Anti-Ukrainian sentiment (Ukrainian:Протиукраїнські настрої,romanized: Protyukrainski nastroyi),Ukrainophobia (Ukrainian:Українофобія,romanized: Ukrainofobiia), oranti-Ukrainianism (Ukrainian:Протиукраїзм,romanized: Protyukraizm) is animosity towardsUkrainians,Ukrainian culture, theUkrainian language,Ukraine as a nation, or all of the above.[1]
Modern scholars divide anti-Ukrainian sentiment into two types. One type consists of discrimination against Ukrainians based on their ethnic or cultural origin, typical forms ofxenophobia,racism, and broaderanti-Slavic sentiment. Another type consists of the conceptual rejection of Ukrainians as an actualethnic group and the rejection of theUkrainian culture andlanguage, based on the belief that they are unnatural because they were artificially formed; at the turn of the 20th century, severalRussian nationalist authors asserted that the Ukrainian identity and language had both been artificially created in order to undermine Russia.[2] Since then, this argument has also been made by other Russian nationalist authors.[1]
WithinRussian nationalist narratives andpropaganda, Ukrainophobic stereotypes range from mockery to ascribing negative traits to the whole Ukrainian nation, and people of Ukrainian descent include:
The rise and spread of Ukrainian self-awareness around the time of theRevolutions of 1848 produced an anti-Ukrainian sentiment within some layers of society within theRussian Empire. In order to retard and control this movement, the use of the Ukrainian language within the Russian empire was initially restricted by official government decrees such as theValuev Circular(18 July 1863) and later banned by theEms ukaz(18 May 1876) from any use in print (with the exception of reprinting of old documents). Popularly, the anti-Ukrainian sentiment was promulgated by such organizations as the "Black Hundreds", which were vehemently opposed to Ukrainianself-determination. Some restrictions on the use of the Ukrainian language were relaxed in 1905–1907. They ceased to be policed after the February Revolution in 1917.
Besides theEms ukaz andValuev Circular, there was a series ofanti-Ukrainian language edicts starting from the 17th century, when Russia was governed by theHouse of Romanov. In 1720,Peter the Great issued an edict prohibiting printing books in the Ukrainian language, and since 1729, all edicts and instructions have only been in theRussian language. In 1763,Catherine the Great issued an edict prohibiting lectures in theUkrainian language at theKyiv-Mohyla Academy. In 1769, theMost Holy Synod prohibited printing and using the Ukrainianalphabet book. In 1775, theZaporizhian Sich was destroyed. In 1832, all studying at schools of theRight-bank Ukraine transitioned to exclusively Russian language. In 1847, the Russian government persecuted all members of theBrotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius and prohibited the works ofTaras Shevchenko,Panteleimon Kulish,Mykola Kostomarov (Nikolai Kostomarov), and others. In 1862, all free Sunday schools for adults in Ukraine were closed. In 1863, the Russian Minister of the Interior, Valuev, decided that the Little Russian language (Ukrainian language) had never existed and could not ever exist. During that time in the winter of 1863–64, theJanuary Uprising took place at the western regions of the Russian Empire, uniting peoples of the formerPolish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Next year in 1864 the "Regulation about elementary school" claimed that all teaching should be conducted in the Russian language. In 1879, the Russian Minister of EducationDmitry Tolstoy (later the Russian Minister of the Interior) officially and openly stated that all people of the Russian Empire should undergo forcibleRussification. In the 1880s, several edicts were issued prohibiting education in the Ukrainian language at private schools, theatrical performances in Ukrainian, any use of Ukrainian in official institutions, andchristening Ukrainian names. In 1892, another edict prohibited translation from the Russian to Ukrainian. In 1895, the Main Administration of Publishing prohibited printing children books in Ukrainian. In 1911, the resolution adopted at the 7th Congress of Noblemen in Moscow prohibited the use of any languages other than Russian. In 1914, the Russian government officially prohibited celebrations of the 100th Anniversary of Shevchenko's birthday and posted gendarmes at theChernecha Hill. The same year,Nicholas II of Russia issued an edict prohibiting the Ukrainian press.
"In their timeMarko Kropyvnytsky, Ivan Tobilevych, Mykola Sadovsky,Maria Zankovetska, Panas Saksahansky all should have been hanged. Then no one would even have heard about Ukraine."
UnderSoviet rule in Ukraine, a policy ofkorenization was adopted after the defeat of theUkrainian People's Republic, and it initially supported Ukrainian cultural self-awareness. This policy was phased out in 1928, and in 1932, it was entirely terminated in favor ofRussification.
In 1929,Mykola Kulish wrote a theatrical play, "Myna Mazailo", in which the author cleverly describes the cultural situation in Ukraine. There was supposedly no anti-Ukrainian sentiment within the Soviet government, which began to repress all aspects of Ukrainian culture and language, a policy which was contrary to the ideology of Proletarian Internationalism.
In 1930, theUnion for the Freedom of Ukraine process was established inKharkiv, after which numerous former Ukrainian politicians and their relatives were forcibly deported toCentral Asia.[8]
During theGreat Purge, a whole generation of Ukrainian poets, writers, and interpreters was prosecuted and executed, which further gained its own name ofExecuted Renaissance.[9]
During theSoviet era, the population of Ukraine was reduced by the artificialfamine, known in history as theHolodomor, which was perpetrated against the Ukrainian people between 1932 and 1933, along with the population of other nearby agrarian areas of the USSR.Collectivization in the Soviet Union and a lack of favored industries were the primary contributors to famine mortality (52% of excess deaths), and evidence shows that ethnic Ukrainians and Germans were targeted.[10] According to aCentre for Economic Policy Research paper published in 2021 by Andrei Markevich, Natalya Naumenko, and Nancy Qian, regions with higher Ukrainian population shares were struck harder with centrally planned policies corresponding to famine, and Ukrainian populated areas were given lower amounts of tractors which were correlated to a reduction in famine mortality, ultimately concluding that 92% of famine deaths in Ukraine alone along with 77% of famine deaths in Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus combined can be explained by systematic bias against Ukrainians.[11]
Many prominent Ukrainians were labelled nationalists or anti-revolutionaries, and many of them were repressed and executed asenemies of the people.[12]
In January 1944, during a session of the Politbureau of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Stalin personally made a speech "About anti-Lenin mistakes and nationalistic perversions in a film-tale ofAlexander Dovzhenko,Ukraine in Flames.[13]
On 2 July 1951, the Communist newspaperPravda published an article "On Ideological Perversions in Literature" with regard to theVolodymyr Sosyura's poem "Love Ukraine" which contained the following passage: "This poem could have been signed by such foes of the Ukrainian people asPetliura andBandera ... For Sosiura writes about Ukraine and the love of it outside the limits of time and space. This is an ideologically vicious work. Contrary to the truth of life, the poet sings praises of a certain 'eternal' Ukraine full of flowers, curly willows, birds, and waves on the Dnipro."[14]
Modern analysis indicates that theUkrainian language was underrepresented in Soviet media productions.[15]
Inciting and dehumanizing anti-Ukrainian narratives that keep recurring in this context on social media platforms have been analyzed. They have been compared with hate speech that in the past has been used to justify violence against groups such as the victims of the Holocaust, groups targeted by the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, the Tutsi people during the Rwanda genocide of 1994, and the Rohingya in Myanmar.
In the case of the Russo-Ukrainian war, approving and promoting the violence includes, i.a., celebrating Russian war crimes such as theBucha massacre, or theRussian missile strike on an apartment building in Dnipro in January 2023, which killed more than 40 civilians. Social media accounts posting on such themes often simultaneously target sexual and gender minorities, promote conspiracy theories such as "biolabs in Ukraine", QANON, and tend to express support forDonald Trump.[16]
Under Nazi ideology, Ukrainians—along with other Slavic peoples—were viewed asUntermenschen (“subhumans”) and were thus subjected to extreme racial prejudice and exploitation. Nazi Germany did not recognize Ukrainians as a distinct nation or ethnic group worthy of sovereignty; instead, they were seen as a fragmented rural population to be subjugated, enslaved, or displaced in service of German expansionist aims.
Adolf Hitler and other key Nazi theorists considered Slavs racially inferior and politically incapable of self-rule. InMein Kampf, Hitler referred to Slavs as racially “inferior” and praised the Germanic right to conquer eastern lands.[17]
The 1942Generalplan Ost, developed by Heinrich Himmler’s SS, laid out a vision of the mass expulsion and enslavement of tens of millions of Slavs, including Ukrainians. The plan envisioned that only a small fraction of the local population—10% or less—would be “Germanized,” while the rest would be forcibly removed or left to die under conditions of starvation and forced labor.[18]
Despite some initial Ukrainian support for Germany in 1941—particularly among nationalists who hoped for independence—the Nazi regime quickly cracked down on Ukrainian autonomy. The short-lived Ukrainian National Government, declared in Lviv by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), was dissolved by the Gestapo within days, and its leaders (including Yaroslav Stetsko and Stepan Bandera) were arrested.[19]
ReichskommissarErich Koch, appointed to administer occupied Ukraine, openly declared contempt for the local population:
“We are a master race… I will squeeze the last drop out of the country. I did not come to spread bliss.”— Erich Koch, Reichskommissar of Ukraine[20]
Under Koch’s brutal rule, millions of Ukrainians were subjected to forced labor, starvation policies, and mass executions. An estimated 2.2 million Ukrainians were deported to work as Ostarbeiter (“Eastern workers”) in Germany under slave-like conditions.[21]
Nazi propaganda and administrative documents routinely dehumanized Ukrainians. A 1942 directive from the SS stated:
“Ukrainians, like all Russians, are to be viewed as primitive people. They should be taught only simple labor, not politics, culture, or higher learning.”[22]
This systematic denial of education, cultural development, and self-determination exemplified the Nazis’ broader strategy: to erase Ukrainian identity and absorb the territory into a racially stratified German empire.
On Sunday, 15 July 2012, the national television broadcasting station in Ukraine,First National, in its news program "Weekly overview" (Ukrainian:Підсумки тижня,romanized: Pidsumky tyzhnia) showed a video footage on the development of anti-Ukrainian sentiments within Ukraine.[23]
A propaganda article posted on the website of theKremenchuk department of theCommunist Party of Ukraine argues that the history that was published during theSoviet regime was the true history, and that new historical facts being uncovered from the archives are false.[24] The article also denies the existence of theUkrainian culture.
Mykola Levchenko, a Ukrainian parliamentarian from theParty of Regions, and the deputy of theDonetsk City Council, publicly stated that there should be only one language, Russian. He says that the Ukrainian language is impractical and should be avoided. Levchenko called Ukrainian the language of folklore and anecdotes. However, he says he will speak the literary Ukrainian language on principle, once Russian is adopted as the sole state language.[25] Anna German, the spokesperson of the same party, highly criticized those statements.[26]
Mykhailo Bakharev, the vice-speaker of theCrimean Autonomous Republic parliament (and chief editor ofKrymskaya Pravda), openly says that there is no Ukrainian language and that it is the language of the non-educated part of the population. He falsely claimed that it was invented byTaras Shevchenko and others. He also believes that there is no Ukrainian nation, there is no future for the Ukrainian State, and that Ukrainization needs to be stopped.[27]
The former Ukrainian Minister of Science and Education,Dmytro Tabachnyk, sparked protests calling him anti-Ukrainian in some parts of Ukraine due to his statements about Western Ukrainians, his preference for the Russian language, and hisdenial of the Holodomor.[28][29] Tabachnyk's view ofUkraine's history includes the thesis that western Ukrainians aren't reallyUkrainian. In an article for theRussian newspaperIzvestia, Tabachnyk wrote in 2009: "Halychany (western Ukrainians) practically don't have anything in common with the people ofGreat Ukraine, not in mentality, not in religion, not in linguistics, not in the political arena". "We have different enemies and different allies. Furthermore, our allies and even brothers are their enemies, and their "heroes" (Stepan Bandera,Roman Shukhevych) for us are killers, traitors and abettors ofHitler's executioners."[28] By 17 March 2010, four of western Ukraine's regional councils had passed resolutions calling for the minister's dismissal. A host of civic and student organizations from all over the country (includingKherson in southern Ukraine andDonetsk ineastern Ukraine), authors, and formerSoviet dissidents also signed petitions calling for his removal.[28] Tabachnik also had stated that Ukrainian history textbooks contained "simply false" information and announced his intention to rewrite them.[30][31]
In response to Ukraine's 1991 declaration of independence, a prominent Russian poet,Joseph Brodsky, wrote a deeply offensive poemOn the Independence of Ukraine. The poem was rediscovered and popularized by Russian state media in 2015 at the peak of thewar in Donbas.[32]
In a poll held byLevada Center in June 2009 in Russia, 75% of Russian respondents respected Ukrainians as an ethnic group, but 55% were negative about Ukraine as the state. In May 2009, 96% of Ukrainians polled byKyiv International Sociology Institute were positive about Russians as an ethnic group, 93% respected theRussian Federation, and 76% respected the Russian establishment.[33]
Some Russian media seem to try to discredit Ukraine.[34][35][36][37][38][39][40][41][excessive citations] Anti-Ukrainian attitude persists among several Russian politicians, such as the former mayor of Moscow,Yuri Luzhkov, and the former leader of theLiberal Democratic Party of Russia and former Deputy Speaker of theRussian Parliament,Vladimir Zhirinovsky.[42] Russian state officials have made anti-Ukrainian statements, for example, Deputy Chair of theRussian Security CouncilDmitry Medvedev said in April 2022 that "the very essence of Ukrainianness, fed by anti-Russian venom and lies about its identity, is one big sham. Ukrainian identity does not exist and never has."[43]
In 2006, in letters toVladimir Putin,Viktor Yushchenko andVasily Duma, the Ukrainian Cultural Centre ofBashkortostan complained of anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Russia, which they claim includes wide use of anti-Ukrainianethnic slurs in the mainstream Russian media, television and film.[44] The Urals Association of Ukrainians also made a similar complaint in a letter they addressed to theOrganization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in 2000.[45]
According to the Ukrainian Cultural Centre of Bashkortostan, despite their significant presence in Russia, Ukrainians in that country have less access to Ukrainian-language schools and Ukrainian churches than do other ethnic groups.[45] In Vladivostok, according to the head of the Ukrainian government's department of Ukrainian Diaspora Affairs, local Russian officials banned a Ukrainian Sunday school in order not to "accentuate national issues".[46]
According to the president of the Ukrainian World Congress in 2001, persistent requests to register aUkrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate or aUkrainian Catholic Church were hampered due to "particular discrimination" against them, while other Catholic, Muslim, and Jewish denominations fared much better.[47] According to theUkrainian Greek Catholic Church, by 2007, their denomination had only one church building in all of Russia.[48]
In 2008, Nikolai Smirnov released a documentary in which he claims that Ukraine is part of one whole Russia that was split away by various Western powers, particularly Poland.[49][50]
In November 2010, theHigh Court of Russia cancelled registration of one of the biggest civic communities of the Ukrainian minority, the "Federal nation-cultural autonomy of the Ukrainians in Russia" (FNCAUR).[51] According to the author,Mykhailo Ratushniy, Ukrainian activists continue to face discrimination and bigotry in much of Russia.[52]
Under theSecond Polish Republic, Ukrainians were routinely discriminated against (along with other minorities). They were excluded from public jobs, Polish peasants were favoured when land from nobles' estates was divided during land reform, and the Polish government went so far as to raze Orthodox churches and to plan the expulsion of all Ukrainians from theKholm region. During theSecond World War, some Ukrainians initially supported Soviet and German occupation over continued Polish rule. Polish and Ukrainian militant organisations fought an underground war during and after the German occupation. Many Poles consider the destruction of Polish villages and killing of civilians during the conflict asgenocide of Poles, although Polish underground organisations also massacred Ukrainians (e.g. during thePawlokoma massacre, which occurred after the Volhynia massacre).[53][54][55][56][57]
In late 1995, Ukrainian organization "ZUwP" was demanded to be banned[58] following the wave of anti-Ukrainian actions that have erupted during the festival of Ukrainian culture in Poland in the border town ofPrzemyśl in 1995 where numerous threats against participants and numerous acts of vandalism took place. A rise in incidences of graffiti with anti-Ukrainian slogans, and the office of "Związek Ukraińców w Polsce" was set alight.[59] In some[which?] cities anti-Ukrainian assaults, vandalism acts of an organised character have targeted centres of Ukrainian culture, schools, churches, memorials.[60]
Ukrainophobic and antisemitic authors (mainly interbellumEndecja activists) published by Polish publishing houseNortom[61] include:Roman Dmowski,[62]Janusz Dobrosz,Jędrzej Giertych,Jan Ludwik Popławski,Maciej Giertych,Stanisław Jastrzębski andEdward Prus.[63][64] In 2000, Nortom was forced to withdraw its 12 controversial titles from the Frankfurt Book Fair by the Polish Ministry of Culture representative Andrzej Nowakowski overlooking the Polish exposition. Nortom was accused of selling anti-German, anti-Ukrainian and antisemitic books, especially the following titles: "Być czy nie być" by Stanisław Bełza, "Polska i Niemcy" by Jędrzej Giertych and "I tak nie przemogą. Antykościół, antypolonizm, masoneria" by his son Maciej Giertych. As a result of the above request, the president of the Polish delegation Andrzej Chrzanowski from Polska Izba Książki decided to penalise Nortom by removing it from the 2000 book fair altogether.[61]
With the outbreak of theRusso-Ukrainian War in 2014, the number of Ukrainian people in Poland increased, especially those emigrating for work purposes, whose number began to grow in 2015.[65] At that time, a stereotype of a Ukrainian as a cheap worker working illegally or as a person taking jobs from Poles in Poland emerged[66] and increase in anti-immigrant sentiments by some political parties.
24 February 2022, armed forces of the Russian Federationinvaded Ukraine. As a result, by November 2023, over 17 million Ukrainian citizens had crossed the Polish-Ukrainian border.[67] The government and Polish society decided to help Ukraine, but the situation caused by theUkrainian refugee crisis also resulted in a negative attitude towards Ukrainians among some Poles. PoliticiansGrzegorz Braun andJanusz Korwin-Mikke are often associated with anti-Ukrainian statements along with theConfederation Liberty and Independence party.[68] There were critical voices regarding aid for Ukraine and the alleged disarmament of the Polish Army from which newly purchased equipment was supposed to be sent to Ukraine. While some of these votes were right, some of them were mainly related to Russian propaganda. In 2022 the hashtag #StopUkrainizacjiPolski (Stop the ukrainization of Poland) was popularized. Anti-Ukrainian sentiments were not only related to economic topics and war, but also appeared with various incidents such as the murder onNowy Świat street in Warsaw in May 2022, for which a Ukrainian citizen was allegedly responsible, or themissile explosion incident in Przewodów.[69] A few smaller incidents also sparked anti-Ukrainian sentiments,[70] but in some incidents some media incorrectly attributed Ukrainian nationality to the welders an example of which is the situation with 2 May 2023 when during the Polish Cup final in Warsaw a man who attacked police officers with an ax was wrongly presented as a Ukrainian citizen, even though he was a Polish citizen.[71]
Recently, the most negative feelings among Polish society have been aroused by military support for Ukraine, which is defined as the transfer of military equipment and some necessary logistic supplies for free, and the problem related to Ukrainiangrain, which caused farmers' protests on the Polish-Ukrainian border related to the massive flooding of the market with Ukrainian grain, lowering local prices.[72][73]
Anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Portugal has grown since the arrival ofUkrainian immigrants to Portuguese territory in the 1990s.[citation needed] Most Ukrainians in Portugal work in low-skill and low wages jobs, particularly on cleaning services, construction, manufacturing industries, transport services, hotels and restaurants.[74] In March 2020, a Ukrainian citizen named Ihor Humenyuk was interrogated and tortured to death atLisbon airport while trying to immigrate to Portugal irregularly.[75][76]
Anti-Ukrainian discrimination was present in Canada from the arrival ofUkrainians in Canada around 1891 until the late 20th century. In one sense this was part of a larger trend towardsnativism in Canada during the period. But Ukrainians were singled out for special discrimination because of their large numbers, visibility (due to dress, non-western European appearance, and language), and political activism. During the First World War,around 8,000 Ukrainian Canadians were interned by the Canadian government as "enemy aliens" (because they came from the Austrian Empire). In the interwar period all Ukrainian cultural and political groups, no matter what their ideology was, were monitored by theRoyal Canadian Mounted Police and many of their leaders were deported.[77]
This attitude began to slowly change after theSecond World War, as Canadian immigration and cultural policies generally moved from being explicitly nativist to a more pluralistic one. Ukrainian nationalists were now seen as victims of communism, rather than dangerous subversives.[citation needed] Ukrainians began to hold high offices, and one, SenatorPaul Yuzyk was one of the earliest proponents of a policy of "multiculturalism" which would end official discrimination and acknowledge the contribution of non-English, non-French Canadians. TheRoyal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism of the 1960s, which had originally been formed only to deal with French-Canadian grievances, began the transition to multiculturalism in Canada because of Prime MinisterPierre Trudeau's desire to court Ukrainian votes in Western Canada. The commission also included a Ukrainian Canadian commissioner,Jaroslav Rudnyckyj.
Since the adoption of official multiculturalism underSection Twenty-seven of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, Ukrainians in Canada have had legal protection against discrimination.[citation needed] Ukrainian Canadians have held high offices including Governor General (Ray Hnatyshyn), Deputy Prime Minister (Chrystia Freeland), Leader of the Opposition (Rona Ambrose), and several premiers of provinces.
According to researcher Mārtiņš Kaprāns ofCenter for European Policy Analysis, disinformation about Ukraine is dominant in Latvia's pro-Kremlin andRussian language media, which has contributed to a negative image of Ukraine in its Russian-speaking population, while ethnic Latvians are largely supportive of Ukraine. He has namedTatyana Zhdanok,Alexander Gaponenko [lv;ru] andvesti.lv as some of the sources of anti-Ukrainian statements in Latvia.[78]
On 20 May 2022, a man in Riga was ordered to pay 6034.55 euros as material and moral damages and sentenced to 200 hours ofcommunity service for attacking a young man with aflag of Ukraine on his shoulders.[79] A police officer and an alleged spouse of the attacker present at the moment of the attack was fired from theState Police fornegligence.[80] On 24 June 2022, a criminal case was launched against two young people for burning a flag of Ukraine atVērmane Garden with the intention of posting the video onTikTok to gain popularity and provoke Ukrainians.[81]
On 23 June 2024,Pak Jong-chon made a statement in which he compares Ukrainians to neo-Nazis.[82]
The use of ethnic slurs and stereotypes in relation to Ukrainians inRussian media[83] is one of Ukrainian community's concerns in Russia.[44]
There are a number of Russian insults based on the alleged opposition of all Ukrainians to all things Russian (or all thingsSoviet, in the past):
khokhol.
Much in the same way as the tsarist government in its day branded all patriotic Ukrainians as "Mazepists" after Hetman Ivan Mazepa, the Russian state-controlled media have labeled EuroMaidan activists as "Banderites" after the twentieth-century nationalist leader Stepan Bandera (1909-1959). This stigmatization is unjust because radical nationalists constituted only a small minority among EuroMaidan revolutionaries, and their political parties performed poorly in the parliamentary elections that followed the revolution. Yet, it was a clever propaganda trick to associate a separate Ukrainian national identity exclusively with the most radical branch of Ukrainian nationalism. To most Russians and many Russian-speakers in eastern Ukraine, the term "Banderite" still carries negative historical connotations, established in Stalin's time. After World War II ended, the Soviet press denounced the Bandera-led insurgents, who resisted the Sovietization of eastern Galicia.
The common noun "Banderivtsi" ("Banderites") emerged around this time, and it was used to designate all Ukrainian nationalists, but also, on occasion, western Ukrainians or even any person who spoke Ukrainian. Even today, the term "Banderivtsi" in public debate is never neutral — it can be used pejoratively or proudly.
In Soviet Ukraine, the nationalist project was repressed or vilified in its entirety. Hundreds of thousands of civilians from Western Ukraine were deported to forced labour camps. "Banderovets" became a label that could be attached to any real or purported enemy of Soviet power in western Ukraine. It sounded as bad as "fascist". There was no effort to recognise the UPA as an independent actor with its own agenda, and to distinguish it from outright collaborationism, i.e. the Ukrainian "Waffen-SS Division 'Galizien'" which was under German command. There was also no effort to differentiate between different currents in and periods of OUN and UPA policy, and its more democratic rhetoric towards the end of the war. Even in the 1980s Ukrainian dissidents, no matter how democratic they were, could be labelled "Banderites" or "Fascists".
Damit bedient er ein klassisches Propaganda-Narrativ des Kremls[In doing so, he is using a classic Kremlin propaganda narrative]
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