They are also found within the Ethiopian expatriate community, particularly inNorth America.[13][14] They speakAmharic, anAfroasiatic language of theSemitic branch which serves as the main and one of the five official languages of Ethiopia.[15] As of 2018, Amharic has over 32 million native speakers and 25 million second language speakers.[16]
The Amhara and neighboring groups in North and Central Ethiopia andEritrea, more specifically the diaspora refer to themselves as "Habesha" (Abyssinian) people.[17][18][19][20][21]
Historically, the Amhara held significant political position in theEthiopian Empire. They were the origin of theSolomonic dynasty and all the emperors of Ethiopia were Amhara with the exception ofYohannes IV since the restoration of the dynasty in 1270.[22][23]
Origin
Among the earliestextants of the Amhara as a people, dates to the early 12th century in the middle of the Zagwe Dynasty, when the Amhara were recorded of being in conflict in theland ofWärjih in 1128 AD.[24][25]
Another early reference of the Amhara comes from the mid-12th century source byUmara al-Yamani, where he explicitly mentions that one of the 9th century rulers of theNajahid Dynasty, identified as an individual named Kaid Abu Muhammad Surur al-Fatiki, "...belonged to the Abyssinian tribe of Amhara, and all I can relate of him is but as a drop in the sea of his great merit".[26] A non-contemporary 13th or 14th centuryhagiographical source fromSaint Tekle Haymanot tracesAmhara even further back to the mid 9th century AD as a named location and a recognized territorial domain.[27][28]
Ethnogenesis
Amharic is a SouthEthio-Semitic language, along withGurage,Argobba and others.[29][30][31] Some time before the 1st century AD, the North and South branches of Ethio-Semitic diverged.[31][32] Due to the social stratification of the time, theCushiticAgaw adopted the South Semitic language and mixed with the Semitic population.[33][34][35][36] Amharic thus developed with a Cushiticsubstratum and a Semiticsuperstratum.[37][38] The proto-Amhara, or the northernmost South Ethio-Semitic speakers, remained in constant contact with their North Ethio-Semitic neighbors, evidenced bylinguistic analysis and oral traditions.[39][40] A 7th century southward shift of the center of gravity of theKingdom of Aksum and the ensuing integration and Christianization of the proto-Amhara also resulted in a high prevalence ofGeʽez sourced lexicon in Amharic.[41][42][43] By about the 9th century AD, there was a linguistically distinct ethnic group called the Amhara in the area ofBete Amhara.[32]
Etymology
The origin of the Amhara name is debated. toAnother popular etymology claims that it derives fromGe'ezዐም (ʿam, "people") andሐራ (ḥara, "free" or "soldier").[44]
Evidence of a traceable Christian Aksumite presence in Amhara dates back to at least the 9th century AD, when theIstifanos monastery was erected onLake Hayq.[46] Several other sites and monuments indicate the presence of similar Axumite influences in the area, such as the Geta Lion statues, which are located 10 km south ofKombolcha, and are believed to date back to the 3rd century AD, though they may even date back to pre-Axumite times.[47][48]
In 1998, ancient pieces of pottery were found around tombs in Atatiya in Southern Wollo, inHabru which is located to the south-east ofHayq, as well as to the north-east of Ancharo (Chiqa Beret). The decorations and symbols which are inscribed on the pottery substantiate the expansion of Aksumite civilization to the south of Angot.[49]
According toKarl Butzer "By 800, Axum had almost ceased to exist, and its demographic resources were barely adequate to stop the once tributary pastoralists of the border marches from pillaging the defenseless countryside." With some of the common people the Axumite elite abandoned Axum in favor of central Ethiopia.[50] Christian families gradually migrated southward into Amhara and northern Shewa. Population movement from the old provinces in the north into more fertile areas in the south seems to have been connected to the southward shift of the kingdom.[51]
The Christianization of Amhara is believed to have begun somewhere during the Aksumite period. The political importance of Amhara further increased after the fall ofAksum, which marked the shift of the political center of the Christian Ethiopian state from Aksum in the north to theZagwe region ofLasta further inland.[52][53]
Yekuno Amlak, a prince fromBete Amhara (lit: House of Amhara) claimed descent fromSolomon,[55] and established the Solomonic Dynasty in 1270 AD.[56] The early rulers of theSolomonic Dynasty may have been referred to as the "kings ofAmhara", due to the origin of their founder,Yekuno Amlak, and therefore, their followers were called "Amhara" and brought this new name with them when they conquered new lands. Characterized by a Christian feudal culture, and by the adoption ofAmharic, which from became thelingua franca. This population of a rather small province became the dominant group in the empire.[57]
Around this time, Medieval Arab historians state that Christian Ethiopia was under the sovereignty of "the Lord of Amhara" which confirms that the newSolomonic dynasty appeared to be of the Amhara stock in the eyes of its contemporaries. The Egyptian historianal-Mufaddal ibn Abi al-Fada'il in 704Hijri (1304-1305 AD) labelled the Emperor ofAbyssinia asal-Malik al-Amhari or "the Amhara King."[58] In 1436Ibn Taghribirdi wrote a passage about the death of EmperorYeshaq referring to him as the lord of Amhara, "TheHatse, the Abyssinian king, the infidel and the Lord of the Amhara in Abyssinia died (in this year). His estates were much enlarged after wars waged and led by him against SultanSa'ad ad-Din, the Lord of theJabarta."[58] The 14th century Syrian historian,Al-Umari, recorded that theIfat Sultanate as well as all the other Muslim principalities in the region, were under the authority of the "King of Amhara" who collected tribute from them and appointed their sultans.[59] In the early 15th century Egyptian writerAl-Maqrizi details a number of revolts against Christian rule in theSultanate of Ifat, which were subsequently crushed by "the Amhara".[60][61]
The cultural contact and interaction between the Amhara and the indigenousAgaw accelerated after the 14th century. As the Agaw adopted theAmharic language and converted toOrthodox Christianity, they increasingly succumbed to Amhara acculturation. OtherSouth Semitic speakers like theGafat andArgobba in Shewa also began to adopt Amharic and assimilate into Amhara society. By the end of the 16th century, the populations ofGojjam,Lasta andBegemder were almost completely made up of Christian Amharic speakers.[62]
Despite every work on Ethiopia stressing the political dominance of the Amhara people in the history of the Ethiopian Christian empire. In both Christian and Muslim written traditions up to the 19th century, and in the Ethiopian chronicles of the 14th to 18th centuries, the term "Amhara" is a region, not an ethnonym. In pre-17th century Ethiopia, Amhara was described as the heartland of the Empire and the cradle of the monarchy. Medieval European maps suggest that within theEthiopian Empire, Amhara had a higher position as a "kingdom" among provinces. The Italian (Venetian) cartographerFra Mauro, notes aRegno Hamara or "Kingdom of Amhara" in his famousMappomondo in 1460. Important information on Amhara is provided in theHistoria Aethiopica byHiob Ludolf, the data of which came fromAbba Gorgoryos, himself a native of Amhara. On the map ofHistoria Aethiopica, Amhara is situated between theAbay River to the west, theBashilo River in the north, theAfar Depression to the east and theAwash River to the south. The province consisted of much ofWollo and northernShewa, and encompassed the region ofLake Hayq and the famousIstifanos Monastery.[62]
A portrait ofTewodros II from the German-born missionary, Johann Martin Flad, who was one of the European prisoners at Magdala
The Amhara monarchs moved continuously from region to region living inkatamas, showing a particular preference for the southernly regions ofIfat,Shewa andDawaro until the political upheavals of the 16th century, after which the province ofBegemder became home for the city ofGondar, royal capital for the Ethiopian polity from the 1630s to the mid-19th century. Within the broader territory of Amharic speakers, certain regions developed into autonomous political centers. To the south, beyond Lake Tana, the province ofGojjam developed a dynasty of rulers and became a powerful kingdom within theEthiopian Empire. The district ofMenz inShewa became the center for the development of a political dynasty culminating in KingSahle Selassie, EmperorMenelik II and EmperorHaile Selassie.[63]
Through their control of the political center of Ethiopian society and via assimilation, conquests, and intermarriages, the Amhara have spread their language and many customs well beyond the borders of their primary homeland inBete Amhara. This expansion served as a cohesive force, binding together the disparate elements of the larger Ethiopian polity. This cohesion proved crucial for the Ethiopian state as it engaged in the process of modern nation-building in the 19th century, thereby preserving its independence against potential threats from European colonial powers. Additionally, it facilitated various modernizing initiatives, including the abolition of the slave trade, the implementation of new communication and transportation systems, the establishment of schools and hospitals, and the creation of modern government institutions.[63]
1921 photo captioned "Amhara head of the guard of theNegus."
Within traditional Amharic society and that of other localAfro-Asiatic-speaking populations, there were four basic strata. According to the Donald Levine, these consisted of high-ranking clans, low-ranking clans, caste groups (artisans), and slaves.[64][65] Slaves or rather servants were at the bottom of the hierarchy, and were primarily drawn from the paganNiloticShanqella andOromo peoples.[66]
Also known as thebarya (meaning "slave" in Amharic), they were captured during slave raids in Ethiopia's southern hinterland. War captives were another source of slaves, but the perception, treatment and duties of these prisoners was markedly different.[67] According to Levine, the widespread slavery in Greater Ethiopia formally ended in the 1930s, but former slaves, their offspring, and de facto slaves continued to hold similar positions in the social hierarchy.[68][69] Oromo as "Galla,"[70] The Amhara, as the ruling people, enslaved other ethnic groups such as theOromo people (historically referred to asGalla).[71][68] The central Amhara provinces were a part of major slave caravan trade routes from the southern and southwestern regions to northern Ethiopia.[72] According to Terence Walz and Kenneth M. Cuno,Ottoman-era court records indicate that it is improbable that Amhara, during theEthiopian-Ottoman border conflict, were enslaved under the ruleAli Mubarak as they were who governed the Abyssinian highlands and whose warlords were one of many groups that habitually raided elsewhere for slaves.[73] According to Gustav Arén, Ethiopian law did not prohibit slave-holding, but did forbid the enslavement of Christians.[74] As such, George Arthur Lipsky indicates that the Amhara resisted converting the non-Christian ethnic groups to Christianity, because they could not thereafter be kept or sold as slaves.[75] John Ralph Willis states that slave merchants avoided purchasing Christian Amhara or Tigrean slaves.[76]
The separateAmhara caste system of people ranked higher than slaves was based on the following concepts: (1) endogamy, (2) hierarchical status, (3) restraints on commensality, (4) pollution concepts, (5) traditional occupation, and (6) inherited caste membership.[64][77] Scholars accept that there has been a rigid, endogamous and occupationally closed social stratification among the Amharas and other Afro-Asiatic-speaking Ethiopian ethnic groups. Some label it as an economically closed, endogamous class system with occupational minorities,[78][79] whereas others such as David Todd assert that this system can be unequivocally labelled as caste-based.[80][81][82]
The Amhara speak "Amharic" ("Amarigna", "Amarinya") as theirmother tongue. Its native speakers account for 29.3% of the Ethiopian population.[83] It belongs to theSemitic branch of theAfro-Asiatic language family, and is the largest member of theEthiopian Semitic group.[84] As of 2018 it had more than 57 million speakers worldwide (32,345,260 native speakers plus 25,100,000 second language speakers),[16] making it the most commonly-spoken language in Ethiopia in terms of first- and second-language speakers, and the second most spoken Semitic language afterArabic.
Most of the Ethiopian Jewish communities in Ethiopia and Israel speak Amharic.[85] Many followers of theRastafari movement learn Amharic as a second language, as they consider it to be a sacred language.[86]
Amharic is the working language of the federal authorities of the Ethiopian government, and one of the five official languages of Ethiopia. It was for some time also the sole language of primary school instruction, but has been replaced in many areas by regional languages such asOromo andTigrinya. Nevertheless, Amharic is still widely used as the working language ofAmhara Region,Benishangul-Gumuz Region,Gambela Region andSouthern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Region.[87] The Amharic language is transcribed using a script (Fidal) which is slightly modified from the Ethiopic orGe'ez script, anabugida.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church maintains close links with theCoptic Orthodox Church of Alexandria. Easter andEpiphany are the most important celebrations, marked with services, feasting and dancing. There are also many feast days throughout the year, when only vegetables or fish may be eaten.
Marriages are oftenarranged, with men marrying in their late teens or early twenties.[89] Traditionally, girls were married as young as 14, but in the 20th century, the minimum age was raised to 18, and this was enforced by the Imperial government. After a church wedding, divorce is frowned upon.[89] Each family hosts a separate wedding feast after the wedding.
Upon childbirth, a priest will visit the family to bless the infant. The mother and child remain in the house for 40 days after birth for physical and emotional strength. The infant will be taken to the church forbaptism at 40 days (for boys) or 80 days (for girls).[90]
Culture
An example ofGe'ez taken from a 15th-century Ethiopian Coptic prayer book
Surviving Amharic literary works dates back to the 14th century, when songs and poems were composed.[91] In the 17th centuryAmharic became the first African language to be translated intoLatin[92] when Ethiopian priest and lexicographerAbba Gorgoryos (1595–1658) in 1652 AD made a European voyage toThuringia inGermany. Gorgoryos along with his colleague and friendHiob Ludolf co-authored the earliest grammar book of the Amharic language, an Amharic-Latin dictionary, as well as contributing to Ludolf's book "A History of Ethiopia".[93][94]
Modern literature in Amharic however, started two centuries later than in Europe, with the Amharic fictionnovelLəbb Wälläd Tarik, published in Rome in 1908, widely considered the first novel in Amharic, byAfäwarq Gäbrä Iyäsus.[95] Amhara intellectualTekle Hawariat Tekle Mariyam pioneered African and Ethiopian theatre when he authoredFabula: Yawreoch Commedia, Africa's first scripted play.[96] Since then countless literature in Amharic has been published and many modern-day writers in Amharic translate their work into English for commercial reasons.[97]
Up until the mid 20th century, Amharic music consisted mainly of religious and secular folk songs and dances.[98]Qañat Amhara secular folk music developed in the countryside[99] through the use of traditionel instruments such as themasenqo, a one-stringbowedlute; thekrar, a six-stringlyre; and thewashint flute played by the local village musicians called theAzmaris,[100] and the peasantry dancing theEskista; the most well known Amharan folk dance.[101] Thebegena, a large ten-string lyre; is an important instrument solely devoted to the spiritual part of Amhara music.[102] Other instruments includes theMeleket wind instrument, and theKebero andNegarit drums.
From the 1950s onward foreign influence i.e. foreign educatedEthiopians and the availability of larger quantities of new instruments led to new genre's of Amharic music and ushered in the 1960s and 1970sGolden Age of Ethiopian music.[103][104] The popular Ethio-Jazz genre pioneered byMulatu Astatke was created from theTizita qañat of the Amhara combined with the use of Western instruments.[105] Saxophone legendGetatchew Mekurya instrumentalized the Amhara war cryShellela into a genre in the 1950s before joining the Ethio-Jazz scene later in his career.[106][107] Other Amharic artists from theGolden age such asAsnaketch Worku, Bahru Kegne, Kassa Tessema and Mary Armede were renowned for their mastery of traditionel instruments.
The political turmoil during theDerg regime (1974-1991) led to censorship of music; night life came to a standstill through government imposed curfews and the curbing of musical performances. Notable Ethiopian musicians were jailed including those of Amhara descent such as Ayalew Mesfin andTelela Kebede.[108][109] A revival ofQene; Amharicpoetic songs which usesdouble entendre known assam-enna warq (wax and gold) was used for subversive dialogue and resistance to state censorship. Thousands of Ethiopians including musicians migrated during this period to form communities in different countries.[110][111]
Amharic songs of resistance against the autocraticEPRDF regime led by theTPLF (1991-2018) continued; with prevailing themes being rampant corruption, economic favoritism, excessive emphasis on ethnic identity and its ability to undermine national unity. Amharic musicians; such as Getish Mamo, Nhatty Man,Teddy Afro and others turned to the old tradition ofsam-enna warq and used layered expression to evade skirt stringent censorship and oppressive laws (such as the anti-terror law) while reminding the people of their similarities and the importance of maintaining solidarity.[112]
In June 2022Teddy Afro bashedAbiy Ahmed and his regime in a critical new song (Na'et), following theGimbi massacre. In his song he tries to vent the suppressed public anger and indignation, the swelling public resentment to the chaos in the country.[113]
A mural depictingSaint George in the church of Debre Berhan Selassie in Gondar.
Amhara art is typified by religious paintings. One of the notable features of these is the large eyes of the subjects, who are usually biblical figures. It is usually oil on canvas or hide, some surviving from the Middle Ages. The Amhara art includes weaved products embellished with embroidery. Works in gold and silver exist in the form of filigree jewelry and religious emblems. The Amhara ethnic group was the most influential in the development of traditionalEthiopian Orthodox iconography from the 13th century on. Ethiopian Orthodox iconography can be categorized into multiple historical periods such asMedieval, "Low", and "HighGondarine," with the oldest datable church frescos being found inLasta of the northeasternAmhara region andGondar serving as the center of painting for theEthiopian and Eritrean highlands. Indeed, there is an influx of Ethiopian Orthodox art dating to the early Solomonic period and first couple centuries following the founding of theEthiopian Empire. With continuing to develop during the Gondarian period of the 17th and 18th centuries came a popularAmharic saying, "those who want to draw, go to Gondar.[114][115]
Kinship and marriage
The Amhara culture recognizes kinship, but unlike other ethnic groups in the Horn of Africa region, it has a lesser role. Household relationships are primary, and the major economic, political and cultural functions are not based on kin relationships among the Amharas. Rather abilities of the individual matter. For example, states Donald Levine, the influence of clergy among the Amhara has been based on "ritual purity, doctrinal knowledge, ability to perform miracles and capacity to provide moral guidance".[18]: 120 The social relationships in the Amhara culture are predominantly based on hierarchical patterns and individualistic associations.[18]: 123
Family and kin relatives are often involved in arrangingsemanya (eighty bond marriage, also calledkal kidan), which has been most common and allows divorce.[116] Other forms of marriage includequrban, which is solemnized in church, where divorce is forbidden, and usually observed among the orthodox priests.[117][118] Patrilineal descent is the norm.[117] While the wife had no inheritance rights, in case a child was conceived during the temporarydamoz marriage, the child could make a claim a part of the father's property.[118][119]
Amhara cuisine consists of various vegetable or spicy meat side dishes and entrées, usually a wat, or thick stew, served atopinjera, a large sourdough flatbread made of teff flour in the shape of pancakes usually of about 30 to 45 cm in diameter. When eating traditional injera dishes in groups, it's normally it eaten from amesob (shared food basket), with each person breaking off pieces of injera flatbread using only the right hand, from the side nearest them and dipping it into stew in the center of the basket. There is also a great variety of vegetarian stews such as lentils, ground split peas, grains, accompanied by injera and/or bread.[120][121]
Amharas adhering to any of the Abrahmic religions do not eat pork or shellfish of any kind for religious reasons. Amhara Orthodox Christians do not consume meat and dairy products (i.e. egg, butter, milk, and cheese) during specific fasting periods, and on every Wednesdays and Fridays except the 50 days between Easter andPentecost. On all other days meat and dairy products are allowed. A variety of vegan dishes are consumed during fasting periods.[120][121]
Ethiopia is a Buna (coffee) exporter, but also has a very large domestic consumer base. During social gatherings Amharas drink Buna in a unique and traditional way known as acoffee ceremony. First the coffee is roasted, then ground and placed in aJebena (coffee pot) with boiling water. When ready it is then served to people in little cups, up to three times per ceremony.[120][121]
The ceremony is typically performed by the woman of the household, or the female host and is considered an honor. Amhara women dress up for the occasion in akemis, a traditional dress. Other locally produced beverages aretella (beer) andtej (honey wine), which are served and drunk on major religious festivals,Saints Days and weddings.[120][121]
Tej A honey wine, fermented withgesho leaves and twigs, often enjoyed during celebrations.
Nature of Amhara ethnicity
This section needs to beupdated. The reason given is: the rise of Amhara ethnic nationalism and the resultant growth of ethnic identification. SeeTalk:Amhara people for discussion on this topic. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(November 2020)
Mackonen Michael (2008)[122] noted that the Amhara identity is claimed to be composed of multiple ethnicities by some, whereas others "reject this concept and argue that Amhara exists as a distinctive ethnic group with a specific located boundary". He further noted that "although people from the Ethiopian highland areas think of themselves as Amharas, the Northern Shoans specifically call themselves Amhara. That is why the Oromo and Tigrian discourse associate the Northern Shoans as oppressive-Amharas."[123]
According to Gideon P. E. Cohen, writing in 2000, there is some debate about "whether the Amhara can legitimately be regarded as an ethnic group, [...] given their distribution throughout Ethiopia, and the incorporative capacity of the group that has led to the inclusion of individuals from a wide range of ethnic or linguistic backgrounds".[124] Similarly, Tezera Tazebew notes that "the early 1990s was marked by debates, both popular and scholarly, on the (non-)existence of Amhara as a distinct ethnic group", giving the debate between the academicMesfin Woldemariam and president of the Transitional Government of EthiopiaMeles Zenawi in July 1991 as an example.[125]
Due to large amounts of assimilation into the northern Amhara culture after Ethiopianimperial expansion, Siegfried Pausewang concluded in 2005 that "the term Amhara relates in contemporary Ethiopia to two different and distinct social groups. The ethnic group of the Amhara, mostly a peasant population, is different from a mixed group of urban people coming from different ethnic background, who have adopted Amharic as a common language and identify themselves as Ethiopians".[126]
In a 2017 article, historian Brian J. Yates notes that some "scholars and politicians have attempted to sketch out what an Amhara is, but there are considerable divergences on the nature of this identity. Some argue that it is a cultural identity; however, much of the scholarship indicates that it is solely a class-based identity, devoid of ethnicity".[127]
Solomon Gashaw asserts that "there is no intra-Amhara ethnic consciousness, except among northern settlers in southern Ethiopia". He notes that most Amharic-speaking people identify by their place of birth. He asks, "what is Amhara domination?", answering: "It is a linguistic and cultural domination by a multi-ethnic group who speak Amharic".[128]
Writing in 1998, Tegegne Teka wrote that "the Amhara do not possess what people usually refer to as objective ethnic markers: common ancestry, territory, religion and shared experience except the language. The Amhara have no claims to a common ancestry. They do not share the same sentiments and they have no mutual interests based on shared understandings. It is, therefore, difficult to conclude that the Amhara belong to an ethnic group. But this does not mean that there is no Amhara identity".[129]
According to ethnographer Donald Levine, writing in 2003 and citing Christopher Clapham, "Only in the last quarter of the 20th cent. has the term [Amhara] come to be a common ethnic appellation, comparable to the way in which Oromo has become generalizedto cover peoples who long knew themselves primarily as Boorana (Boräna), Guğği, Mäč̣č̣a and the like. Even so, Amharic-speaking Šäwans still feel themselves closer to non-Amharic-speaking Šäwans than to Amharic-speakers from distant regions like Gondär and there are few members of the Šäwan nobility who do not have Oromo genealogical links".[130] According to Takkele Taddese, Amharic-speakers tend to be a "supra-ethnic group" composed of "fused stock".[131] Taddese describes the Amhara as follows:
The Amhara can thus be said to exist in the sense of being a fused stock, a supra-ethnically conscious ethnic Ethiopian serving as the pot in which all the other ethnic groups are supposed to melt. The language, Amharic, serves as the center of this melting process although it is difficult to conceive of a language without the existence of a corresponding distinct ethnic group speaking it as a mother tongue. The Amhara does not exist, however, in the sense of being a distinct ethnic group promoting its own interests and advancing theHerrenvolk philosophy and ideology as has been presented by the elite politicians. The basic principle of those who affirm the existence of the Amhara as a distinct ethnic group, therefore, is that the Amhara should be dislodged from the position of supremacy and each ethnic group should be freed fromAmhara domination to have equal status with everybody else. This sense of Amhara existence can be viewed as a myth.[131]
Ethnic consciousness in the past
In the 17th century, Abyssinian travelerAbba Gorgoryos states the following in a letter to his German friendHiob Ludolf:
As to my origins, do not imagine, my friend, that they are humble, for I am of theHouse of Amhara which is a respected tribe; from it come the heads of the Ethiopian people, the governors, the military commanders, the judges and the advisers of the King of Ethiopia who appoint and dismiss, command and rule in the name of the King, his governors, and grandees. "[132]
*Amhara forces:We are from the sovereign of the Amhara Menelik. Turkana tribe:We do not know Amhara-Menelik. Go away! Go away!
Turkana tribe:Who is this Amhara-Menelik to whom we are supposed to submit? Amhara forces:We are Amhara, andMenelik is our great king.[133]
The rise of ethnic consciousness and nationalism
Zola Moges notes the emergence of Amhara nationalism and ethnic consciousness with origins in the early 1990s but taking clearer shape with the establishment of theNational Movement of Amhara in 2018 along with the rise ofFano ethnic militias in the 2010s. Moges writes that a "younger generation has adopted its'Amharaness'; but most ordinary people are yet to fully embrace it, not least because of the lack of any effectively articulated ideological foundation or priorities and the absence of any 'tailor-made' solutions to the challenges facing them".[134]
Amanuel Tesfaye writes that: "While the older Amhara population still detest ethnic identification and ethnic forms of political organization, preferring pan-Ethiopian nationalism, the young have no problem pronouncing their Amhara identity, advocating for the protection and advancement of the rights and interests of their ethnic kin within the framework of the multi-nation state, and organizing politically along that particular ethnic identity".[135]
Genetics
Autosomal ancestry
Research shows that Amharas have a mixture of a type of native African ancestry unique and autochthonous to theHorn of Africa,[136] as well as ancestry originating from a non-African back-migration.[137]
Studies comparing blood oxygenation in Amharas to nearby lowlands populations, and to the Andeans and Tibetans showed unique adaptations to living in a high altitude environment.[138][139]
Uniparental lineages
Haplogroup E1b1b was found at 35.4% among the 48 sampled Amhara in a study.[140] However, other studies have found an almost equal representation of E1b1b at approximately 57% in both the 25 Oromo and the 34 Amhara individuals.[141] The second most prevalent lineageHaplogroup J, has been found to exist at levels as high as 35.4% in the Amhara, of which 33.3% is of the typeJ1, while 2.1% is ofJ2 type.[142]
Besides being the most prevalent Y-chromosome in Amharas, E1b1b (formerly E3b) also makes up a significant portion of the paternal ancestry amongSudanese,Egyptians,Berbers,Maghrebi Arabs, as well as many Middle Eastern andMediterranean populations.[143][144] According to Cruciani et al. (2007), the presence of this subhaplogroup in the Horn region may represent the traces of an ancient migration fromEgypt/Libya.[Note 1][145]
In the region,mitochondrial lines descended from the Eurasianhaplogroup N peak in northern Ethiopia. According to multiple mtDNA studies[146][147] The matrilineal lineageM1 is common among Ethiopians and North Africans, particularlyEgyptians andAlgerians.[148][149] M1 is believed to have originated in Asia,[150] where its parent M clade represents the majority of mtDNA lineages.[151] This haplogroup is also thought to possibly correlate with the Afro-Asiatic language family:[147] In addition, Horn African populations also carry a significant rate of maternal L lineages associated with sub-Saharan Africa.
"We analysed mtDNA variation in ~250 persons from Libya, Somalia, and Congo/Zambia, as representatives of the three regions of interest. Our initial results indicate a sharp cline in M1 frequencies that generally does not extend into sub-Saharan Africa. While our North and especially East African samples contained frequencies of M1 over 20%, our sub-Saharan samples consisted almost entirely of the L1 or L2 haplogroups only. In addition, there existed a significant amount of homogeneity within the M1 haplogroup. This sharp cline indicates a history of little admixture between these regions. This could imply a more recent ancestry for M1 in Africa, as older lineages are more diverse and widespread by nature, and may be an indication of a back-migration into Africa from the Middle East."[147]
Studies comparing blood oxygenation in Amharas to neighboring populations, and to the Andeans and Tibetans showed adaptations for high altitude, low-oxygen (hypoxic) environments unique to them.[152][153] What truly sets the Amhara apart from other high elevation populations globally is the ability to withstand a state of low blood oxygen-content without suffering from blood thickening (Hyperviscosity syndrome) and its downstream effects. "Amhara highlanders, but not Oromo, had higherNO3- andcGMP compared with their lowland counterparts. NO3- directly correlated with cGMP."[154] There are four major world regions where ~140 million persons reside at high altitude, one of which is the Amhara homeland.[155] In the area, genetic adaptations (e.g., rs10803083, anSNP associated with the rate and function ofhemoglobin;BHLHE41, a gene associated withcircadian rhythm and hypoxia response;EGLN1, a gene strongly associated with oxygenhomeostasis in mammals) to hypoxia and lowatmospheric pressure have been found among the people, which may have developed within the past 5000 years.[156] "In the Amhara, SNP rs10803083 is associated with hemoglobin levels at genome-wide levels of significance."[157] However, a Chinese study states:
"The Amhara, an Ethiopian ethnic group, and Tibetan highlanders have adapted to high-altitude, low-oxygen environments using similar physiological mechanisms; however, they are influenced by different genes.[158] Both groups have adapted to use oxygen more efficiently via lowered hemoglobin levels. This also reduces their risk of adverse hypoxia-related effects such as thickened blood, which increase risk of stroke and heart attack.[159] However, genetic variations that contribute to lowered hemoglobin levels in Tibetan highlanders, such asEPAS1 andEGLN1, were found to be largely absent in the Amharan genome.[160][161] Instead, Amharan hemoglobin levels are controlled by a genetic variation known as rs10803083. In both groups, however, the effects are pronounced. The Amhara produce 10% less hemoglobin than their counterparts, the Omoro lowlanders. When Omoro reach high altitudes, their blood hemoglobin levels increase in the same manner reported in lowlander Tibetans attempting to climb the Himalayas."
"Tibetan and Amhara highlanders evolved a dampenedacclimation response in haemoglobin levels." state Di Rienzo ET Al. "Research by Beall and colleagues in the early 2000s revealed that Oromo cope with thin air in much the same way that lowlanders visiting high altitude do — i.e., by making more hemoglobin. In contrast, Amhara highlanders — whose ancestors have inhabited mountainous regions for thousands of years longer than the Omoro — are able to maintain blood hemoglobin levels that are roughly 10% lower than Omoro living at the same altitude; When they scanned the villagers' DNA, the researchers found a genetic variant associated with low hemoglobin levels in the Amhara." They continue: "This variant was located in a different region of the genome than those previously found to be associated with low hemoglobin in Tibetans. In other words, the physiological coping mechanisms shared by Amhara and Tibetans in response to life at high altitude — i.e. dampened hemoglobin levels — are due to different underlying genes."[162]
"HA human populations across the world allow studying independent realizations of the adaptive process in response to the same selective pressure, i.e. hypoxia, thus providing an excellent opportunity to investigate how natural selection shapes the genetic architecture of adaptive traits. To make progress on these enduring questions, we have sampled two closely related ethnic groups in the Ethiopian highlands that include both HA and LA residents, thus allowing comparisons across altitudes within and between ethnic groups. Of these two groups, the Oromo have moved to HA only 500 years ago, thus making it unlikely that genetic adaptations evolved in this group. In contrast, the Amhara have a history of HA residence of at least 5 ky and possibly as far as 70 ky. Because previously identified selection signals occurred within a similar period of time, including HA adaptations, we conclude that enough time has elapsed since the Amhara moved to HA for genetic adaptations to have taken place. Consistent with this idea, we observe significant phenotypic differences between Amhara highlanders and the more recent HA residents, i.e. the Oromo. While HA Amhara are characterized by mildly elevatedHb levels (similar to Tibetans) and no or mildly reducedO2 sat, the HA Oromo sample resembles acclimatized lowlanders."[157]
Researchers identified multiple SNPs with allele frequencies that are unusual in the Amhara relative to both the Omotic and Yoruba population samples. "This pattern of haplotype variation is consistent with positive selection on an Amhara-specific variant that is being tagged by the high frequency haplotype."[163]
"We highlight several candidate genes for involvement in high-altitude adaptation in Ethiopia, includingCBARA1,VAV3,ARNT2 andTHRB. Although most of these genes have not been identified in previous studies of high-altitude Tibetan or Andean population samples, two of these genes (THRB and ARNT2) play a role in theHIF-1 pathway, a pathway implicated in previous work reported in Tibetan and Andean studies. These combined results suggest that adaptation to high altitude arose independently due to convergent evolution[163] in high-altitude Amhara populations in Ethiopia. Tibetans present markedly low O2 sat, but relatively little increase in Hb levels, and Amhara in Ethiopia present little reduction in O2 sat or increase in Hb levels. Whether these phenotypic contrasts reflect different genetic adaptations across populations remains an open question."[164]
Higher urinary nitrate, and lower cGMP anddiastolic blood pressure levels in the longer-resident Amhara than the shorter-resident Oromo groups such as those of Bale were interpreted as indicating greater peripheralvasodilation (widening of blood vessels).[155]Nitric oxide causes dilation of blood vessels, allowing blood to flow more freely to the extremities and aids the release of oxygen to tissues.
Various papers failed to answer whether these were very ancient adaptations or new ones.Hominins have been resident in Ethiopia for millions of years, meaning adaptations to higher elevations have presumably existed just as long. Amhara occupy an intermediate position between African and non-African populations so an ancestral population fixed for ancestral alleles at all SNPs was used but this did not answer whether the adaptations are new. "More pointedly the Ethiopians can be modeled as a compound of an Arabian population with an indigenous East African one." statesRazib Khan "If this is a genuine recent admixture event, then one might be able to ascertain via haplotype structure whether the adaptive variants derive from ancient African genetic variation, or whether they're novel mutations."[164] Ancestors of the Amhara have inhabited altitudes above 2500 meters since theBronze Age and altitudes around 2300–2400 meters as far back as theMiddle Paleolithic meaning sufficient time has elapsed since the Amhara moved to high altitudes for genetic adaptations to have taken place.
^Cruciani et al. 2007 use the term Northeastern Africa to refer to Egypt and Libya, as shown in Table 1 of the study. Prior toCruciani et al. 2007,Semino et al. 2004 East Africa as a possible place of origin of E-M78, based upon Ethiopian testing. This was because of the high frequency and diversity of E-M78 lineages in the region of Ethiopia. However,Cruciani et al. 2007 were able to study more data, including populations from North Africa who were not represented in theSemino et al. 2004 study, and found evidence that the E-M78 lineages which make up a significant proportion of some populations in that region, were relatively young branches (see E-V32 below). They therefore concluded that "Northeast Africa" was the likely place of origin of E-M78 based on "the peripheral geographic distribution of the most derived subhaplogroups with respect to northeastern Africa, as well as the results of quantitative analysis of UEP and microsatellite diversity". So according toCruciani et al. 2007 E-M35, the parent clade of E-M78, originated in East Africa, subsequently spread to Northeast Africa, and then there was a "back migration" of E-M215 chromosomes that had acquired the E-M78 mutation.Cruciani et al. 2007 therefore note this as evidence for "a corridor for bidirectional migrations" between Northeast Africa (Egypt and Libya in their data) on the one hand and East Africa on the other. The authors believe there were "at least 2 episodes between 23.9–17.3 ky and 18.0–5.9 ky ago".
^2021 Census of Canada."Statistics Canada 2021". Government of Canada. Retrieved22 June 2024.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
^The Life of Takla Haymanot in the Version of Dabra Libanos and the Miracles of Takla Haymanot in the Version of Dabra Libanos, and the Book of the Riches of Kings. Translated by E. A. Wallis Budge. London 1906.
^al-Ḥakamī, ʻUmārah ibn ʻAlī (1892).كتاب تاريخ اليمن. E. Arnold. p. 117.
^Meyer, Ronny (2011)."Amharic". In Weninger, Stefan (ed.).The Semitic Languages: An International Handbook. Walter De Gruyter. pp. 1178–1212.ISBN978-3-11-025158-6.
^Edzard, Lutz (2019). "Amharic". In John Huehnergard; Naʽama Pat-El (eds.).The Semitic Languages. London: Routledge. pp. 202–226.
^abHetzron, Robert (1972).Ethiopian Semitic: Studies in Classification. Manchester University Press. p. 36.ISBN978-0-7190-1123-8.
^Prunier, Gérard; Ficquet, Éloi, eds. (2015).Understanding Contemporary Ethiopia: Monarchy, Revolution and the Legacy of Meles Zenawi. London: C. Hurst & Co. p. 19.ISBN978-1-84904-261-1.
^Hetzron, Robert (1972).Ethiopian Semitic: Studies in Classification. Manchester University Press. p. 124.ISBN978-0-7190-1123-8.
^Pankhurst, Richard (1986). "Fear God, Honor the King: The Use of Biblical Allusions in Ethiopian Historical Literature, Part I".Northeast African Studies.8 (1):11–30.JSTOR43660191.
^Masalik Al-Absar fi Mamalik Al-Amsar, Ibn Fadlallah al-Umari, 748 AH (1347-1348)
^Tarikh almuluk al-Islamiyn fi Al-Habasa (History of Islamic Kings in Abyssinia), al-Maqrizi, 1438
^Pankhurst, Richard (1997).The Ethiopian Borderlands Essays in Regional History from Ancient Times to the End of the 18th Century. Red Sea Press. p. 45.
^ab"Amhara" in Siegbert Uhlig,Encyclopaedia Aethiopica: A-C (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2003), p. 231.
^ab"Amhara" in Siegbert Uhlig,Encyclopaedia Aethiopica: A-C (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2003), p. 232.
^Hoben, Allan (1970). "Social Stratification in Traditional Amhara Society". In Arthur Tuden and Leonard Plotnicov (ed.).Social stratification in Africa. New York: The Free Press. pp. 210–211,187–221.ISBN978-0-02-932780-7.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link)
^Keller, Edmond J (1991).Revolutionary Ethiopia: from empire to people's republic. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. p. 160.OCLC1036800537.
^abLevine, Donald N. (2014).Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of a Multiethnic Society. University of Chicago Press. pp. 56, 175.ISBN978-0-226-22967-6.Slavery was widespread in Greater Ethiopia until the 1930s, and today ex-slaves, children of former slaves, and de facto slaves in some regions occupy social positions much like their predecessors... members of any ethnic group were liable to be consigned to slavery by more powerful members of other tribes, if not their own tribe. (...) Amhara and Tigreans, while not supposed to enslave fellow Christians, had slaves from many non-Christian groups.
^Ehud R. Toledano (2014).The Ottoman Slave Trade and Its Suppression: 1840-1890. Princeton University Press. pp. 31–34.ISBN978-1-4008-5723-4., Quote: "The first section of this [slave] trade was in the hands of Ethiopian dealers who drove the slaves from the southern and southwestern Galla, Sidama and Gurage principalities to the central Amhara provinces. (...) the average Afar caravan consisted of thirty to fifty merchants and about two hundred slaves."
^George Arthur Lipsky (1962).Ethiopia: Its People, Its Society, Its Culture, Volume 9. Hraf Press. p. 37.although the Orthodox Christian Amharas and Tigrais make up only a third of the population, more than this proportion are estimated to be Orthodox Christians. Traditionally, there has been resistance to converting (or in the Amharic phrase, "raising") the non-Christian ethnic groups to Christianity, since they then could not be kept or sold as slaves.
^Eike Haberland (1979), "Special Castes in Ethiopia", inProceedings of the Fifth International Conference on Ethiopian Studies, Editor: Robert Hess, University of Illinois Press,OCLC7277897, pp. 129–132 (also see pp. 134–135, 145–147); Amnon Orent (1979), "From the Hoe to the Plow", inProceedings of the Fifth International Conference on Ethiopian Studies, Editor: Robert Hess, University of Illinois Press,OCLC7277897, p. 188, Quote: "theMano, who are potters and leather craftsmen and considered 'unclean' in the usual northern or Amhara understanding of caste distinction; and theManjo, the traditional hunters and eaters of 'unclean' foods – hippopotamus, monkey and crocodile."
^Tibebu, Teshale (1995).The Making of Modern Ethiopia: 1896–1974. The Red Sea Press. pp. 67–70.ISBN978-1-56902-001-2., Quote: "Interestingly enough, while slaves and ex-slaves could 'integrate' into the larger society with relative ease, this was virtually impossible for the occupational minorities ('castes') up until very recently, in a good many cases to this day."
^Christopher R. Hallpike (2012, Original: 1968), "The status of craftsmen among the Konso of south-west Ethiopia",Africa, Volume 38, Number 3, Cambridge University Press, pp. 258, 259–267, Quote: "Weavers tend to be the least and tanners the most frequently despised. In many cases such groups are said to have a different, more negroid appearance than their superiors. There are some instances where these groups have a religious basis, as with the Moslems and Falashas in Amhara areas. We frequently find that the despised classes are forbidden to own land, or have anything to do with agricultural activities, or with cattle. Commensality and marriage with their superiors seem also to be generally forbidden them."
^Todd, David M. (1977). "Caste in Africa?".Africa.47 (4). Cambridge University Press:398–412.doi:10.2307/1158345.JSTOR1158345.S2CID144428371. Dave Todd (1978), "The origins of outcastes in Ethiopia: reflections on an evolutionary theory",Abbay, Volume 9, pp. 145–158
^Levine, Donald N. (2014).Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of a Multiethnic Society. University of Chicago Press. p. 56.ISBN978-0-226-22967-6., Quote: "As Herbert Lewis has observed, if the term caste can be used for any social formation outside of the Indian context, it can be applied as appropriately to those Ethiopian groups otherwise known as 'submerged classes', 'pariah groups' and 'outcastes' as to any Indian case."; Lewis, Herbert S. (2006). "Historical problems in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa".Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences.96 (2). Wiley-Blackwell:504–511.doi:10.1111/j.1749-6632.1962.tb50145.x.S2CID83677517., Quote (p. 509): "In virtually every Cushitic group there are endogamous castes based on occupational specialization (such caste groups are also found, to some extent, among the Ethiopian Semites)".
^Finneran, Niall (2007).The Archaeology of Ethiopia. London: Routledge. pp. 14–15.ISBN978-1-136-75552-1., Quote: "Ethiopia has, until fairly recently, been a rigid feudal society with finely grained perceptions of class and caste".
^Teferra, Anbessa (2018). "Hebraized Amharic in Israel". In Hary, Benjamin; Bunin Benor, Sarah (eds.).Languages in Jewish Communities, Past and Present. Berlin: Walter De Gruyter. pp. 489–519.ISBN978-1-5015-1298-8.
^Ludolf, Hiob. 1682. A New History of Ethiopia. Being a Full and Accurate Description of the Kingdom of Abyssinia, Vulgarly, Though Erroneously Called the Empire of Prester John. Translated by J. P. Gent. London: Samuel Smith Booksellers.
^Uhlig, Siegbert. 2005. "Gorgoryos." In Encyclopaedia Aethiopica: D-Ha: Vol. 2, edited by Siegbert Uhlig, 855–856. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
^Uhlig, Siegbert (2006).Proceedings of the XVth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Hamburg, July 20-25, 2003. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. p. 185.OCLC71298502.
^abLevinson, David (1995).Encyclopedia of World Cultures: Africa and the Middle East. G.K. Hall. p. 19.ISBN978-0-8161-1815-1., Quote: "Temporary marriage (damoz) obliges the husband to pay housekeeper's wages for a period stated in advance. (...) The contract, although oral, was before witnesses and was therefore enforceable by court order. The wife had no right of inheritance, but if children were conceived during the contract period, they could make a claim for part of the father's property, should he die."
^Weissleder, W. (2008). "Amhara Marriage: The Stability of Divorce".Canadian Review of Sociology.11 (1). Wiley-Blackwell:67–85.doi:10.1111/j.1755-618x.1974.tb00004.x.
^Cohen, Gideon P. E. (2000). "Language and Ethnic Boundaries: Perceptions of Identity Expressed through Attitudes towards the Use of Language Education in Southern Ethiopia".Northeast African Studies.7 (3):189–206.doi:10.1353/nas.2005.0004.JSTOR41931261.S2CID144103747.
^Yates, Brian J. (2017). "Ethnicity as a Hindrance for Understanding Ethiopian History: An Argument Against an Ethnic Late Nineteenth Century".History in Africa.44:101–131.doi:10.1017/hia.2016.13.S2CID164336903.
^Gashaw, Solomon (1993). "Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in Ethiopia". In Young, Crawford (ed.).The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism: The Nation-State at Bay?. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. pp. 138–157.ISBN978-0-299-13884-4.
^Teka, Tegegne (1998). "Amhara ethnicity in the making". In Salih, M.A. Mohamed; Markakis, John (eds.).Ethnicity and the State in Eastern Africa. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikaininstutet. pp. 116–126.ISBN978-91-7106-418-9.
^Levine, Donald N. (2003). "Amhara". In von Uhlig, Siegbert (ed.).Encyclopaedia Aethiopica: A-C. pp. 230–232.
^abTaddese, Takkele (1994). "Do the Amhara Exist as a Distinct Ethnic Group?". In Marcus, Harold G. (ed.).New Trends in Ethiopian Studies: Papers of the 12th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies. Vol. II. Lawrenceville, NJ: Red Sea Press. pp. 168–186.ISBN978-1-56902-015-9.
^Cruciani et al. (2004)[1]Archived 2006-05-22 at theWayback Machine Phylogeographic Analysis of Haplogroup E3b (E-M215) Y Chromosomes Reveals Multiple Migratory Events Within and Out Of Africa
^Hans-Jürgen Bandelt, Vincent Macaulay, Dr. Martin Richards,Human mitochondrial DNA and the evolution of Homo sapiens, Volume 18 of Nucleic acids and molecular biology, (シュプリンガー・ジャパン株式会社: 2006), p.235.
^Malyarchuk, Boris A.; Gilles, A; Bouzaid, E; Kefi, R; Paris, F; Gayraud, RP; Spadoni, JL; El-Chenawi, F; Béraud-Colomb, E (2008). "Mitochondrial DNA Sequence Diversity in a Sedentary Population from Egypt".Annals of Human Genetics.68 (Pt 1):23–39.doi:10.1046/j.1529-8817.2003.00057.x.PMID14748828.S2CID44901197.
^abGenetic studies of the Amhara people of Ethiopia, who live in the high-altitude regions of the Ethiopian Plateau, explore their adaptation to , especially in relation to the neighboring Galla" The Genetic Architecture of Adaptations to High Altitude in Ethiopia, December 6, 2012.https://journals.plos.org/plosgenetics/article?id=10.1371/journal.pgen.1003110
^Alkorta-Aranburu, G., Beall, C. M., Witonsky, D. B., Gebremedhin, A., Pritchard, J. K., & Di Rienzo, A. (2012). The genetic architecture of adaptations to high altitude in Ethiopia. PLoS Genetics, 8(12).https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgen.1003110
^Peng, Y., Yang, Z., Zhang, H., Cui, C., Qi, X., Luo, X., Tao, X., Wu, T., Ouzhuluobu, Basang, Ciwangsangbu, Danzengduojie, Chen, H., Shi, H., & Su, B. (2010). Genetic variations in Tibetan populations and high-altitude adaptation at the Himalayas. Molecular Biology and Evolution, 28(2), 1075–1081.https://doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msq290
^Beall, C. M., Cavalleri, G. L., Deng, L., Elston, R. C., Gao, Y., Knight, J., Li, C., Li, J. C., Liang, Y., McCormack, M., Montgomery, H. E., Pan, H., Robbins, P. A., Shianna, K. V., Tam, S. C., Tsering, N., Veeramah, K. R., Wang, W., Wangdui, P., … Zheng, Y. T. (2010). Natural selection on EPAS1 ( HIF2α ) associated with low hemoglobin concentration in Tibetan Highlanders. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 107(25), 11459–11464.https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1002443107
^Ethiopians and Tibetans thrive in thin air using similar physiology, but different genes, National Evolutionary Synthesis Center (NESCent), 2012, Dec 6th.https://www.eurekalert.org/news-releases/645256
^Hubert Jules Deschamps, (sous la direction). Histoire générale de l'Afrique noire de Madagascar et de ses archipels Tome I : Des origines à 1800. p. 406 P.U.F Paris (1970)
^Vitae Sanctorum Indigenarum: I Acta S. Walatta Petros, Ii Miracula S. Zara-Baruk, edited by Carlo Conti Rossini and C. Jaeger Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1954, pg. 62.
^Young, John (1997).Peasant Revolution in Ethiopia: The Tigray People's Liberation Front, 1975–1991. p. 44.
^Stewart, John (2006).African States and Rulers (3rd ed.). Jefferson, NC, USA: McFarland & Company. p. 93.ISBN978-0-7864-2562-4.
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