Amadeo I (Italian:Amedeo Ferdinando Maria di Savoia; 30 May 1845 – 18 January 1890), also known asAmadeus, was an Italian prince who reigned asKing of Spain from 1870 to 1873. The only king of Spain to come from theHouse of Savoy, he was the second son ofVictor Emmanuel II of Italy and was known for most of his life as theDuke of Aosta, the usual title for a second son in the Savoyard dynasty.
He was elected by theCortes Generales as Spain's monarch in 1870, following the deposition ofIsabel II, and was sworn in the following year. Amadeo's reign was fraught with growing republicanism,Carlist rebellions in the north, and theCuban independence movement. After three tumultuous years on the throne, he abdicated and returned to Italy in 1873, and theFirst Spanish Republic was declared as a result.
He founded the Aosta branch of Italy's royalHouse of Savoy, which is junior inagnatic descent to the branch descended from KingUmberto I that reigned in Italy until 1946, but senior to the branch of thedukes of Genoa.
In 1867, his father yielded to the entreaties of the parliamentary deputy Francesco Cassins, and on 30 May of that year, Amedeo was married toDonnaMaria Vittoria dal Pozzo. The King initially opposed the match on the grounds that her family was of insufficient rank and that he hoped for his son to marry a German princess.[2] Despite her princely title, Donna Maria Vittoria was not of royal birth and belonged rather to thePiedmontese nobility. She was, however, the sole heir to her father's vast fortune,[2] which subsequent Dukes of Aosta inherited, thereby obtaining wealth independent of their dynasticappanage and allowances from Italy's kings.[2] The wedding day of Prince Amedeo and Donna Maria Vittoria was marred by the death of a station master, who was crushed under the wheels of the honeymoon train.[3]
In March 1870, Maria Vittoria appealed to the King to remonstrate with her husband for marital infidelities, which caused her hurt and embarrassment. However, the King wrote in reply that he understood her feelings, but he considered that she had no right to dictate her husband's behaviour, and her jealousy was unbecoming.[2]
After theGlorious Revolution deposedIsabella II in September 1868, the newCortes began the task of searching for a suitable liberal-leaning candidate from a new dynasty to replace her. Eventually the Duke of Aosta was taken into consideration. His father was a descendant of KingPhilip II of Spain through his daughter InfantaCatalina Micaela of Spain and her sonThomas Francis, Prince of Carignano, while his mother was a descendant of KingCharles III of Spain through his daughter InfantaMaria Luisa of Spain. The Savoyard prince was elected king as Amadeo I on 16 November 1870 and swore to uphold theConstitution in Madrid on 2 January 1871. While the new king was on his way to Spain, GeneralJuan Prim, his chief supporter, was assassinated and Amadeo took the oath in the presence of Prim's corpse.[4]
This event deprived Amadeo I of indispensable support, particularly in the critical early days, and proved decisive considering that the progressive faction ultimately split between Prim's two successors,Práxedes Mateo Sagasta andManuel Ruiz Zorrilla.[5] The new king entered Madrid on 2 January 1871, and that same day he swore allegiance to the1869 Constitution before the Cortes.[6] Later, he visited the Church of theVirgin of Atocha [es], where General Prim's funeral chapel had been set up.
Following Prim's assassination, a "conciliation" government formed at his deathbed request underAdmiral Topete, soon transitioning toGeneral Serrano, aUnionist who had served as regent from 1869 until Amadeo's arrival.[7] Amadeo proposed Serrano as President of the Council of Ministers to unify the monarchist-democratic coalition backing his throne. Serrano assembled a diverse cabinet: ProgressivesSagasta (Minister of the Interior) andRuiz Zorrilla (Public Works), monarchist Democrat or "Cimbrios [es]"Cristino Martos (Justice), and UnionistAdelardo López de Ayala (Overseas Territories). This mix aimed to bridge factions supporting the new dynasty.[8][9]
Caricature byFrancisco Ortego, ¡¡¡¡Virgen y mártir!!!!, published inGil Blas [es;ca], May 28, 1871, mocking the fate of the Constitution under Serrano's government.
Serrano's administration, viewed by some as transitional, prioritized thefirst elections under Amadeo to secure a strong coalition majority. It enacted an electoral law reverting to district-based voting, abandoning the Progressives' provincial constituencies from 1869. This shift enabled the government to exert "moral influence" in rural areas, ensuring a victory of 235 seats—approximately 130 Progressives, over 80 "borderline" or "Aostist" Unionists loyal to Amadeo, and about 20 monarchist Democrats. However, opposition forces—52 Republicans advocating a federal republic, 51 Carlists pushing traditional monarchy, and 18Moderates—gained significant representation. Dissident Unionists underRíos Rosas, backing theDuke of Montpensier, andAntonio Cánovas del Castillo, supporting PrinceAlfonso of Bourbon, secured 7 and 9 seats, respectively. This opposition's strength magnified the governing coalition's internal fragility.[10][11]
As Serrano's government and the Cortes tackled the Constitution's democratic principles—such as establishingjuries,separation of church and state, abolishingQuintos (Spain) [es] (military conscription), and addressing thewar and slavery inCuba—tensions surfaced. Unionists and Sagasta's Progressives argued that crowning the Constitution with theSavoy dynasty required preserving order, while Ruiz Zorrilla's Progressives and Democrats insisted on immediate social, economic, and political reforms to consolidate the regime.[12] Sagasta, likely echoing Prim's vision, sought conciliation with Serrano's Unionists as a dynastic right (conservative party), positioning himself as leader of the dynastic left (liberal party) and opposing Carlists and Republicans outright. Conversely, Ruiz Zorrilla championed an alliance with Democrats (cimbrios) through a reformist agenda, aiming to integrate Republicans into the monarchy by proving their goals were achievable within it. Sagasta saw this as handing the regime to its enemies, rejecting collaboration with Republicans and distrusting Ruiz Zorrilla's loyalty, thus fracturing the coalition and dooming "conciliation."[13]
The high nobility and ecclesiastical hierarchy refused to recognize Amadeo's monarchy, viewing it as the embodiment of the 1868 Revolution that endedIsabella II's reign, where they held privilege. They feared it would dismantle their status or pave the way for Republicans and "socialists" opposing property and a confessional state. The nobility adopted aCasticism [es] stance, claiming to defend "Spanish values" against the "foreign king," boycotting the court and snubbing Amadeo, openly loyal to the Bourbons. A notable incident, the "Rebellion of the Mantillas [es]," described by FatherLuis Coloma inPequeñeces... [es], saw aristocratic women parade in lace mantillas and fleur-de-lis—symbols ofRestoration—isolating Amadeo and Queen Maria Vittoria in a "court of furrile capes and shopkeepers," as critics sneered.[14][15]
The Church opposed Amadeo as the son of Italy's Victor Emmanuel II, who had stripped Pope Pius IX of thePapal States, resistingreligious freedom and measures towardchurch-state separation. Influenced by theSyllabus of Errors, the hierarchy wielded significant sway over Catholic middle classes and rural parishes, amplifying rejection of the regime.[14][16] Amadeo countered by ennobling industrial and financial bourgeois supporters, but defections grew, especially among those tied to Cuban slavery—threatened by radical abolition plans—and Catalan industrialists opposing the 1869 free trade system, which Radicals upheld.[17][18]
The Carlists, thriving since 1868 beyond their Basque, Catalan, and Valencian strongholds, backedCarlos VII, grandson ofCarlos María Isidro, seeking a traditional monarchy. Their neo-Catholic wing, led byCándido Nocedal [es], pursued a "legal route," allying with Republicans in 1871 elections to win 51 deputies and 21 senators. Amadeo's election irked them, though Nocedal restrained uprisings until September 1871.[17][19] Republicans, rejecting monarchy entirely, pushed for aFederal Republic, inspired by France'sSecond Empire fall. TheFederal Republican Party united diverse factions—property defenders, "socialists," and federalists likeFrancisco Pi y Margall andNicolás Salmerón—split between legalists open to Radical cooperation and insurrectionists favoring revolt.[20]
First Government of Ruiz Zorrilla: Division of the Progressives
Amadeo I reviewing troops in Madrid, September 1871, byDaniel Vierge.
On 15 July 1871, radical ministers—Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla,Cristino Martos,José María Beránger [es], andMoret—resigned from Serrano's "conciliation" government, aiming to end its broad coalition and force a split between conservatives and radicals. King Amadeo I, still favoring unity, reluctantly appointed Ruiz Zorrilla as president on 24 July, sidelining both Unionists and Sagasta's Progressives in their plan to sustain the coalition amid regime threats.[21] Ruiz Zorrilla sought to includeSagasta's faction, but Sagasta refused, arguing in Congress that an "exclusive party" policy endangered the monarchy.[22]
Ruiz Zorrilla then formed a government of his Progressive faction and Democrats, taking the Interior portfolio himself. The cabinet includedEugenio Montero Ríos (Justice), GeneralFernando Fernández de Córdova (War),Servando Ruiz Gómez (Finance),Santiago Diego-Madrazo [es] (Public Works), Tomás María Mosquera (Overseas), and Vice-AdmiralJosé María Beránger [es] (Navy). Martos declined the State Ministry. Presented to the Cortes on 25 July, the government's motto—"liberty, morality, civility"—signaled a reformist agenda.[23]
Tensions escalated when Democrats maneuvered to replaceSalustiano Olózaga as Congress president with their leaderNicolás María Rivero. Sagasta's Progressives countered by nominating Sagasta, fearing Rivero's republican leanings. On 1–2 October, Ruiz Zorrilla and Sagasta met to avert a Progressive split, but Ruiz Zorrilla rejected Sagasta's compromise candidate, prioritizing his radical-Democrat (Cimbrios [es]) alliance over party unity. Sagasta warned, "You stay with the cimbrios and break with your long-standing friends; the consequences will be dire." On 3 October, Sagasta defeated Rivero (123–113) for Congress president, a result Ruiz Zorrilla saw as a no-confidence vote, prompting his resignation.[24]
Amadeo, returning from a popularity-boosting tour of eastern Spain—including a visit to GeneralEspartero in Logroño, who pledged loyalty—refused Ruiz Zorrilla's request to dissolve the Cortes, citing no constitutional basis or formal censure. Sagasta confirmed ongoing support for the 25 July program and urged the king to convince Ruiz Zorrilla to stay, highlighting the government's intact majority.[25]
Malcampo Government: The Failure of the Reunification of the Progressives
José Malcampo, president, 5 October – 21 December 1871.
With Ruiz Zorrilla unyielding, Amadeo offered the premiership to Espartero, who declined due to age, then to Sagasta, who suggestedJosé Malcampo—a revolutionary naval officer from 1868—to avoid direct confrontation. Malcampo, appointed 5 October, was a Progressive seen as non-reactionary due to his role alongsideTopete in the Glorious Revolution.[26] His government, a bridge to Sagasta's eventual leadership on 21 December, oversaw theProgressive Party's irreparable split into Sagasta's conservative faction, aligned with theLiberal Union, and Ruiz Zorrilla's "democratic progressive" orRadical Party, including Democrats (cimbrios) like Martos and Rivero.[27]
Sagasta's faction pursued reunification on their "historical" program, prioritizing national sovereignty over individual rights, which the Cortes could regulate for order. Ruiz Zorrilla's group upheld the sanctity of rights, leaving excesses to courts. Malcampo's all-Progressive cabinet—excluding Unionists—retained Ruiz Zorrilla's 25 July program, signaling a transitional intent.[28] However, "Zorrillists" declared Ruiz Zorrilla their "active head" (Espartero as "passive head"), betting on reforms to align the monarchy with the people and win Republican support. Sagasta's Progressives responded by forming their own party board on 20 October, formalizing the divide. Reconciliation efforts by figures likeÁngel Fernández de los Ríos failed, with elders like Olózaga and Espartero favoring Sagasta.[29]
Malcampo sought to prove the monarchy's firmness by proposing to outlaw theSpanish IWA, founded in 1870, amid fears sparked by theParis Commune (March–May 1871). Unionists, Sagasta's Progressives, and Carlists backed the ban, viewing the IWA as a threat, while Republicans opposed it, defendingfreedom of association. Ruiz Zorrilla's faction, torn between supporting rights and avoiding a "disorder" label, abstained, missing a chance for unity. On 10 November, the Cortes voted 192–38 to ban the IWA, but the Supreme Court's prosecutor blocked enforcement, citing constitutional protections, allowing the IWA to persist.[30][31]
On 13 November, Radicals moved a no-confidence vote against Malcampo, dubbed a "pirate ministry" for alleged corruption, aiming to preempt elections. Carlists joined with a religious motion, but on 17 November, Malcampo's 127 supporters (Sagasta's Progressives and Unionists) lost to 166 opposition votes (Radicals, Republicans, Carlists). Amadeo suspended the Cortes, avoiding resignation, citing the radical-anti-dynastic alliance as a scandal.[32] In the 9 December municipal elections, Radicals allied with Republicans, claiming 400 of 600 key municipalities against Malcampo's 200, though the government won 25 of 47 provincial capitals. High abstention (40–50%) muddied results, and Amadeo rejected Ruiz Zorrilla's bid for power.[33]
End of Malcampo's GovernmentFacing Cortes reopening, Malcampo resigned 19 December, seeing no path to Progressive unity. Amadeo appointed Sagasta on 21 December, honoring parliamentary norms as Congress president succeeded a resigning premier without constitutional breach.[34][35]
In 1872, persistent government crises worsened political and parliamentary stability, undermining Amadeo I's monarchy. Historian Ángel Bahamonde observes, "If in 1871 there had been a succession of government crises, in 1872 the persistence of the same crises led to a progressive deterioration of political and parliamentary life," with dire consequences for the Savoy dynasty.[36]
Sagasta's Government: The Constitutional Conservatives in Power
On 21 December 1871,Práxedes Mateo Sagasta formed a government, initially offeringManuel Ruiz Zorrilla's Radicals four of eight cabinet posts—half the government—to unify Progressives. The Radicals declined, unwilling to abandon their alliance with Democrats (Cimbrios [es]) or their "benevolent pact" with Republicans. At a meeting, Ruiz Zorrilla told Sagasta, "I am more than a progressive, I am a radical." Sagasta then allied with GeneralSerrano'sUnionists, who joined with one portfolio—Admiral Topete as Minister of Overseas Territories. Most posts went to "historical" Progressives:José Malcampo (War and Navy),Bonifacio de Blas (Interior), and others like Santiago de Angulo, Francisco de Paula Angulo, and Alonso Colmenares.[37]
On 22 January 1872, Sagasta presented his government to the Cortes, labeling it "progressive-conservative." He aimed to balance the1869 Constitution's rights with order, defending the monarchy as "the essential foundation of public liberties." He proposed a two-party system of "loyal and benevolent" parties—one more progressive, one less so, both liberal-conservative. The Cortes rejected it, but with more dynastic votes in favor, Amadeo granted Sagasta a dissolution decree for new elections to secure a majority. Radicals rallied with "Radicals defend yourselves!" and "God save the country! God save the dynasty! God save freedom!" while Republicans declared, "The King has broken with Parliament, today the Savoy dynasty ends."[38]
Radicals blamed a palace camarilla—Italian advisers like Dragonetti andNicolás Ronchi [es], conservatives, and Queen Maria Vittoria's neo-Catholic allies—for blocking their power. On 23 January, Ruiz Zorrilla criticized the king in the Cortes, invoking a "right to revolt" against threatened freedoms. Radical newspapers turned on Amadeo, and leaders boycotted palace lunches (exceptMoret). At a 2 February rally,José Echegaray demanded thePalacio de Oriente "open its windows" to freedom, whileEl Imparcial (22 February) likened Amadeo's rule toIsabella II's, branding Sagasta's ministry "reactionary."[39] RadicalFrancisco Salmerón wrote to his father in January 1872:
"The palace is not hostile, for the king delights in courtesans; and the queen in neo-politics. The infamous Sagasta is waging an implacable war against the Radicals... We go into the electoral struggle with the proof of defeat; then, in retreat, we shall witness the catastrophe."
Birth of the Constitutional Party and the "National Coalition"
Sagasta's Progressives and Unionists formed an electoral committee on 22 January, issuing a manifesto summarizing the government's program. Unionists pushed for a single party, but Sagasta envisioned a "third party" blending both sides to reunite Progressives. Amadeo intervened, tasking UnionistJosé Luis Albareda with drafting a plan for a Conservative Party to alternate with Radicals. Facing royal pressure—and after briefly resigning—Sagasta relented. On 21 February 1872, theConstitutional Party emerged, aiming to defend "Liberty, the Constitution of 1869, the dynasty of Amadeo I, and territorial integrity." The reshuffled cabinet balanced four Progressives and three Unionists under Sagasta.[40]
The Radicals, seeking to topple the government, expanded their December 1871 "National Coalition" with Republicans to include Carlists and laterAlfonsist Moderates. United by the goal of "defeating the government, the fruit of immorality and lies," they used patriotic slogans like "Spain for the Spaniards," championed by RepublicanEmilio Castelar. The coalition agreed to field one candidate per district—favoring the strongest prior performer—to maximize votes.[41]
Cartoon from La Carcajada, 18 April 1872, mocking Sagasta's electoral fraud.
TheApril 2 elections delivered the Constitutionalists over 200 seats, with Unionists outnumbering Progressives, bolstering Serrano's influence. Victory came via "moral influence"—electoral manipulation—despite Amadeo's plea for fairness, to which Sagasta replied, "as pure as they can be in Spain." A circular to governors outlined tactics: buying votes, crowding polling stations with loyalists, and using police to suppress dissent.[42][43] The National Coalition secured nearly 150 seats—Radicals 42, Republicans, Carlists, and Alfonsists combined—amid high abstention and unrest in Carlist (Basque, Navarre) and Federalist (Mediterranean) regions. The Radicals' poor showing questioned Ruiz Zorrilla's leadership, pushing some toward abandoning legal means.[44][45]
In theApril 1872 elections, Carlists dropped from 51 to 38 seats, empowering their insurrectionist faction overCándido Nocedal [es]'s neo-Catholic legalists. Their 8 March manifesto hinted at war: "now to the ballot box, then to wherever God calls us."[46] On 14 April,Carlos VII ordered elected deputies to boycott the Cortes and launched theThird Carlist War, planned as a fallback if Nocedal's parliamentary strategy failed. Nocedal resigned immediately. In a manifesto, Carlos VII rallied Spaniards:
"The holy religion of our fathers is persecuted... anarchy triumphs, the treasury is plundered... If this continues, the poor will be left without bread and Spain without honour... For the sake of our God, our country, and your King, rise up, Spaniards!"
On 2 May, Carlos VII entered Spain viaVera de Bidasoa, proclaiming "Down with the foreigner and long live Spain!" Defeated at theBattle of Oroquieta [es] on 4 May, he fled to France. GeneralSerrano, commanding the northern army, signed theAmorebieta Convention [es] on 24 May with Biscay's Carlist deputies, ending Basque-Aragon fighting via amnesty and reinstating rebel officers—a move criticized as overly lenient by the military, Radicals, and Republicans.[47] Catalonia's Carlist activity persisted, with Carlos VII promising to restore Catalan fueros on 16 June, until a new Basque-Aragon uprising in December 1872; the war outlasted Amadeo's reign, ending in 1876.[48][49]
Fall of the Sagasta Government and the "Lightning" Government of Serrano: The End of the Conservative Project
Sagasta's government faltered in May 1872 after a scandal over two million reales diverted from the Overseas to the Interior Ministry, likely for electoral fraud vialázaros—votes cast by the dead. Rumours also tied it to a hushed-up affair involving Amadeo or Serrano's circle, though corruption was the probable cause.[50][45] Sagasta's defence—claiming reserved payments to thwart conspiracies—relied on forged documents, exposing illegalities. Denied a confidence vote by his majority, including Unionists more irked by the breach than the funds, Sagasta resigned on 22 May.[51][45]
On 26 May, Amadeo appointed Serrano, then fighting Carlists, as president, assuming his coalition's Cortes majority held. Serrano's cabinet mixed three ex-Progressives and five ex-Unionists, including anAlfonsist fromAntonio Cánovas del Castillo's faction.Admiral Topete presented it to Congress on 27 May, as Serrano was delayed. Unexpectedly,Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla pledged "loyal, legal, and respectful opposition," accepting constitutional monarchy rules—a shift contested by Radicals likeCristino Martos, who rejected waiting years for power or aiding "reaction." Unsupported, Ruiz Zorrilla resigned his seat on 31 May after meeting Amadeo for his birthday, retiring to his Soria estate, "La Tablada," unwilling to join an anti-dynastic or insurrectionary path. Radical press blamed the king and queen.[52]
TheAmorebieta Convention [es] nearly toppled Serrano, with ministers opposing rebel officer reinstatement as a "degradation" of the army and government. Amadeo's backing and Cortes ratification (Republicans against, Radicals abstaining) saved it, and Serrano took office 4 June.[53] Yet, Radicals under Martos and Republicans challenged Serrano's legitimacy, citing his Alfonsist inclusion, fueling pre-revolutionary rhetoric like "The Revolution is dead! Long live the Revolution!"El Imparcial's 10 June piece, "The Madwoman of the Vatican," subtly attacked Queen Maria Vittoria.[54][55]
On 6 June, Radicals mobilised Madrid'sVolunteers of Liberty [es] to protest in thePlaza Mayor. Serrano quartered troops and, on 11 June, sought a decree suspending constitutional guarantees—approved by the Cortes—to curb a looming Republican uprising, which Radicals seemed poised to join post-Ruiz Zorrilla. A planned 16 June rally under "TheSeptember Revolution and the Freedom of the Motherland" omitted the dynasty, alarming Amadeo. Refusing to sign and risk civil conflict, he forced Serrano's resignation on 12 June. The militia gathered that day dispersed upon hearing the news. Serrano, after less than 20 days, retired to Arjona, telling a French diplomat, "We must get rid of that imbecile", referring to Amadeo.[56][55]
Jorge Vilches reflects:
"The king was almost completely isolated... with a strong anti-dynastic opposition, weak constitutional parties... political leaders unable to unite, and an unsupportive populace. By 12 June 1872, his situation was dire: Prim dead, Ruiz Zorrilla retired, Sagasta facing prosecution... two civil wars, and a Republican threat looming."[57]
Constitutionalists, learning Ruiz Zorrilla would replace Serrano with a Cortes dissolution, decried an "unprecedented coup d'état", citing its unconstitutionality (four months hadn't passed since the last election) and the regime's instability—three elections, multiple crises in 18 months. They petitioned Amadeo to reject it, promising support instead.[58]
Second Ruiz Zorrilla Government: Failure of the Radicals
Post-Serrano, Amadeo tapped GeneralFernando Fernández de Córdova as interim president until Ruiz Zorrilla's return, calming radical press criticism. Up to 300 Radicals, led byNicolás María Rivero,José María Beránger [es], andFrancisco Salmerón, visited "La Tablada" to recall Ruiz Zorrilla, greeted by thousands in Madrid. He demanded an unconstitutional Cortes dissolution and elections—less than four months since April—pressuring Amadeo, who yielded, appearing partisan to Radicals. Jorge Vilches calls this a "coup d'état" by Radicals forcing power via threats and constitutional breaches.[59]
Ruiz Zorrilla formed his 13 June government, taking the Interior Ministry, with ex-Democrats Martos (State) and Echegaray (Public Works), ex-ProgressivesEduardo Gasset y Artime [es] (Overseas),Servando Ruiz Gómez (Finance),Eugenio Montero Ríos (Justice), and Beránger (Navy), plus Fernández de Córdoba (War). Rivero was slated for the Congress Speaker. A purge dismissed 40,000 civil servants for loyalists.[60][61]
Assassination Attempt Against the King on 18 July and Insults to the Crown
On 18 July, Amadeo and Queen Maria Vittoria survived an assassination attempt on Madrid'sCalle del Arenal [es], intensifying his isolation as a Radical-dependent king. Warned by Martos and Governor Pedro Mata, Amadeo refused to alter his route; Mata's agents arrested Republican federalist attackers after they fired.Francesc Pi i Margall defended them in court. Public humiliations followed: carriage attacks onCalle de Alcalá, mud-throwing on Cedaceros, insults nearEl Retiro, and aristocratic snubs like the "mantillas" incident.[62][63]
TheAugust 24 elections saw Radicals propose jury trials, abolishingconscription andMatrícula de mar [es], church-state separation, public education, and militia strengthening to fulfill 1868 promises to the working classes.[64][65] TheConstitutional Party debated participation—opting in on 5 July to block a Republic—but fielded few candidates amid defeatism, with Serrano refusing to run, weakening the dynasty's conservative pillar. Topete, Sagasta, andAntonio de los Ríos Rosas led instead.[66] Radicals won 274 seats, with 77 Republicans, 14 Constitutionalists, and 9 Moderates, aided by a Radical-Republican pact and over 50% abstention from boycotts and apathy.[62][67][68]
Vilches notes the elections discredited the 1868 Revolution among conservatives, shifting the regime leftward via illegalities, sidelining Constitutionalists, and aligning Amadeo with Radicals, prompting Bourbon restoration talk forAlfonso XII. Montpensier's 20 June letter endorsed Alfonso as a progressive heir, gaining traction with Cánovas's liberal Moderates.[69]
On 15 September, Ruiz Zorrilla's reform program passed only the Criminal Procedure Law.[62] TheAbolition of slavery in Spain in Puerto Rico—immediate abolition, provincial regime, and split civil-military authority—split the cabinet. Overseas Minister Gasset y Artime and Finance Minister Ruiz Gómez resigned, replaced by Tomás María Mosquera, who presented himself on 24 December, backed by Republicans and theSociedad Abolicionista Española. Cuba's abolition was deferred due to Centro Hispano Ultramarino pressure. Conservatives feared destabilising Puerto Rico and encouraging Cuban rebels, while Radicals saw it as a peace gesture. Opposition from the National League, including Serrano and Cánovas, sought a conservative government to halt reforms without toppling the regime.[70][62][71]
Amadeo I reviewing troops, September 1871, byDaniel Vierge
UnderManuel Ruiz Zorrilla's second government, ongoing conflicts—theThird Carlist War andCuban War—blocked his pledge to abolish military drafts. Announcing a new recruitment in late 1872 sparked riots in several cities, emboldening "intransigent" federal Republicans to push their insurrectionary agenda. The most significant revolt erupted on 11 October inFerrol, but it collapsed due to a lack of local support and no nationwide echo. "Benevolent" Republican leaders, likeFrancesc Pi i Margall, condemned it in the Cortes on 15 October as a "true crime" given "fully guaranteed" freedoms, deepening the party's split between legalists and insurrectionists—a rift only the Republic's proclamation four months later averted from escalating further.[72][73]
The Carlist War intensified in December 1872, again delaying draft abolition. Republicans rejected Ruiz Zorrilla's policies, with minor Andalusian rebel groups forming, though less threatening than Carlists.[74] Amid this turmoil, Ruiz Zorrilla tried to mend ties with theConstitutional Party by proposing ordinary courts, not the Senate, to judgeSagasta for the "two million reales scandal." This backfired as democratic deputies, led by Congress SpeakerNicolás María Rivero, and ministersCristino Martos andJosé Echegaray, sided with Republicans to reject it. This internal rift bolstered "benevolent" Republicans' strategy to lure ex-Democrats (Cimbrios [es]) into a parliamentary majority to topple the monarchy.[75]
Abdication of Amadeo I and proclamation of the Republic
On 29 January 1873, radical extremists seized on a perceived royal slight—Amadeo delaying his newborn heir's baptism due to childbirth complications, leaving government officials waiting—as a pretext to challenge him. Rumors swirled of Amadeo dismissing Ruiz Zorrilla for a Constitutionalist government, fueled by his meeting with GeneralSerrano at the palace (Serrano declined after consulting his party). Radicals moved to declare the Cortes a permanent Convention, only halted by swift government action; the Chamber merely noted the prince's birth without fanfare. Amadeo told Ruiz Zorrilla he wouldn't "suffer impositions" and was "prepared to act," writing his father in early February of abdication thoughts, suspecting Ruiz Zorrilla colluded with Republicans against the dynasty.[76]
A decisive clash emerged over artillery corps reorganisation. In January, officers threatened mass resignation if GeneralBaltasar Hidalgo de Quintana [es]—linked to the 1866Uprising at the San Gil barracks [es] suppression—remained Captain General of the Basque Country. The government and Cortés upheld civilian supremacy, affirming Hidalgo and reorganising the corps, prompting officers to resign en masse.[77] On 6 February, these officers urged Amadeo to intervene, offering coup support to dissolve the Cortes and suspend guarantees. He refused but opposed the reorganization.[78]
That day, Ruiz Zorrilla denied press reports of Hidalgo's appointment asCaptain General of Catalonia, but its confirmation the next day convinced Amadeo of deceit. He pressed Ruiz Zorrilla on 7 February to delay the artillery issue and retain officers amid the Carlist War, but the Cortes approved their resignations and replacements by sergeants that evening, ratified by the Senate on 8 February. ModerateFernando Calderón Collantes warned it undermined royal prerogatives, a view Amadeo shared as officers surrendered weapons before he signed the decree.[79]
Amadeo considered a Constitutionalist government and Cortes dissolution but feared civil war, lacking Radical-controlled Madrid garrison support despite backing from generals likeTopete, Serrano, andMalcampo. Topete offered Constitutionalist aid on 7–8 February, but Amadeo refused bloodshed, signing the artillery decrees on 8 February after a Council of Ministers meeting. He proposed a reconciliation government with all 1870 supporters, warning of abdication otherwise. Ruiz Zorrilla's cabinet rejected it after three meetings. On 9 February, Constitutionalists telegrammed Serrano in Jaén to return; he arrived 10 February, ready to defend the dynasty, butLa Correspondencia de España [es] announced Amadeo's abdication that day.[80]
Amadeo signed the artillery decree on 9 February and abdicated on 10 February 1873, notifying the Cortes on 11 February:
"For over two years I have worn the Crown of Spain... Spain lives in constant struggle... all who aggravate the nation's suffering are Spaniards... Amid this clamour, it is impossible to find a remedy... I have sought it within the law, and not found it... No danger would compel me to lay down the crown if it were for Spain's good... I hold the firm conviction that my efforts would be futile... These are the reasons I return the crown... renouncing it for myself, my children, and my successors."[71][81]
OnlyTopete, a key 1868 revolutionary turned loyalist, bid farewell to Amadeo andMaria Vittoria dal Pozzo. Jorge Vilches blames Ruiz Zorrilla's Radicals for distorting the Crown's role, undermining a loyal party system, and empowering anti-monarchists, though Sagasta's hesitation and Serrano's reluctance also contributed to the collapse.[82]
On 10 February, Madrid federalists demanded the Republic as news of the abdication broke. Ruiz Zorrilla's cabinet split: Progressives favoured a provisional government and consultation, aligning with Constitutionalists, while Democrats, led by Martos and Rivero, pushed for a Cortes Convention to declare the Republic, leveraging their majority with federalists. Ruiz Zorrilla sought a 24-hour session suspension, but Martos overruled him, declaring the Cortes sovereign post-abdication, with "no other possibility but the Republic." The Cortes voted itself permanent, despite crowd pressure quelled by theNational Militia.[83]
On 11 February, Republican threats of insurrection by 3 p.m. forced action. Martos, Rivero, and Senate President Figuerola convened both chambers as a National Assembly. After reading Amadeo's letter, Martos ceded government power to the Cortes, which, with 258 votes to 32, proclaimed theFirst Spanish Republic:
"The National Assembly assumes all powers and declares the Republic as the form of government..."[71]
Completely disgusted, the ex-monarch left Spain and returned to Italy, where he resumed the title ofDuke of Aosta. TheFirst Spanish Republic lasted less than two years, and in November 1874Alfonso XII, the son of Isabella II, was proclaimed king, withAntonio Cánovas del Castillo, Spanish intermittent prime minister from 1873 until his assassination in 1897, briefly serving asregent.
Amadeo remained in Turin until his death on 18 January 1890. His friendPuccini composed the famous elegy forstring quartetCrisantemi in his memory.[86]
^Sergey Semenovich Levin (2003). "Lists of Knights and Ladies".Order of the Holy Apostle Andrew the First-called (1699–1917). Order of the Holy Great Martyr Catherine (1714–1917). Moscow.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
^Sveriges Statskalender (in Swedish), 1881, p. 377, retrieved6 January 2018 – via runeberg.org
^Norges Statskalender (in Norwegian), 1890, pp. 593–594, retrieved6 January 2018 – via runeberg.org
Bahamonde, Ángel (1996).España en democracia. El Sexenio, 1868-1874 [Spain in Democracy. The Sexenio, 1868-1874] (in Spanish). Madrid: Historia 16-Temas de Hoy.ISBN84-7679-316-2.
Fontana, Josep (2007).La época del liberalismo. Vol. 6 de la Historia de España, dirigida por Josep Fontana y Ramón Villares [The Era of Liberalism. Vol. 6 of the History of Spain, directed by Josep Fontana and Ramón Villares] (in Spanish). Barcelona: Crítica/Marcial Pons.ISBN978-84-8432-876-6.
Nieto, Alejandro (2021).La Primera República Española. La Asamblea Nacional: febrero-mayo 1873 [First Spanish Republic. The National Assembly: 1873 February–May] (in Spanish). Granada: Comares.ISBN978-84-1369-237-1.
Vilches, Jorge (2001).Progreso y Libertad. El Partido Progresista en la Revolución Liberal Española [Progress and Liberty: The Progressive Party in the Spanish Liberal Revolution] (in Spanish). Madrid: Alianza Editorial.ISBN84-206-6768-4.
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