization of racism, but "a symbolic weapon which consists of reducing racism to White racism supposed to be inherent to 'White society' or to 'White domination', the latter being the only form of racial domination recognized and denounced by neo-antiracists." With White society being conceptualized as intrinsically racist, "it follows that anti-White racism cannot exist. This is a fundamental article of faith of the new 'anti-racist'catechism."[9]
French political scientistLaurent Bouvet argues that "so-called anti-racist activists who claim that 'anti-White' racism does not exist do so from a purely political perspective", writing that "racism is ananthropological phenomenon, both cultural and social, which affects all human societies." "Racism exists everywhere, in all social groups, and is expressed, practically or theoretically, against the 'Other' on the basis of an identity linked to skin color or ethno-cultural origin."[10]
For Daniel Sabbagh, research director at theCenter for International Research (CERI) in Paris, racism can be understood from three points of view. The first is ideological racism, based on thehierarchy of races defined by aracialization of humanity. The second is attitudinal racism, the subject of studies insocial psychology in particular, which conceives racism as a set of negativeattitudes towards the racialized other. The third is systemic racism.[11] The researcher believes that the use of the expression "anti-White racism" is not abusive to characterize, for example, the ideological or attitudinal racism inevitably produced in reaction to the racism suffered, without common measure, by non-Whites. He cites as examples the ideological speech ofElijah Muhammad, leader of theNation of Islam (NOI), likening Whites to demons, and the video of the French rapperNick Conrad, entitled "Pendez les Blancs" (Hang the Whites).[11] Daniel Sabbagh agrees that if we only consider systemic racism, as a conception of racism, then the expression "anti-White racism" is irrelevant. He believes, however, that racism must be studied in all its dimensions.[11]
BBC News editorMark Easton cites theRoss Parker murder case to argue that society has been forced to redefine racism and discard the definition of "prejudice plus power"—a definition which, in Easton's view, tends to only allow ethnic minorities to be victims and Whites to be perpetrators. He states, "Describing an incident as racist may say as much about a victim's mindset as the offender. How else can one explain theBritish Crime Survey finding that 3,100 car thefts fromAsians were deemed to be racially motivated?"[12] JournalistYasmin Alibhai-Brown argues that the case highlightsdouble standards ofracial equality campaigners, suggestingBlack activists should "march and remember victims like Ross Parker ... our values are worthless unless all victims of these senseless deaths matter equally".[13] She writes, "to treat some victims as more worthy of condemnation than others is unforgivable and a betrayal of anti-racism itself".[14]
The Sunday Times in a 2006 investigation by Brendan Montague examined British newspaper archives for coverage of racist crimes, reporting "an almost totalboycott of stories involving the white victims of attacks" whereas "cases involving black and minority ethnic victims are widely reported".[15] The BBC Editorial Standards Committee in 2007 found that "there was no evidence to suggest that the BBC had shown a specific and systemic bias in favour of cases where the victim had been black or Asian", but accepted it had "underplayed its coverage of the Ross Parker case" and repeated the failings in its coverage of themurder of Kriss Donald.[16]
Following violent acts during French high school demonstrations on March 8, 2005, and their media coverage, journalist Luc Bronner's article in the newspaperLe Monde, entitled "High school student demonstrations: the specter of anti-White violence"[17] caused a media-political controversy in France over the labeling of this violence as "anti-White".[a][18][19] Following Luc Bronner's article, a number of personalities includingGhaleb Bencheikh,Alain Finkielkraut,Bernard Kouchner andJacques Julliard, launched on March 25, 2005, an "Appeal against 'anti-White racial attacks'", initiated by theleft-wing Zionist movementHashomer Hatzair and the Jewishcommunity radio stationRadio Shalom.[18][20] A signatory of the appeal, Pierre-André Taguieff believes that the violence reveals the existence of anti-White racism in France, a reflection of a "racialization of social conflict" and that racism is not solely the work of Whites.[20] Despite theInternational League Against Racism and Anti-Semitism (LICRA) considering the racist nature of the attacks to be proven,[21] several anti-racist organizations, such asSOS Racisme, theMRAP and theHuman Rights League (LDH), denounced the appeal as "irresponsible".[18][19]
Peter Fahy, the former spokesman on race issues for the BritishAssociation of Chief Police Officers said: "A lot of police officers and other professionals feel almost the best thing to do is to try and avoid [discussing such attacks] for fear of being criticised. This is not healthy". He added that "it was a fact that it was harder to get the media interested where murder victims were young white men".[22] Montague suggests the lack of police appeals in cases involving White victims may be a cause of the lack of media coverage.[15] Evidence of this was seen in the Parker case, with the police initially appearing keen to dismiss the possible racist aspect of the murder, stating "there was no reason to believe that the attack was racially motivated".[23]
According to Emmanuel Debono, doctor of contemporary history at theParis Institute of Political Studies, the first major controversies surrounding "anti-White racism" around the world took place in the 1960s in response to theCongo Crisis, particularly in France.[24]
Pierre-André Taguieff says that the expression "anti-White racism" appears in the bookRacism in the World (1964) byPierre Paraf, president of the MRAP, at the time a "Third World organization of communist obedience", according to the political scientist. In his book, Paraf wrote, with regard to certain behaviors among African and Asian peoples formerly colonized by Europeans, that "the very nature of racism implies that it is no more foreign to 'men of color' than to whites." The president of the MRAP then emphasized his point: "Anti-Jewish racism,anti-Black racism, anti-White racism... whether collective or individual, racism remains one of the great evils from which mankind suffers today."[25] Taguieff says that theNational Front has effectively instrumentalized the denunciation of "anti-White racism" in France by making it "one of its propaganda themes, and somefar-right publicists have seized on the theme in order to criminalize immigration of non-European origin." However, the political scientist stresses that the expression should not be considered "contaminated by itsLe Penist use" in order to deny or minimize "the reality of the phenomenon", or to intimidate those who evoke anti-White racism.[26]
Claims of racism againstWhites in France have been brought forward by variousfar-right parties,[27] and other groups beginning in the 1980s,[28] including from theright andleft. In September 2012,Jean-François Copé, the leader of theUnion for a Popular Movement (UMP), and then incumbent for hisreelection, denounced the development of an anti-White prejudice by people living in France, some of them French citizens, against the "Gauls", a name among immigrants for the native French, according to him, on the basis of these having a different religion, color skin, and ethnic background.[29][30][31][32] The formerMinister of the Interior,Claude Guéant, went on record stating that this kind of racism is a reality in France and that there is nothing worse than the political elite hiding from the truth.[29] When questioned on the subject, Prime MinisterJean-Marc Ayrault, aSocialist, acknowledged that such racism "can exist"; however, he indicated that one must be "very careful when using words of this nature", warning against "a kind of chase behind the ideas of theNational Front".[33] His government's Minister of Women's Rights,Najat Vallaud-Belkacem, echoed this view when, in her bookRaison de plus! (2012), she called on everyone to recognize the reality of such racism and to condemn it like all others.[19] In December 2023, when questioned about theCrépol attack that led to thedeath of Thomas Perotto, former Prime MinisterÉdouard Philippe considered that it is "quite possible that there is a new form of anti-White racism" in France.[34][35] This opinion was shared by Minister of the InteriorGérald Darmanin, who added that "Not saying [that this racism] exists is not telling the truth."[36][37] In March 2025, Government spokespersonSophie Primas said she has "no shame" in evoking the existence of "anti-White racism".[38] Later that month,Fabien Roussel, national secretary of theFrench Communist Party (PCF), declared: "Of course [anti-White racism] exists", for which he was criticized.[39][40]
French law does not categorize racist offenses according to the victim's ethnic origin; the judicial treatment of such offenses never includes the term "anti-White" in the qualification of the incriminating facts. However, the press sometimes uses the term when reporting on court cases involving racism against a White victim.[41][42] For example, in December 2012, the Criminal Court ofVersailles sentenced an individual who had called his neighbor a "dirty White woman". Found guilty of "public insults of a racist nature", he was sentenced to a two-month suspended prison sentence with a two-yearprobation period.[43][42] In January 2014, a case of assault on a public road, during which insults such as "dirty White" or "dirty French" were uttered, went on trial. At the end of the trial, theCourt of Appeal of Paris upheld the aggravating circumstance of "racism".[44][45] In March 2016, the Court of Appeal ofLyon increased the first instance sentence of an individual convicted of racial insults by three months in prison. The defendant had called a train passenger a "dirty White man, dirty Frenchman".[46][47][48] Following the appeal judgment,Alain Jakubowicz, the president of the anti-racist association LICRA, declared that "all forms of racism are condemnable, wherever they come from and regardless of the victim's skin color, origin or religion. While anti-White racism is a relatively marginal phenomenon compared to other forms of racism orantisemitism, it must be subject to the same rigor and reprobation."[49][47]
In September 2018, French rapperNick Conrad broadcast on the web a song and video called "Pendez les Blancs" (Hang the Whites), for which he was later prosecuted.[50][51][52] In particular, the judges found that "the terms of the song, accompanied by violent and brutal images, directly incite the Internet user to commit attacks on the lives of White people".[53]
In a sociological survey conducted in 2008 by theFrench Institute for Demographic Studies (INED), which never uses the expression "anti-White racism", it appears that 16% of the majority population of France, i.e. the White population, say they have been the victim of a "racist situation", compared to 32% for immigrants and 36% for descendants of immigrants. 23% of the majority population say they "have not experienced a racist situation but feel exposed to it", compared to 29% for immigrants and 25% for descendants of immigrants. In addition, 10% of people of European origin say they have suffered racist discrimination in the last five years, compared to 26% for immigrants, 31% for descendants of two immigrant parents and 17% for descendants of one immigrant parent. The most reported grounds for discrimination by the majority population are 18% related to origin, compared to 70% for immigrants and 65% for descendants of immigrants.[54]
In 2012, INED published a new survey conducted between September 2008 and February 2009 on people born between 1948 and 1990, which showed that 18% of people belonging to the "majority population" said they had been "the target of racist insults, remarks or attitudes" compared to 30% for immigrants and 37% for descendants of immigrants.[55] However, a study by the same institute concluded in 2016 that the phenomenon was "not a mass experience": "Racism by minorities against majorities can be verbally offensive, or even physically aggressive, but it is not systematic and does not produce social inequalities."[56] The same year, Jean-Luc Primon, a sociologist at theUniversity of Nice and researcher at the Migrations and Society Research Unit (URMIS), participating in the TEO survey, the first INED database on origins, declared that a little more than one person in ten of those classified in the so-called "majority" population (neither immigrants, nor from immigration, nor from overseas) declared having experienced racism.[57]
A 2022 survey found that 80% of French people believe that anti-White racism is present in some French communities.[58]
The massacres of almost the entireWhite population in Haiti in 1804, also referred to as theHaitian genocide,[59][60][61] which marked the end of theHaitian Revolution,[62][63] have been partially explained in the context of anti-White racism.[64] On February 22, 1804, revolutionary leaderJean-Jacques Dessalines signed adecree ordering that all French people still residing in the country should be put to death.[65] Dessalines' secretaryLouis Boisrond-Tonnerre complained that the declaration of independence was not aggressive enough, saying that "...we should have the skin of a white man forparchment, his skull for aninkwell, his blood for ink, and abayonet for a pen!".[66]
The people chosen to be killed were targeted primarily based on three criteria: "skin color,citizenship and vocation." While some Whites, such as Poles and Germans who were granted citizenship and "a few non-Frenchveterans and American merchants, along with some useful professionals such as priests and doctors" were spared, political affiliation was not considered.[66] The White victims were almost entirely French, commensurate with their share in the White population of Haiti. About his targets of the massacre, Dessalines' slogan exemplified his mission toeradicate the White population with the saying "Break the eggs, take out the [sic] yoke [a pun on the word 'yellow' which means both yoke andmulatto] and eat the white."[66]Upper class Whites were not the only target; any white of any socioeconomic status was also to be killed, including the urban poor known aspetits blancs (little whites).[67] During the massacre, stabbing,beheading, anddisemboweling were common.[68]
Historian Philippe R. Girard also states that if, after 1804 and throughout the 19th century, the presence of Whites in the country was negligible, they were perceived, in particular by Haitiannationalists, with an antipathy that amounted to racism, excluding alliances with countries with generally White populations such as the United States and European countries, or considered too light-skinned, such as the Dominican Republic. The Black population, a large majority (90% at the beginning of the 19th century), tended to consider themselves the only true Haitian population, calling themselves "authentic", with the exception of themulattos, who were viewed with great suspicion because of their French fathers as well as their frequent possession of slaves before independence. The wordblan, meaning "white man", came to designate the foreigner, and carried a negative connotation that that ofneg, literally "negro", did not have.[69]
Milton Shain, professor emeritus of the Department of Historical Studies at theUniversity of Cape Town, said thatIndian,Coloureds, and White minorities are increasingly being scapegoated by South Africa's rulingAfrican National Congress (ANC).[70] In 2001, former South African presidentNelson Mandela criticized the growing racial intolerance of Black South Africans in their attitudes toward South Africans of other racial groups.[71]
According to Sharlene Swartz, a research specialist of theHuman Sciences Research Council (HSRC), discourses expressing violent resentment towards White populations in South Africa are widespread, citing as an example student protests during which the inscription "Fuck White People" appeared on t-shirts and walls.[72]
In a 2018 survey by theSouth African Institute of Race Relations, White people were the ethnic group that most often reports having been the victim of racism, with 53% of respondents, compared to 47% of Coloureds, 23% of Blacks and 20% of Indians. Anti-White tendencies were also reported in the workplace, with 31% of the population favoring hiring preference for Blacks over Whites, with only 16% of Indians, 13% of Coloureds, and 9% of Whites agreeing, compared to 38% of Blacks.[73]
There have been incidents of violence in the United Kingdom where individuals have attacked White people due to hatred or as a form of racial retaliation.Richard Norman Everitt, a 15-year-oldWhite British teenager, was stabbed to death in London in 1994. Followingethnic tensions in his neighbourhood,Somers Town, Everitt wasmurdered by a gang ofBritish Bangladeshis who were seeking revenge against another White boy. A judge described the killing as "an unprovoked racial attack".[74][75][76]Ross Parker, a 17-year-old White English teenager was murdered inPeterborough in 2001, in what has been described as an unprovokedracially motivated crime. He bled to death after being stabbed, beaten with a hammer and repeatedly kicked by a gang ofBritish Pakistani men.[77][78] The 2002 trial judge concluded that they had planned to find "a white male to attack simply because he was white" in the context of "hostility on the part of some of the younger white residents of the city against theAsian community".[79] In 2004,Kriss Donald, a 15-year-old White Scottish teenager waskidnapped, abused and murdered inGlasgow on the grounds of ethnicity. Four British Pakistani men were sentenced to life in prison for the crime, and admitted to choosing him because he was White.[80][81][82]
In 2019, a British government inquiry by theEquality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) into racism in universities found that 9% of White British students reported experiencing racial harassment, including anti-English, anti-Welsh and anti-Scottish sentiments (compared to 29% of Black students, 27% of Asian students and 22% of other non-White or mixed race students). Academics of color have criticized the Commission for including harassment against White students in the statistics, which they say shows a worrying misunderstanding of racism as it "minimises the racism by including groups who do not experience racial prejudice".[83] Prominent academics and student leaders have criticized the Commission for "drawing a false equivalence between what it described as racial harassment against White British students and staff and the racism suffered by their Black and minority ethnic peers". The EHRC did not respond to requests to remove anti-White harassment from the report, explaining that "its report made clear that racial harassment predominantly affects Black and Asian students".[84]
There areBlack supremacists in the United States who advocate the superiority of the "Black race", including organized groups such as theNation of Islam (NOI) and theNew Black Panther Party (NBPP). These groups have repeatedly been accused of stirring up racial hatred against Whites.[85] TheSouthern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) classifies the NBPP as aBlack separatisthate group[86] and says that its leaders "have advocated the killing of Jews and white people",[87][88] while it describes the NOI as having a "theology of innate black superiority over whites".[89] The NOI was notably represented byMalcolm X andKhalid Abdul Muhammad, who made anti-White speeches and called for the murder ofWhite Americans and White South Africans.[90][91][92] According to the NOI, Whites were created 6,600 years ago as a "race ofdevils" by an evil scientist namedYakub,[93] a story which originated with the founder of the NOI,Wallace D. Fard.[89] The speeches ofElijah Muhammad andLouis Farrakhan, both leaders of the NOI, also often emphasized hatred of Whites.[91][93] For example, at an event inMilwaukee in August 2015, Farrakhan said: "White people deserve to die, and they know, so they think it's us coming to do it".[94]
TheUnited Nuwaubian Nation of Moors, a Black supremacist group, founded and led byDwight York,[95][96] has been described by the SPLC as advocating the belief that Black people are superior to White people. The SPLC reported that York's teachings included the belief that "whites are 'devils', devoid of both heart and soul, their color the result ofleprosy andgenetic inferiority".[97][98] Another Black supremacist group, theNation of Yahweh, founded byHulon Mitchell Jr., also known as Yahweh ben Yahweh, has been described by the SPLC as racist, stating that the group believes that Black people are the trueIsraelites and Whites hold "wicked powers". The SPLC also claims that the group believes that Yahweh ben Yahweh had a Messianic mission to vanquish Whites and that it held views similar to those of theChristian Identity movement, which believes that "Aryans" are the true Israelites and non-Whites are devils. The Nation of Yahweh had eliminated calls for violence and toned down its anti-White rhetoric by 2007, but remained Black supremacist and antisemitic in its ideology.[99]
Proponents of thepseudoscientific "melanin theory" argue that Whites suffer from amelanin deficiency that makes them inferior to Blacks in athletic, intellectual and spiritual terms.[100][101] According to Bernard Ortiz de Montellano, anthropology professor atWayne State University inDetroit, this theory, which has been popular with some proponents ofAfrocentrism and Black supremacists, including professor of Black studiesLeonard Jeffries[102][103] and psychologistFrances Cress Welsing,[104][105] "reactivates biological racism."[100]
In 2024,Donald Trump stated "anti-White feeling" was a problem in the United States. Trump labeled Black prosecutors investigating him as "racist" and called theBlack Lives Matter movement a "symbol of hate". However, anti-Black hate crime was the most common hate crime in theFBI register of reported hate crime in 2022 and higher than anti-White hate crime.[106]
In 2017, a Black gunman named Kori Ali Muhammad shot and killed three White men inFresno, California during the2017 Fresno shootings. He went on a shooting spree due to his hatred for Whites.[107][108]
A 2017 poll found that 55% of White Americans believe that White people face discrimination.[109] A 2022 poll found that 64% ofRepublicans polled said White people experience a fair amount of hate or discrimination in society.[110] A 2023 YouGov poll found that ofTrump 2020 voters, 73% say that racism against White Americans is a problem.[111]
Following the dissolution ofRhodesia and Zimbabwe's independence fromBritish rule in 1980, theZimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF) party came to power. A racist ideology developed, with ZANU andZAPU emphasizing the "sons and daughters of the soil" as genuine citizens as opposed to White aliens by nature (amabhunu, a term imported from South Africa which refers to theBoers).[112] At the time, most agricultural land was owned byWhite Zimbabweans.[113][114] The party, led byRobert Mugabe, implemented racist policies throughland reform, confiscating land from Whites and evicting them from their farms. Under President Robert Mugabe's regime, discrimination and violence were perpetrated against the country's White community, with the participation and encouragement of the state.[115][116][117][118] Most White farmers were dispossessed and several were murdered.[119][120][121] Mugabe was regularly accused of stoking hostility towards Zimbabwe's White farmers and blaming them for the failure of his land reform to save his power.[122][123][124]
On several occasions, Mugabe also made statements deemed racist towards Whites,[118][125] referring to White Rhodesians as "blood-sucking exploiters", "sadistic killers", and "hard-core racists".[126] He called on supporters "to strike fear in the hearts of the white man, our real enemy",[127] and accused his Black opponents of being dupes of the Whites.[128] In one typical example, taken from a 1978 radio address, Mugabe declared: "Let us hammer [the White man] to defeat. Let us blow up his citadel. Let us give him no time to rest. Let us chase him in every corner. Let us rid our home of this settler vermin".[129]
Since then, Zimbabwe's White population has steadily declined, from 260,000 in 1975 to around 30,000 in 2014. While Whites accounted for 80% of the national income, this agrarian policy has fostered famine in the formerbreadbasket of Africa. From an exporter, the country became an importer.[124] In December 2008, theSouthern African Development Community (SADC) Tribunal, in the case ofMike Campbell (Pvt) Ltd v Zimbabwe, accused Mugabe and his government of waging a racist political campaign in which land confiscations were carried out in a discriminatory manner.[130][131] The government and theSupreme Court of Zimbabwe contested the tribunal's decision.[132][131][133] However, in 2016, noting the harmful impact of his measures on agricultural production, Mugabe called for the return to the country of White farmers forced into exile.[134]
In 2017, new PresidentEmmerson Mnangagwa's inaugural speech promised to pay compensation to the White farmers whose land was seized during the land reform program.[135] Rob Smart became the first White farmer whose land was returned after President Mnangagwa was sworn in to office; he returned to his farm inManicaland province by military escort.[136] During theWorld Economic Forum 2018 inDavos, Mnangagwa also stated that his new government believes thinking about racial lines in farming and land ownership is "outdated", and should be a "philosophy of the past."[137]
In 2000, paramilitaries killed their first white farmer in Virginia, Dave Stevens. More typically, armed groups surrounded farmhouses and harassed their occupants (meanwhile assaulting and often killing black farm workers).
