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Alliance of Palestinian Forces

Extended-protected article
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Alliance of political factions

Alliance of Palestinian Forces
تحالف القوى الفلسطينية
Dates of operationSince 1993
Groups
HeadquartersDamascus, Syria
Preceded by
Rejectionist Front (non-official)

TheAlliance of Palestinian Forces (APF;Arabic:تحالف القوى الفلسطينية) is aDamascus-based loose political alliance of eightPalestinian organizations.[1] The Alliance was created inDamascus in December 1993 by ten Palestinian factions opposed to the negotiations that led up to theOslo Accords.[2][3] Amongst the ten founding members all butHamas were headquartered in Damascus.[4] Eight of the founding members were previously members of thePalestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the other two being Hamas andPalestinian Islamic Jihad.

The Alliance calls for the liberation of all Palestinian lands.[2][3] It has sometimes been referred to as the 'Damascus 10'.[5][6]

Formation

The idea of a new rejectionist Palestinian coalition emerged with theMadrid Israeli-Palestinian talks in 1991.[7] In the process of building the new coalition, there had been disagreements between different factions on how it would function. Hamas had proposed a mechanism where the central command of the coalition would have 40 members, out of whom 40% would belong to Hamas, 40% would belong to other factions and the remaining 20% would be 'independents'. The Hamas proposal was rejected by several of the other factions. In the view of thesecular factions, Hamas tried to replicate the experience of theFatah dominance in PLO. In the end the factions agreed in December 1993 to form the Alliance of Palestinian Forces with each faction, regardless of size, would have two seats in the APF central command.[8]

The founding platform of APF was based on the1968 PLO Covenant and the1974 PLO Program of Stages.[9]

The first press conference of the new body was held at the PFLP-GC office in theYarmouk Camp.[7] The APF's first declaration denounced theDeclaration of Principles signed byYasser Arafat andYitzhak Rabin.[8] The coalition stated that the PLO no longer represented the Palestinian people and that the Oslo Accords were non-binding for the Palestinians.[2][3][8]

Members

The ten founding members of APF were:

The two main secular factions, the PFLP and the DFLP, left the Alliance in 1998 as a result of their willingness to engage in dialogue with Yasser Arafat's Palestinian Authority.[7]

Split

The APF contained nationalist,leftist and Islamist currents, with widely different ideological objectives.[10] Whilst the notion of armed struggle was a central concept in APF discourse, the Alliance failed to develop any strategic coordination of armed actions.[4] The PFLP and DFLP split away from APF in 1998.[7] In July 1999,Syrian government authorities issued an instruction to the Damascus-based factions to end armed actions, a move which meant that the idea of APF as a coordination of armed struggle was abandoned.[4] Thus, by the time of the outbreak of theSecond Intifada, the APF had been a largely marginalized structure.[7]

Lebanon Popular Committees

InLebanon, the APF runs Popular Committees, parallel to the Popular Committees of the PLO.[12][13] The Alliance of Palestinian Forces was able to achieve significant influence inPalestinian refugee camps during the period ofSyrian military presence in Lebanon (which ended in 2005).[12] Afterwards, there have been moves for reconciliation and coordination between the PLO and the APF in Lebanon.[13]

See also

References

  1. ^Al-Mustaqbal.ملف السلاح الفلسطيني يعيد طرح مشروع "المرجعية الموحدة" خارطة القوى الفلسطينية في لبنان وتوزعاتها الميدانية والسياسية[permanent dead link]
  2. ^abcAnders Strindberg; Mats Wärn (7 November 2011).Islamism. Polity. p. 91.ISBN 978-0-7456-4061-7.
  3. ^abcHarold M. Cubert (3 June 2014).The PFLP's Changing Role in the Middle East. Routledge. pp. 87, 91.ISBN 978-1-135-22022-8.
  4. ^abcStrindberg, Anders.The Damascus-Based Alliance of Palestinian Forces: A Primer, inJournal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Spring, 2000), pp. 60–76. University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies
  5. ^Bente Scheller (2 January 2014).The Wisdom of Syria's Waiting Game: Foreign Policy Under the Assads. Hurst. p. 54.ISBN 978-1-84904-501-8.
  6. ^Beverley Milton-Edwards (10 December 1999).Islamic Politics in Palestine. I.B.Tauris. p. 162.ISBN 978-1-86064-475-7.
  7. ^abcdefAl-Bayan.حركة فتح المجلس الثوري تتخذ الاغتيالات وسيلة لترجمة مواقفها السياسية
  8. ^abcKhālid Ḥarūb (2000).Hamas: Political Thought and Practice. Institute for Palestine Studies. pp. 121–122.ISBN 978-0-88728-275-1.
  9. ^Efraim Inbar; Bruce Maddy-Weitzman (11 January 2013).Religious Radicalism in the Greater Middle East. Routledge. pp. 119–120.ISBN 978-1-136-31214-4.
  10. ^abUdlændinge Styrelsen.Report on fact-finding mission to Syria and LebanonArchived 2016-03-04 at theWayback Machine
  11. ^Gulf News.Homeless and neglected
  12. ^abCivil Society Knowledge Center.Between Radicalization and Mediation Processes: a Political Mapping of Palestinian Refugee Camps in LebanonArchived 2015-12-22 at theWayback Machine
  13. ^abAl-Akhbar.Fatah Envoy to Centralize Authority Among Palestinian Factions in LebanonArchived 2015-12-22 at theWayback Machine
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