Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky[h] (4 May [O.S. 22 April] 1881 – 11 June 1970) was a Russian lawyer and revolutionary who led theRussian Provisional Government and the short-livedRussian Republic for three months from late July to early November 1917 (N.S.).
After theFebruary Revolution of 1917, he joined the newly formed provisional government, first asMinister of Justice, then asMinister of War, and after July as the government'ssecondMinister-Chairman. He was the leader of thesocial-democraticTrudovik faction of theSocialist Revolutionary Party. Kerensky was also a vice-chairman of thePetrograd Soviet, a position that held a sizable amount of power. Kerensky became the prime minister of the Provisional Government, and his tenure was consumed withWorld War I. Despite mass opposition to the war, Kerensky chose to continueRussia's participation. His government cracked down on anti-war sentiment and dissent in 1917, which made his administration even more unpopular.
Kerensky remained in power until theOctober Revolution. This revolution saw theBolsheviks create a government led by them in a coalition withLeft SRs, to replace Kerensky's government. Kerensky fled Russia and lived the remainder of his life in exile, mostly in Paris and New York City. He also worked for theHoover Institution atStanford University, California.
He died in New York on 11 June 1970, at the age of 89. Boththe local Russian andSerbian Orthodox churches refused his body due to hisFreemasonry, and because they saw him as largely responsible for the Bolshevik seizure of power. Eventually, his body was flown to London and buried in the non-sectarianPutney Vale Cemetery.
Alexander Kerensky was born in Simbirsk (nowUlyanovsk) on theVolga river on 4 May 1881 and was the eldest son in the family.[3] His father, Fyodor Mikhailovich Kerensky, was a teacher[3] and director of the localgymnasium, and was later promoted to be an inspector of public schools. His paternal grandfather Mikhail Ivanovich served as a priest in the village of Kerenka in the Gorodishchensky district of thePenza Governorate from 1830. The surname Kerensky comes from the name of this village.[4] His maternal grandfather was head of the Topographical Bureau of theKazanMilitary District. His mother, Nadezhda Aleksandrovna (née Adler),[5] was the granddaughter of a formerserf who had managed to purchase his freedom beforeserfdom was abolished in 1861. He subsequently embarked upon a mercantile career, in which he prospered. This allowed him to move his business to Moscow, where he continued his success and became a wealthy Moscow merchant.[4][6][7]
Members of the Kerensky and Ulyanov families were friends; Kerensky's father was the teacher ofVladimir Ulyanov (Lenin), and had even secured him acceptance into the University of Kazan.[8] In 1889, when Kerensky was eight, the family moved toTashkent, where his father had been appointed the main inspector of public schools (superintendent). Kerensky graduated with honours in 1899. The same year he enteredSt. Petersburg University, where he studied history andphilology. The next year he switched to law. He earned his law degree in 1904 and married Olga Lvovna Baranovskaya, the daughter of a Russian general, the same year.[9] Kerensky joined theNarodnik movement and worked as a legal counsel to victims of theRevolution of 1905. At the end of 1904, he was jailed on suspicion of belonging to a militant group. Afterwards, he gained a reputation for his work as a defence lawyer in a number of political trials of revolutionaries.[10]
In 1912, Kerensky became widely known when he visited the goldfields at theLena River and published material about theLena massacre.[11] In the same year, Kerensky was elected to theFourth Duma as a member of theTrudoviks, a socialist, non-Marxistlabour party founded byAlexis Aladin that was associated with theSocialist-Revolutionary Party, and joined aFreemason society uniting the anti-monarchy forces that strived for democratic renewal of Russia.[12][13] In fact, the Socialist Revolutionary Party bought Kerensky a house, as he otherwise would not be eligible for election to the Duma, according to the Russian property-laws.
During the 4th Session of the Fourth Duma in spring 1915, Kerensky appealed toMikhail Rodzianko with a request from the Council of elders to inform the tsar that to succeed in the war he must:
change his domestic policy,
proclaim a General Amnesty for political prisoners,
In response to bitter resentments held against the imperial favouriteGrigori Rasputin in the midst of Russia's failing effort inWorld War I, Kerensky, at the opening of the Duma on 2 November 1916, called the imperial ministers "hired assassins" and "cowards", and alleged that they were "guided by the contemptible Grishka Rasputin!"[19] Grand DukeNicholas Mikhailovich, PrinceGeorgy Lvov, and GeneralMikhail Alekseyev attempted to persuade the Tsar to send away the EmpressAlexandra Feodorovna, Rasputin's steadfast patron, either to theLivadia Palace inYalta or toBritain.[20] Lvov,Zinaida Yusupova (the mother ofFelix Yusupov), Alexandra's sisterElisabeth, Grand DuchessVictoria and the empress's mother-in-lawMaria Feodorovna also tried to influence and pressure the imperial couple[21] to remove Rasputin from his position of influence within the imperial household, but without success.[22] According to Kerensky, Rasputin had terrorised the empress by threatening to return to his native village.[23]
Members of the nobility murdered Rasputin in December 1916, and he was buried near the imperial residence inTsarskoye Selo. Shortly after theFebruary Revolution of 1917, Kerensky ordered soldiers to re-bury the corpse at an unmarked spot in the countryside. However, the truck broke down or was forced to stop because of the snow on Lesnoe Road outside of St. Petersburg. It is likely the corpse was incinerated (between 3 and 7 in the morning) in thecauldrons of the nearby boiler shop[24][25][26] of theSaint Petersburg State Polytechnical University, including the coffin, without leaving a single trace.[27]
Kerensky as Minister of War (sitting second from the right)
When theFebruary Revolution broke out in 1917, Kerensky – together withPavel Milyukov – was one of its most prominent leaders. As one of theDuma's most well-known speakers against the monarchy and as a lawyer and defender of many revolutionaries, Kerensky became a member of theProvisional Committee of the State Duma and was elected vice-chairman of the newly formedPetrograd Soviet. These two bodies, the Duma and the Petrograd Soviet, or – rather – their respective executive committees, soon became each other's antagonists on most matters except regarding the end of the tsar's autocracy.[28]
The Petrograd Soviet grew to include 3000 to 4000 members, and their meetings could drown in a blur of everlasting orations. At the meeting of 12 March [O.S. 27 February] 1917 to 13 March [O.S. 28 February] 1917 the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet, orIspolkom, formed a self-appointed committee, with (eventually) three members from each of the parties represented in the Soviet. Kerensky became one of the members representing theSocialist Revolutionary Party (the SRs).[29]
On 14 March [O.S. 1 March] 1917, without any consultation with the government, the Ispolkom of the Soviet issued the infamousOrder No. 1, intended only for the 160,000-strong Petrograd garrison, but soon interpreted as applicable to all soldiers at the front. The order stipulated that all military units should form committees like the Petrograd Soviet. This led to confusion and "stripping of officers' authority"; further, "Order No. 3" stipulated that the military was subordinate to Ispolkom in the political hierarchy. The ideas came from a group of socialists and aimed to limit the officers' power to military affairs. The socialist intellectuals believed the officers to be the most likely counterrevolutionary elements. Kerensky's role in these orders is unclear, but he participated in the decisions. But just as before the revolution he had defended many who disliked the tsar, he now saved the lives of many[quantify] of the tsar's civil servants about to be lynched by mobs.[30]
Additionally, the Duma formed an executive committee which eventually became theRussian Provisional Government. As there was little trust between Ispolkom and this government (and as he was about to accept the office of Attorney General in the Provisional Government), Kerensky gave a most passionate speech, not just to the Ispolkom, but to the entire Petrograd Soviet. He then swore, as minister, never to violate democratic values, and ended his speech with the words "I cannot live without the people. In the moment you begin to doubt me, then kill me."[31] The huge majority (workers and soldiers) gave him great applause, and Kerensky now became the first andthe only one[32] who participated in both the Provisional Government and the Ispolkom. As a link between Ispolkom and the Provisional Government, Kerensky stood to benefit from this position.[30][33]
After the first government crisis over Milyukov's secret note re-committing Russia to its original war-aims on 2–4 May, Kerensky became theMinister of War and the dominant figure in the newly formed socialist-liberal coalition government. On 10 May (Julian calendar), Kerensky started for the front and visited one division after another, urging the men to do their duty. His speeches were impressive and convincing for the moment, but had little lasting effect.[34][35] UnderAllied pressure to continue the war, he launched what became known as theKerensky Offensive against the Austro-Hungarian/German South Army on 1 July [O.S. 18 June] 1917.[36] At first successful, the offensive soon met strong resistance and theCentral Powers riposted with a strong counter-attack. The Russian army retreated and suffered heavy losses, and it became clear from many incidents of desertion, sabotage, and mutiny that the army was no longer willing to attack.
Kerensky in May 1917
The military heavily criticised Kerensky for his liberal policies, which included stripping officers of their mandates and handing over control to revolutionary-inclined "soldier committees" (Russian:солдатские комитеты,romanized: soldatskie komitety) instead; abolition of the death penalty; and allowing revolutionary agitators to be present at the front. Many officers scornfully referred to commander-in-chief Kerensky as the "persuader-in-chief".
On 2 July 1917 the Provisional Government's first coalition collapsed over the question ofUkraine's autonomy. Following theJuly Days unrest in Petrograd (3–7 July [16–20 July, N.S.] 1917) and the official suppression of the Bolsheviks, Kerensky succeeded Lvov as Russia's prime minister on 21 July [O.S. 8 July] 1917. Following theKornilov Affair, an attempted militarycoup d'état at the end of August, and the resignation of the other ministers, he appointed himself SupremeCommander-in-Chief, as well.
On 15 September Kerensky proclaimed Russia a republic, which was contrary to the non-socialists' understanding that the Provisional Government should hold power only until aConstituent Assembly should meet to decide Russia's form of government, but which was in line with the long-proclaimed aim of the Socialist Revolutionary Party.[37] He formed a five-member Directory, which consisted of himself, Minister of Foreign AffairsMikhail Tereshchenko, Minister of War GeneralAleksandr Verkhovsky, Minister of the Navy AdmiralDmitry Verderevsky and Minister of Posts and TelegraphsAleksei Nikitin [ru]. He retained his post in the final coalition government in October 1917 until the Bolsheviks overthrew it on 7 November [O.S. 26 October] 1917.
Kerensky in office
Kerensky faced a major challenge: three years of participation in World War had exhausted Russia, while the provisional government offered little motivation for a victory outside of continuing Russia's obligations towards its allies. Russia's continued involvement in the war was not popular among the lower and middle classes, and especially not popular among the soldiers. They had all believed that Russia would stop fighting when the Provisional Government took power,[citation needed] and subsequently felt deceived. Furthermore, Lenin and hisBolshevik party were promising "peace, land, and bread" under a communist system. TheRussian army, war-weary, ill-equipped, dispirited and ill-disciplined, was disintegrating, with soldiers deserting in large numbers. By autumn 1917, an estimated two million men had unofficially left the army.
Kerensky and other political leaders continued Russia's involvement in World War I, thinking that a glorious victory was the only way forward,[38] and fearing that the economy, already under huge stress from the war effort, might become increasingly unstable if vital supplies fromFrance and from theUnited Kingdom ceased flowing.[39] The dilemma of whether to withdraw was a great one, and Kerensky's inconsistent and impractical policies further destabilised the army and the country at large.
Furthermore, Kerensky adopted a policy that isolated the right-wing conservatives and nationalists, both democratic and monarchist-oriented. His philosophy of "no enemies to the left" greatly empowered the Bolsheviks and gave them a free hand, allowing them to take over the military arm or "voyenka" (Russian:Военка) of the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets.[40] His arrest ofLavr Kornilov and other officers left him without strong allies against the Bolsheviks, who ended up being Kerensky's strongest and most determined adversaries, as opposed to the right wing, which evolved into theWhite movement.
During the Kornilov Affair, Kerensky had distributed arms to the Petrograd workers, and by November most of these armed workers had gone over to the Bolsheviks.[41] On 6–7 November [O.S. 25–26 October] 1917, the Bolsheviks launched thesecond Russian revolution of the year. Kerensky's government in Petrograd had almost no support in the city. Only one small force, a subdivision of the 2nd company of theFirst Petrograd Women's Battalion, also known as The Women's Death Battalion, was willing to fight for the government against the Bolsheviks, but this force was overwhelmed by the numerically superior pro-Bolshevik forces, defeated, and captured.[42] The Bolsheviks overthrew the government rapidly by seizing governmental buildings and the Winter Palace.[43]
Kerensky escaped the Bolsheviks and fled toPskov, where he rallied some loyal troops for anattempt to re-take the city. His troops managed to capture Tsarskoye Selo but were beaten the next day atPulkovo. Kerensky narrowly escaped, and he spent the next few weeks in hiding before fleeing the country, eventually arriving in France. During theRussian Civil War, he supported neither side, as he opposed both the Bolshevik regime and theWhite Movement.[44] Meanwhile, viewed byWoodrow Wilson as the spokesman for Russian democracy, he strongly influenced Wilson on Russian matters. Kerensky sought to discreditAlexander Kolchak in Western eyes, telling American diplomats that if Kolchak succeeded, he would "inaugurate a regime hardly less sanguinary and repressive than that of the Bolshevists."[45]
Kerensky was married to Olga Lvovna Baranovskaya and they had two sons,Oleg (1905–1984) and Gleb (1907–1990), who both went on to become engineers. Kerensky's grandson (also named Oleg), according tothe Internet Movie Database, played his grandfather's role in the 1981 filmReds.[better source needed] Kerensky and Olga were divorced in 1939 soon after he settled in Paris. In 1939, while visiting the United States, he met and secretly married Australian journalistLydia Ellen "Nell" Tritton (1899–1946), who became his press secretary and translator.[46][47] The marriage took place inMartins Creek, Pennsylvania.
During theNazi invasion of the Soviet Union, Kerensky expressed his willingness to support the Russian people's defense againstHitler, despite his long-standing opposition to the Soviet regime. In a published article, he criticized both Lenin andStalin but stated that the survival of Russia as a nation took precedence over political differences.[49]
When his wife Nell became terminally ill in 1945, Kerensky travelled with her toBrisbane, Australia, and lived there with her family. She suffered a stroke in February 1946, and he remained there until her death on 10 April 1946. Kerensky then returned to the United States, where he spent the rest of his life.[50]
Alexandre Fiodorovitch Kerenski in 1943
Kerensky eventually settled in New York City, living on theUpper East Side on91st Street nearCentral Park[51] but spent much of his time at theHoover Institution atStanford University in California, where he both used and contributed to the Institution's huge archive onRussian history, and where he taught graduate courses. He wrote and broadcast extensively on Russian politics and history. His last public lecture was delivered at Kalamazoo College in Kalamazoo, Michigan, in October 1967.[52]
The graves of Alexander Kerensky (left), and of his first wife, Olga, and his son Gleb and Gleb's wife, Mary, atPutney Vale Cemetery, London, 2014
Kerensky died ofarteriosclerotic heart disease atSt. Luke's Hospital in New York City on 11 June 1970 at the age of 89, after being initially admitted for injuries sustained from a fall.[51] He was one of the last surviving major participants in the turbulent events of 1917. Thelocal Russian Orthodox Churches in New York City refused to grant Kerensky burial rites because of his association withFreemasonry, and because they saw him as largely responsible for the Bolsheviks' seizure of power.[53] ASerbian Orthodox Church also refused burial rites. Kerensky's body was flown to London, where his two sons resided; he was buried at the non-denominationalPutney Vale Cemetery.[54]
^Armstrong, Judith.Australian Dictionary of Biography. National Centre of Biography, Australian National University.Archived from the original on 21 January 2019. Retrieved20 January 2019 – via Australian Dictionary of Biography.
.jpg)
.jpg)
